Global Flow of Funds: Statistical Data Matrix across National Boundaries
Liquidity: Money stocks which can be quickly turned into flows.
Economists recently have emphasized use of Gross Capital Flows rather than Net Capital Flows due to
Financial System Stability
Inability of Current Account Statistics to explain financial fragility
Three Interesting papers related to capital flows/global flow of funds data needs.
Capital Inflows and the US Housing Boom
THE NEW DYNAMICS OF FINANCIAL GLOBALIZATION
The global role of the US dollar and its consequences
Roles of Money
From: The global role of the US dollar and its consequences
Money as Reserve Currency
Money as Invoicing Currency
Money as Funding Currency
Public and Private
Money flows mostly private
Types of Capital Flows
FDI Foreign Direct Investment
Equity Portfolio Investments
Commercial Bank Lending
International Wholesale Funding (Money Markets)
Foreign Exchange Market
FX Swaps Market
Euro Currency Market
FX Swaps of Central Banks
Intra Firm Finance of MNCs
Intra Bank finance of Global Bank Branches
LIBOR OIS Spread
Covered Interest Parity CIP
Uncovered interest Parity
Wholesale Funding Markets
Gross Capital Flows
Stocks and Flows
Balance of Payments
Federal Reserve Z.1 Report
Net Capital Flows
Current Account Deficits
Capital Accounts Controls
MEASURING GLOBAL FLOW OF FUNDS: FOCUS ON CHINA, JAPAN, AND THE UNITED STATES
This paper aims to establish a new statistical framework for measuring global flow of funds (GFF) based on its inherent mechanisms. It advances a previous theoretical discussion and develops a practical operational statistical matrix. Based on theoretical and practical possibilities the paper gets existing data from the International Investment Position, the Coordinated Direct Investment Survey, the Coordinated Portfolio Investment Survey, and International Banking Statistics are integrated for measuring GFF. The main outcome is a prototype GFF matrix that includes stock data geographically disaggregated by country/region and selected financial instruments. The paper presents a GFF Matrix compiled with the pattern of ‘Country vis-à-vis Country’ matrix, and through using the GFF matrix to analyze the basic status, mutual relationship and existing problems between China, Japan, and the United States in the external financial positions.
Image Source: BANKS AND CROSS-BORDER CAPITAL FLOWS: POLICY CHALLENGES AND REGULATORY RESPONSES
Image Source: BANKS AND CROSS-BORDER CAPITAL FLOWS: POLICY CHALLENGES AND REGULATORY RESPONSES
Image Source: THE NEW DYNAMICS OF FINANCIAL GLOBALIZATION
Image Source: THE NEW DYNAMICS OF FINANCIAL GLOBALIZATION
Image Source: THE NEW DYNAMICS OF FINANCIAL GLOBALIZATION
Image Source: THE NEW DYNAMICS OF FINANCIAL GLOBALIZATION
Ayelen Banegas Ruth Judson Charles Sims Viktors Stebunovs
International Finance Discussion Papers
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
Number 1144 September 2015
Global financial flows
How do shocks between countries transmit through financial linkages and financial flows? Sebnem Kalemli-Ozcan discusses how global financial flows affect domestic markets. This video was recorded at the American Economic Association in Chicago in January 2017.
Mapping Capital Flows Into the U.S. Over the Last Thirty Years
Up until 2014, the growth in central bank dollar reserves closely mapped to the increase in U.S. net external debt. The past few years have been different: for the first time in a long time, yield-starved private investors in Europe and Japan, not emerging market reserve managers, financed the United States’ external deficit.
It is also known as Non Bank finance or Shadow Banking.
The key difference between traditional banking and shadow banking is fragmented credit chains in the shadow banking.
Traditional Banking does
While traditional banking has backstops
Shadow Banks are not regulated and do not have advantage of backstops.
Hence they are susceptible to systemic risk and runs.
What is Market based Finance?
How big is the market?
Who are the borrowers?
Who are the investors?
What are the risks in market based finance?
Role of Central Banks?
How to minimize risks?
Regulations? Macro Prudential policies?
How are banks involved in market based finance?
How are they connected to each other and others?
Market based Finance MBF
Non Bank Credit Intermediation NCBI
Non Bank Finance NBF
Balance Sheet Economics
Fragmented Credit Chains
Financial Supply Chains
Credit Chain Length
Growth of Debt
Growth and Size of Market based Finance
Image Source: BANK AND NONBANK LENDING OVER THE PAST 70 YEARS
Image Source: Shining a Light on Shadow Banking
Image Source: The Shadow Banking System in the United States: Recent Developments and Economic Role
Image Source: Shining a Light on Shadow Banking
Image Source: NON-BANK FINANCE: TRENDS AND CHALLENGES
Image Source: THE GROWTH OF NON-BANK FINANCE AND NEW MONETARY POLICY TOOLS
Image Source: SHADOW BANKING AND MARKET BASED FINANCE
Structural Dynamics of Banking and Financial System
Changes prior to Global Financial Crisis
Rise of Debt
Rise of Market Based Finance
Increase in capital flows both domestic and cross border
Debt dynamics is related to assets side of balance sheet of financial intemediatory.
Market based Finance is related to liabilities side of balance sheet of Financial Intermediatory.
If the chains of financial intermediation are long, then both assets and liabilities of each participant are linked.
Intermediation results in increase of capital flows. From money markets to capital markets. From deposits to loans. From liabilities to assets. There is both pull and push of money flows in the financial system. Demand for capital and supply of capital. They both are linked by banks and non bank finance. Growth of debt is linked to growth of money markets and non bank finance.
Size of Nonfinancial Business and Household Credit
Image Source: FINANCIAL STABILITY REPORT – NOVEMBER 2020
In a future post I will discuss debt in US and global financial system.
Please see my related posts for evolution of Financial System Complexity and Its dynamics.
Size and complexity arise together. Along with balance sheet expansion comes changes in links with counterparties (financial networks and interconnections).
Research continues in this area by several institutions and academics.
Source: Structural developments in globalfinancial intermediation: The rise of debtand non-bank credit intermediation
The global financial crisis of 2008 underlined the importance for policy makers in understanding the scale and types of financial intermediation in their economies. During the financial crisis, non-bank financial intermediation was of particular concern to authorities, as such forms of ‘shadow banking’, contributed to both the root causes of the crisis, the transmission of financial contagion, and the amplification of shocks.
As this report is published, the rapid spread of the novel coronavirus Covid-19 has caused a global health crisis, has brought economic activity in some sectors to a halt, and has presented the greatest challenge to the global financial system since 2008. As then, understanding financial intermediation activities is critical to mapping the faultlines in the global financial system and mounting effective policy responses.
However, the shape of financial intermediation has changed in important ways since the global financial crisis. Activities in non-bank intermediation, including market-based intermediaries like investment funds and securitised products, have grown and are increasingly interconnected with financial markets. Understanding the interplay between these elements, and the benefits and risks of each, offers a more complete understanding of how global finance can contribute to sustainable economic growth. It also helps provide the full picture needed to help policy makers prepare for and respond to shocks, including pandemics.
“Structural developments in global financial intermediation: The rise of debt and non-bank credit intermediation” shines a light on the evolution of global financial intermediation in three key ways. First, it maps the broad-based growth of financial intermediation relative to GDP in many advanced and emerging market economies, and with this growth a shift toward market-based finance. Second, it assesses the shift from equity to debt markets, and the growing imbalances in sovereign and corporate debt markets during a period of highly accommodative monetary policies. Third, it draws attention to key activities in credit intermediation that could contribute to structural vulnerabilities in the global financial system, including: a sharp rise of below-investment grade corporate debt, in particular leverage loans and collateralised loan obligations; the growth of open-ended investment funds that purchase high-yield debt and leveraged loans; and risks associated with the large stock of bank contingent convertible debt.
While these various activities have helped to satisfy investors’ reach for yield during years of market exuberance, they represent new potential faultlines of systemic risk in the event of exogenous shocks, be they from trade tensions, geopolitical risks or the current global pandemic. This report underlines the need for policy frameworks to adapt to market-based finance, and fully reflect the interaction between monetary, prudential, and regulatory tools on credit intermediation. It also underlines the need for dynamic microprudential and activities-based tools to help mitigate excessive risk taking with respect to liquidity and leverage.
By mapping the global financial system, evaluating growing imbalances and risks that could amplify shocks, and assessing the interaction between macro and regulatory tools, this report provides a practical complement to the OECD’s Policy Framework for Effective and Efficient Financial Regulations. Financial authorities should use this analysis to inform both their assessments of activities and risks, and efforts to maximise available tools to harness the benefits of market-based finance to support fair, efficient markets and sustainable economic growth.
Greg Medcraft Director, OECD Directorate for Financial and Enterprise Affairs
Image Source: UNDERSTANDING THE RISKS INHERENT IN SHADOW BANKING: A PRIMER AND PRACTICAL LESSONS LEARNED
Image Source: THE ECONOMICS OF SHADOW BANKING
Image Source: IS SHADOW BANKING REALLY BANKING?
Table Source: SHADOW BANKING AND MARKET BASED FINANCE
Table 1. A Stylized View of Structural Characteristics of Credit-based Intermediation
Key Risk Transformations
Liquidity, maturity, leverage
Credit enhancement,liquidity, maturity, leverage
Less emphasis on credit enhancement and less opaque vs. shadow banking
Institutions Involved in Intermediation
Can be many entities, interconnected through collateral chains and credit guarantees
Speech given by Sir Jon Cunliffe, Deputy Governor Financial Stability, Member of the Monetary Policy Committee, Member of the Financial Policy Committee and Member of the Prudential Regulation Committee
Asset Management Derivatives Forum, Dana Point, California Friday 9 February 2017
Shadow Banking and Market Based Finance
Tobias Adrian, International Monetary Fund Helsinki
Esti Kemp, Ren ́e van Stralen, Alexandros P. Vardoulakis, and Peter Wierts
The role of financial markets for economic growth
Speech delivered by Dr. Willem F. Duisenberg, President of the European Central Bank, at the Economics Conference “The Single Financial Market: Two Years into EMU” organised by the Oesterreichische Nationalbank in Vienna on 31 May 2001
From The hidden hyperbolic geometry of international trade: World Trade Atlas 1870–2013
Regional Trading Blocks
Free Trade Agreements
Metabolism of a City
Metabolism of a Nation
Metabolism of the World
Growth and Form
From The hidden hyperbolic geometry of international trade: World Trade Atlas 1870–2013
Here, we present the World Trade Atlas 1870–2013, a collection of annual world trade maps in which distance combines economic size and the different dimensions that affect international trade beyond mere geography. Trade distances, based on a gravity model predicting the existence of significant trade channels, are such that the closer countries are in trade space, the greater their chance of becoming connected. The atlas provides us with information regarding the long-term evolution of the international trade system and demonstrates that, in terms of trade, the world is not flat but hyperbolic, as a reflection of its complex architecture. The departure from flatness has been increasing since World War I, meaning that differences in trade distances are growing and trade networks are becoming more hierarchical. Smaller-scale economies are moving away from other countries except for the largest economies; meanwhile those large economies are increasing their chances of becoming connected worldwide. At the same time, Preferential Trade Agreements do not fit in perfectly with natural communities within the trade space and have not necessarily reduced internal trade barriers. We discuss an interpretation in terms of globalization, hierarchization, and localization; three simultaneous forces that shape the international trade system.
From The hidden hyperbolic geometry of international trade: World Trade Atlas 1870–2013
When it comes to international trade, the evidence suggests that we are far from a distance-free world. Distance still matters1 and in many dimensions: cultural, administrative or political, economic, and geographic. This is widely supported by empirical evidence concerning the magnitude of bilateral trade flows. The gravity model of trade2–4, in analogy to Newton’s law of gravitation, accurately predicts that the volume of trade exchanged between two countries increases with their economic sizes and decreases with their geographical separation. The precision of that model improves when it is supplemented with other factors, such as colony–colonizer relationships, a shared common language, or the effects of political borders and a common currency5–7. Despite the success of the gravity model at replicating trade volumes, it performs very poorly at predicting the existence of a trade connection between a given pair of countries8; an obvious limitation that prevents it from explaining the striking regularities observed in the complex architecture of the world trade web9–13. One of the reasons for this flaw is that the gravity model focuses on detached bilateral relationships and so overlooks multilateral trade resistance and other network effects14.
Another drawback of the classical gravity model is that geography is not the only factor that defines distance in international trade. Here, we use a systems approach based on network science methodologies15,16 to propose a gravity model for the existence of significant trade channels between pairs of countries in the world. The gravity model is based on economic sizes and on an effective distance which incorporates different dimensions that affect international trade, not only geography, implicitly encoded on the complex patterns of trade interactions. Our gravity model is based on the connectivity law proposed for complex networks with underlying metric spaces17,18 and it can be represented in a pure geometric approach using a hyperbolic space, which has been conjectured as the natural geometry underlying complex networks19–22. In the hyperbolic trade space, distance combines economic size and effective distance into a sole distance metric, such that the closer countries are in hyperbolic trade space, the greater their chance of becoming connected. We estimate this trade distance from empirical data using adapted statistical inference techniques23,24, which allow us to represent international trade through World Trade Maps (WTMs). These define a coordinate system in which countries are located in relative positions according to the aggregate trade barriers between them. The maps are annual and cover a time span of fourteen decades. The collection as a whole, referred to as the World Trade Atlas 1870–2013, is presented via spatial projections25, Table S5, and trade distance matrices, Table S6. Beyond the obvious advantages of visualization, the World Trade Atlas 1870–2013 significantly increases our understanding of the long-term evolution of the international trade system and helps us to address a number of important and challenging questions. In particular: How far, in terms of trade, have countries traveled in recent history? What role does each country play in the maps and how have those roles evolved over time? Are Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) consistent with natural communities as measured by trade distances? Has the formation of PTAs led to lesser or greater barriers to trade within blocs? Is trade distance becoming increasingly irrelevant?
The answers to these questions can be summarized by asserting that, in terms of trade, the world is not flat; it is hyperbolic. Differences in trade distances are growing and becoming more heterogeneous and hierarchical; at the same time as they define natural trade communities—not fully consistent with PTAs. Countries are becoming more interconnected and clustered into hierarchical trade blocs than ever before.
Agriculture accounts for 70% of global water withdrawal. (FAO)
Roughly 75% of all industrial water withdrawals are used for energy production. (UNESCO, 2014)
The food production and supply chain accounts for about 30% of total global energy consumption. (UNESCO, 2012)
90% of global power generation is water-intensive. (UNESCO, 2014)
Global water demand (in terms of water withdrawals) is projected to increase by 55% by 2050, mainly because of growing demands from manufacturing (400% increase). More than 40% of the global population is projected to be living in areas of severe water stress by 2050. (UNESCO, 2014)
Power plant cooling is responsible for 43% of total freshwater withdrawals in Europe (more than 50% in several countries), nearly 50% in the United States of America, and more than 10% of the national water cap in China. (UNESCO, 2014)
By 2035, water withdrawals for energy production could increase by 20% and consumption by 85%, driven via a shift towards higher efficiency power plants with more advanced cooling systems (that reduce water withdrawals but increase consumption) and increased production of biofuel. (UNESCO, 2014)
There is clear evidence that groundwater supplies are diminishing, with an estimated 20% of the world’s aquifers being over-exploited, some critically so. Deterioration of wetlands worldwide is reducing the capacity of ecosystems to purify water. (UNESCO, 2014)
It typically takes 3,000 – 5,000 litres of water to produce 1 kg of rice, 2,000 litres for 1kg of soya, 900 litres for 1kg of wheat and 500 litres for 1kg of potatoes. (WWF).
While almost 800 million people are currently hungry, by 2050 global food production would need to increase by 50% to feed the more than 9 billion people projected who live on our planet (FAO/IFAD/UNICEF/WFP/WHO, 2017).
From Background paper for the Bonn 2011 Nexus Conference: THE WATER, ENERGY AND FOOD SECURITY NEXUS
From How Shell, Chevron and Coke tackle the energy-water-food nexus
We know how important food, water and energy are to our daily lives, but what happens when we fail to value them as critical, interconnected resources for our economy?
In the summer of 2012, the U.S. was affected by one of the worst droughts in recent decades. Eighty percent of U.S. farms and ranches were affected, crop losses exceeded $20 billion and unforeseen ripple effects followed.
With corn crops withering from the lack of rainfall, prices for food and livestock feed supplies rose, as did ethanol, predominantly sourced from corn. Numerous power plants had to scale back operations or even shut down because the water temperatures of many rivers, lakes and estuaries had increased to the point where they could not be used for cooling. Household, municipal and farm wells in the Midwest had to be extended deeper into rapidly depleting aquifers to make up for the lack of rainfall, draining groundwater supplies and demanding more electricity to run the pumps. It is estimated that consumers will feel these ripple effects for years to come — over the next year alone, this impact could result in personal costs up to $50 billion.
Now more than ever, our infrastructure is built on an interlinked system for the production and use of energy, water and food. Water is needed for almost all forms of energy production and power generation, energy is required to treat and transport water, and both water and energy are needed to produce food.
This interconnection, or energy-water-food nexus, underscores the global challenges that we face as a society. The growing global population, increased wealth and urbanization will continue to stress energy, water and food supplies. Climate change and unsustainable development practices will exacerbate them. In preparing for a population that could top 10 billion by 2050, according to U.N. estimates, in the next 15 to 20 years alone we will need 30 percent more water, 45 percent more energy and 50 percent more food.
Consvation International’s Business & Sustainability Council (PDF) examined the corporate risk and opportunities related to the energy-water-food nexus. The nexus is still new in the minds of many corporations, but CI sees several examples of companies broadening their strategies to build synergistic solutions.
Shell shines the spotlight on the pressures from the energy-water-food stress nexus in its 2013 report, “The New Lens Scenario.” The company is using scenario planning to test and collaborate on the design of synergistic solutions to tackle these interlinked resource constraints. In British Columbia, Shell collaborated with the city of Dawson Creek to build a reclaimed water facility that virtually eliminated its need to draw on local freshwater sources for the operation of a natural gas venture. It also worked with the World Business Council for Sustainable Development and the University of Utrecht to develop a new methodology that could more accurately estimate the amount of water needed to generate energy from different sources — oil, gas, coal, nuclear and biofuels — using different technologies and in different locations.
In Kern County, about 100 miles from Los Angeles and home to Chevron’s largest California oil field, Chevron partnered with the Cawelo Water District to provide much needed water to local farmers for agricultural use. Water is a significant byproduct from steam flooding, a technology employed to extract thick, viscous oil out of the ground. For every barrel of oil, 10 barrels of water are produced, about 700,000 gallons per day. Chevron reclaims about one-third to generate new steam, and provides most of the remaining treated water to the Cawelo Water District to distribute to 160 farmers to irrigate 45,000 acres of crops, such as almonds, grapes, pistachios and citrus. This innovative solution is critical to creating a more sustainable local water supply and helping Kern County growers keep agriculture thriving in the region.
Since 2005, The Coca-Cola Company has set an ambitious water security commitment for its beverages and operations. In order to meet its goal, it implemented a series of technical and natural solutions in nearly 400 community water projects in more than 90 countries. These community water partnerships include rainwater harvesting, drip irrigation, agricultural water efficiency improvements and protecting watersheds. The company has taken an even broader perspective, enhancing the ability of watersheds to absorb threats associated with the uncertainties around climate change, and increased demands for water, energy and food from a burgeoning population.
Ensuring energy, water and food security on a global level requires equal consideration of the interdependency among all three systems and the underlying natural capital that supports them.
CI believes that addressing the stress nexus requires collaboration among government, business and civil society. Public-private partnerships offer an innovative way to leverage expertise and financing in order to pilot practical, scalable and collaborative solutions. The Sustainable Landscape Partnership being piloted in Indonesia with support from CI, USAID and the Walton Family Foundation looks to understand integrated approaches to build local economies while reducing deforestation and ensuring food and water security.
Lack of data specific to the nexus is currently a limiting factor in building solutions. Improved frameworks to price natural resources such as water will be critical — one reason CI is engaged with WAVES and the TEEB for Business Coalition. CI is also piloting a game-changing monitoring system called Vital Signs in Africa to provide near real-time ecological and social data and diagnostic tools to guide agricultural development decisions and monitor their outcomes. As we continue to pilot models that demonstrate resiliency of landscapes, open platforms for information sharing will generate innovations and efficiencies.
Combined together, this integrated approach will be critical to fully understanding where critical nexus interactions lie, where they are most susceptible and how we can meaningfully make better decisions, for this generation and the next.
Wassily Leontief and Input Output Analysis in Economics
Wassily Leontief: The Concise Encyclopedia of Economics | Library of Economics and Liberty
From the time he was a young man growing up in Saint Petersburg, Wassily Leontief devoted his studies to input-output analysis. When he left Russia at the age of nineteen to begin the Ph.D. program at the University of Berlin, he had already shown how leon walras’s abstract equilibrium theory could be quantified. But it was not until many years later, in 1941, while a professor at Harvard, that Leontief calculated an input-output table for the American economy. It was this work, and later refinements of it, that earned Leontief the Nobel Prize in 1973.
Input-output analysis shows the extensive process by which inputs in one industry produce outputs for consumption or for input into another industry. The matrix devised by Leontief is often used to show the effect of a change in production of a final good on the demand for inputs. Take, for example, a 10 percent increase in the production of shoes. With the input-output table, one can estimate how much additional leather, labor, machinery, and other inputs will be required to increase shoe production.
Most economists are cautious in using the table because it assumes, to use the shoe example, that shoe production requires the inputs in the proportion they were used during the time period used to estimate the table. There’s the rub. Although the table is useful as a rough approximation of the inputs required, economists know from mountains of evidence that proportions are not fixed. Specifically, when the cost of one input rises, producers reduce their use of this input and substitute other inputs whose prices have not risen. If wage rates rise, for example, producers can substitute capital for labor and, by accepting more wasted materials, can even substitute raw materials for labor. That the input-output table is inflexible means that, if used literally to make predictions, it will necessarily give wrong answers.
At the time of Leontief’s first work with input-output analysis, all the required matrix algebra was done using hand-held calculators and sheer tenacity. Since then, computers have greatly simplified the process, and input-output analysis, now called “interindustry analysis,” is widely used. Leontief’s tables are commonly used by the World Bank, the United Nations, and the U.S. Department of Commerce.
Early on, input-output analysis was used to estimate the economy-wide impact of converting from war production to civilian production after World War II. It has also been used to understand the flow of trade between countries. Indeed, a 1954 article by Leontief shows, using input-output analysis, that U.S. exports were relatively labor intensive compared with U.S. imports. This was the opposite of what economists expected at the time, given the high level of U.S. wages and the relatively high amount of capital per worker in the United States. Leontief’s finding was termed the Leontief paradox. Since then, the paradox has been resolved. Economists have shown that in a country that produces more than two goods, the abundance of capital relative to labor does not imply that the capital intensity of its exports should exceed that of its imports.
Throughout his life Leontief campaigned against “theoretical assumptions and nonobserved facts” (the title of a speech he delivered while president of the American Economic Association, 1970–1971). According to Leontief too many economists were reluctant to “get their hands dirty” by working with raw empirical facts. To that end Wassily Leontief did much to make quantitative data more accessible, and more indispensable, to the study of economics.
1941. The Structure of American Economy, 1919–1929. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
1966. Essays in Economics: Theories and Theorizing. New York: Oxford University Press.
From NY Times
Wassily Leontief, Economist Who Won a Nobel, Dies at 93
By HOLCOMB B. NOBLE
Wassily Leontief, who won the Nobel prize in economics in 1973 for his analyses of America’s production machinery, showing how changes in one sector of the economy can exact changes all along the line, affecting everything from the price of oil to the price of peanut butter, died Friday night at the New York University Medical Center. He was 93.
His analytic methods, as the Nobel committee observed, were adopted and became a permanent part of production planning and forecasting in scores of industrialized nations and in private corporations all over the world.
Following the model of his so-called input-output analysis, General Electric, for example, was able to load data from 184 sectors of the economy — such as energy, home construction and transportation — into a mammoth computer to help it predict how the energy crisis brought on by the Arab oil boycott in 1973 would affect public demand for its products and services, from light bulbs to turbines.
A well-known academic figure, Mr. Leontief was the director of the Institute for Economic Analysis of New York University from 1975 until 1991; even after his retirement he still taught at the university into his 90’s. Before coming to N.Y.U. he taught economics at Harvard for 44 years and directed large research projects there as well.
Mr. Leontief was a thinker who often complained that too many of his academic colleagues spent too much time staring out their office windows instead of being out in the field, as any good economist ought to be, counting things. ”Facts,” he said. ”You have to have facts. Theories aren’t good unless you have facts to back them.”
When asked how he developed the input-output analysis recognized by his Nobel memorial prize, he would invariably begin, ”Oh, it’s really very simple — what I wanted to do was collect facts.” The facts he sought were those that explained how segments of production were interconnected.
He showed that if you carefully studied changes in the cost and components of one type of product, you could determine the resulting changes in cost and components of others along the production chain.
Suppose you have a sudden rise the price of oil or steel? Mr. Leontief taught government officials and corporate executives to track how this influenced the costs of production in other segments of a local or national economy, both within an industry or more broadly across many industries and many nations.
Wassily Leontief was born Aug. 5, 1905, in St. Petersburg, the son of Wassily W. Leontief, an economist, and the former Eugenia Bekker. A brilliant student, he was allowed to enroll when he was only 15 at the newly renamed University of Leningrad. But he got in trouble by expressing vehement opposition to the lack of intellectual and personal freedom under the country’s Communist regime, which had taken power three years earlier. He was arrested as he was nailing up anti-Communist posters on the wall of a military barracks and placed in solitary confinement. Released after several days, he promptly resumed his anti-Communist activities and was arrested several more times.
Finally, in 1925, he was allowed to leave the country, a turn of fate he attributed to a growth on his neck. He said the authorities believed that the growth was cancerous and that he would die and be of no use to the state. He left Russia to resume his studies in economics at the University of Berlin, and his parents soon followed. The growth was benign and he completed his doctorate in 1929. He spent a year as an economist advising the Government of China, particularly on the planning of a new railroad network.
Then he came to the United States and worked briefly in New York at the National Bureau of Economic Research, where his published work quickly attracted attention, and Harvard invited him to join its economics faculty. He agreed, provided the university help him develop his ideas about production. Harvard gave him a research assistant and a $2,000 grant to develop the system of input-output analysis that the world was to adopt. He and his assistant began constructing a table covering 42 American industries, taking months to compile figures and perform calculations that computers would latter handle in fractions of seconds.
During the war, he helped the United States Government with planning for industrial production, worked as a consultant to the Office of Strategic Services and supervised compilation of a 92-economic-sector table for the Department of Labor. In 1948, Mr. Leontief set up the Harvard Research Project on the Structure of the American Economy with the aid of large grants from the Ford and Rockefeller Foundations and the Air Force to expand and refine his input-output models. Soon he had a staff of 20 — and a 650-punch-card computer from I.B.M., then the state-of-the art.
He did not, however, keep the Air Force grant long once the Eisenhower Administration came to power; some of its officials were critical of his input-output theory as smacking too much of a planned economy. That was precisely what he thought it should smack of.
One of his goals in studying the nature of changes in industrial production was to enable nations to plan in ways that would be economically beneficial and help them avoid periods of economic hardship. But to some economists the idea of national economic planning was ill advised: not only would it not work, they said, but it might make matters worse and also might open the door to excessive Government control. They maintained it would be better to let the private sector and the free market determine the course of future economic events.
To Mr. Leontief, it seemed short-sighted for nations to devote little or no thought to the analysis of the future of the overall economy, especially after what he regarded as the effective work of modern economists in devising projections that are mathematically and statistically sound. He spoke out often on the subject in the 1970’s and 80’s.
He and Leonard Woodcock, then president of the United Auto Workers, proposed that the Federal Government establish an Office of National Economic Planning to help coordinate economic projects and make recommendations on policies they said could avert unnecessary unemployment, inflation, failures in health care, shortages in affordable housing, energy, public transportation and other requirements of a civilized society.
The idea never materialized. If anything, the generation of younger economists who followed him, many of whom he taught, developed less respect for the abilities of national Governments to plan for the long term. It bothered him greatly that toward the end of the century many Americans seemed to have lost broad faith in their Government’s ability to improve the lot of its citizens, particularly through economic programs.
In an Op-Ed article in The New York Times in 1992, he said there was little doubt that the United States Government had played an important role in a generally prosperous economy for more than half the century, from ending the Great Depression in the 30’s to guiding the nation through most of the rest of the century in generally sounder economic health than most of the rest of the world.
Mr. Leontief was always fearful that employment problems would accompany widespread use of the high-speed computers that he himself relied on almost from the moment they first became applicable for nonmilitary purposes after World War II. He warned that computers would be for many workers what the tractor was to the horse — great for the farmer but not great for the horse.
In an interview in 1996, when he was 90, Mr. Leontief, noting the trend toward corporate downsizing, said: ”Individual entrepreneurs will continue to do better and better and better, but significant segments of the work force will do worse and worse. Ultimately, Governments will have to play a role in arbitrating and correcting this.”
Mr. Leontief seemed to grow more liberal with age. During the student protests on the Harvard campus in 1969, he split with most senior faculty members and joined with a younger group more sympathetic to the protesting students. In 1975, he resigned from Harvard, where he was the Henry Lee Professor of Economics and chairman of the university’s Society of Fellows, its most distinguished group of scholars. He left a year ahead of schedule, complaining that too often teachers at the graduate level did not teach and researchers did not do research.
Shortly before he resigned, he joined an internal report criticizing Harvard’s economics department, which had long been regarded as among the world’s best. The report said that the department had failed to adequately recruit minority faculty members, that it took an overly narrow approach in scholarship and that a ”deterioration in attitudes and relationships” had occurred.
At N.Y.U., he continued to expand his work on input-output analysis and helped foreign nations adopt it. China was among the last to do so, as it intensified its industrialization in the late 1980’s.
Wassily Leontief, a balletomane and connoisseur of fine wines, said he also thought of himself as a squire of Willoughby Brook in northern Vermont, where he and his family had a summer home. It was all very well to be an internationally regarded scholar, but landing a beautiful brook trout, he would say with his sly smile, was his passion.
He is survived by his wife, Estelle Helena Marks, a writer, whom he married in 1932, his daughter, Svetlana Alpers, the art historian, author, and professor of fine arts at the University of California at Berkeley, and two grandsons.
USA and China: What are Trade in Value Added (TiVA) Balances
Changes in Global Trade
Global Value Chains
Value added content of Trade
FROM INTERCONNECTED ECONOMIES : BENEFITING FROM INDUSTRY GLOBALISATION
From Domestic Value Added in Chinese Exports
From Measurement and Determinants of Trade in Value Added
From OECD WTO TIVA
Ongoing TiVA Projects
OECD TIVA Initiative
EU FIGARO Initiative
NA TIVA Initiative
APEC TiVA Initiative
There is also OECD TiVA – MNE Project which incorporates Intra Firm trade of MNEs.
From An Overview on the Construction of North American Regional Supply-Use and Input-Output Tables and their Applications in Policy Analysis
Trade-in-Value Added (TiVA) is a statistical approach used to measure the interconnectivity and marginal contribution in production of participating economies in global value chains (GVCs) (Degain and Maurer, 2015). The advantage of TiVA over traditional trade statistics is that TiVA measures trade flows consistent with internationally, vertically integrated global production networks, often called GVCs. TiVA statistics allow us to better analyze three aspects of international trade: measuring the contribution of domestic versus foreign intermediates in the exports, tracing production across countries to their final destination, and finally quantifying how individual industries contribute to producing exports (Lewis, 2013).
TiVA statistics allow us to map and quantify the interdependencies between industries and economies, and help us develop better estimates of the contribution from each country in the production processes and, consequently, better measure the impact from GVC engagement for domestic economies. However, it is necessary to highlight the underlying compilation methodology of TiVA in order to better understand the characteristics, scope and interpretation of TiVA. Hence, it is important to remember that TiVA statistics are estimated statistics that are derived, in part, from official statistics. TiVA statistics are meant to complement but not to replace official statistics.
Measuring trade flows in value added as opposed to gross value of trade flows has become increasingly important as the influence that GVCs has on international trade continues to rise. (Johnson, 2014; Ahmad and Ribarsky, 2014). The proliferation of GVCs means that production has become increasingly fragmented and vertically integrated across countries (Jones and Kierzkowski, 1988; Hummels, Ishii, and Yi, 2001; OECD, 2013). At the micro level, this means that many firms in disparate countries are interconnected. Across international borders, these firms take part in particular stages of the production process, together forming a global supply chain. As a result, intermediate inputs may cross international borders several times before being used to produce final consumable goods. This matters for several reasons. First, when goods cross multiple borders multiple times, they are exposed to more trade costs, which accumulate and compound before the goods are sold for final consumption. Additionally, traditional gross trade flows are overstated because gross trade flows may count intermediates multiple times. Relatedly, gross trade flows obscure the marginal contributions of countries along GVCs. TiVA measures the flows related to the value that is added at each stage of production by each country and maps from where value is created, where it is exported, and how it is used, as final consumption or as an input for future exports. How we understand gains from trade from trade flows is fundamental, and value-added approaches lead to better understanding of GVCs and their role in international trade.
There are two ways to capture TiVA. The first method is a direct approach, which decomposes existing data on trade statistics. Johnson (2012) introduce a TiVA indicator using value-added to output ratios from the source country to compute the value-added associated with the implicit output transfer to each destination. Koopman, Wang, and Wei (2014) build on the literature in vertical specialization (e.g. Hummels, Ishii, and Yi 2001) and the literature on TiVA (e.g. Johnson and Noguera, 2012; Daudin, Rifflart, and Schweisguth, 2011) to implement a complete decomposition of a country’s gross exports by value added components. This work has evolved into a second, indirect method of capturing TiVA. The indirect method is employed in the regional North American supply-use table (NASUT) and the regional North American inter-country input-output table (NAIOT). Estimating TiVA this way relies on national and international input-output tables as well as bilateral trade statistics to derive the international intermediate and final supply-demand matrices. These matrices reveal the origin and use of goods and services produced and exchanged among the countries and industries within the table domain. Other major international input-output tables include the Asian International Input-Output (AIO) Tables published by the Institute of Developing Economies Japan External Trade Organization (IDE-JETRO), the Inter-Country Input-Output (ICIO) Tables published by the OECD, the World Input-Output Tables (WIOT) published by the World Input-Output Database (WIOD) project, and the Eora Multi-region Input-Output Database (Eora MRIO).
The studies based on the above two approaches have revealed a trend of rising foreign value-added content in international trade flows and the resulting implications for trade policies. Johnson and Noguera (2016) find that value-added exports are falling relative to gross exports, which means that double-counting is increasingly more common in trade flows. This is consistent with increased GVC activity. Hummels, Ishii, and Yi (2001) show that vertical specialization has grown about 30 percent and accounts for about one-third of the growth in trade from about 1970 to 1990.
In recent years, more than half of global manufacturing imports are intermediate goods and more than 70 percent of global services imports are intermediate services (OECD, 2013). This is relevant because tariffs (and other trade costs) have a higher impact on the cost of GVC activity. Each time an intermediate input crosses an international border as part of the production process, the input incurs trade costs. As first observed by Yi (2003), trade costs are compounded when intermediate goods cross borders multiple times to complete the production process. Rouzet and Miroudot (2013) demonstrate that small tariffs can add up to a significant sum by the time a finished product reaches its consumers. Other trade costs such as non-tariff measures also have such accumulative effect on downstream products.
What the literature indicates the trends in GVCs mean for trade flows, generally, are two-fold. First, with the growth of GVC activity, gross value of trade flows will continue to be larger than the value of final goods that cross borders. Second, trade policy designed with respect to gross trade flows could have the potential to be overly restrictive or even impose costs indirectly on domestic production. Trade-in-Value Added thus provides a supplementary, relevant reference for evaluating the economic effect of trade policies.
In this paper, we introduce the North American Trade-in-Value Added (NA-TiVA) project, a trilateral, multiyear initiative that aims to produce a regional TiVA database that maps the value chains connecting Canada, the United States, and Mexico. Furthermore, we introduce and discuss the project’s deliverables, the agencies involved, how the NA-TiVA project complements other ongoing TiVA initiatives around the world, the technical framework for producing a regional inter-country input-output table for the NA region, and the value of this work to resolving open policy questions within international trade.
Ongoing TiVA Initiatives
Currently there are three major ongoing global and regional TiVA projects that are related to the North America TiVA project. They are the World Input-Output database (WIOD), OECD-WTO TiVA, and APEC TiVA initiatives.
The World Input-Output database (WIOD): The official WIOD project ran from May 1, 2009 to May 1, 2012, as a joint effort of eleven European research institutions. It was funded by the European Commission. Under the official WIOD project, the accounting framework and methodologies of constructing the TiVA databases, as well as the first version of the World Input-Output database were developed. The database was officially launched in April 2012. Since then, two additional versions of WIOD databases, namely the 2013 and 2016 Releases, were published. The 2016 Released database covers 28 EU countries and 15 other major economies in the world for years 2000-2014 with 56 industries.
The OECD-WTO TiVA database: The Organization for Economic Cooperate and Development (OECD) and World Trade Organization (WTO) undertook a joint initiative on TiVA in 2013. Since then, two versions of TiVA databases have been released (2013 and 2015 release). The 2015 release of OECD-WTO TiVA database covers 61 countries and 13 regions, with 34 industries, for years 1995, 2000, 2005, 2008-2011.
APEC TiVA initiative: In 2014, APEC economic leaders endorsed the APEC TiVA database initiative, a four-year project co-led by China and the United States. Under this project, an APEC TiVA database would be constructed by the end of 2018, covering 21 APEC economies.
Each of these three major global and regional TiVA initiatives include Canada, Mexico, and the United States. In the light of this, why is there still a need for constructing the NA TiVA database? What kind of additional value can the NA TiVA project bring to this global and regional network of TiVA initiatives?
The NA-TiVA project was motivated by regional statistical developments and continuous improvements in compiling TiVA databases. The 2003 Mexican input-output table distinguishes trade flows by domestic producers and production undertaken in Maquiladoras, a tax-free, tariff-free special processing zone, which allowed the estimates of separate production coefficients and thus TiVA measures for these two distinctive zones in Mexico (Koopman, Powers, Wang, and Wei, 2010; De la Cruz, Koopman, Wang, and Wei, 2011). The government of Canada further highlighted the importance and relevance of global value chains in the publication of a book assessing the impact and implication of GVCs (Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada, 2011); and as of the 2015 edition of the OECD’s ICIO tables, Mexico is broken out as Mexico Global Manufacturers and Mexico Non-Global Manufacturers. This NA TiVA project builds off of these developments.
Constructing inter-country input-output tables, or so called TiVA databases, requires the harmonization of national supply-use tables (SUTs) or input-output tables (IOTs) as well as bilateral trade statistics from different countries. However, the data produced by countries often vary greatly in the level of detail and differ in industry and product classifications. Thus, the more countries are included in a global or regional TiVA project, the higher level of aggregation would be required for the purpose of harmonization. With only three countries involved, it is feasible for the NA TiVA database to include more products and sectors than other global and regional TiVA projects.
Moreover, other factors, such as all three countries adopt the same industry and product classifications (e.g. using the North American Industry Classification System (NAICS)), and produce SUTS at similarly detailed levels, would ensure the compatibility of data components, and thus lead to better quality of the resulting NA TiVA database.
Finally, the NA TiVA project could synthesize the ongoing trilateral trade statistics reconciliation effort and produce better-quality balanced bilateral trade data to feed into other global and regional TiVA initiatives. One of the key inputs for constructing TiVA databases is balanced bilateral trade statistics. However, countries rarely report symmetric bilateral trade statisticsone country’s reported exports rarely equals its trading partner’s reported imports, and vice versa. To reconcile such asymmetries to produce balanced bilateral trade statistics, joint effort by both trading countries is warranted, including investigating the causes of asymmetries at detailed product level and making corresponding adjustment mechanically. However, global and regional TiVA initiatives often have to consider an incredible number of country pairs, making such an elaborate reconciliation practice rather infeasible. Thus, global and regional TiVA initiatives often turn to economic modelling to balance bilateral trade statistics which could be applied in a systematic way to all countries. Although such approach can be mathematically sound, the resulting data often require additional scrutiny, validation, and adjustment, as they do not always reflect the reality accurately. Canada, Mexico, and the United States have ongoing bilateral trade reconciliation. This NA TiVA project provides additional motivation and framework for this effort.
The History, Scope, and Major Objectives of the NA TiVA Initiative
In October 2014, the representatives from the United States, Canada, and Mexico met and kicked off the idea of constructing the NA TiVA database at a UN conference in Mexico. The main objective of this project is to construct the NA TiVA database by 2021 covering three NA countries with more detailed industry and firm information, and to improve the quality of TiVA measures for the value chains in the NA region.
The NA-TiVA project involves eight government agencies across the three NA countries: for Canada, Statistics Canada (STATCAN) and Global Affairs Canada; for Mexico, Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía (INEGI) and Banco de Mexico; and for the United States, the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA), the U.S. Census Bureau (CENSUS), the U.S. International Trade Commission (USITC), and the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative (USTR).
In addition, because the resulting NA-TiVA database would be eventually integrated into the OECD-WTO TiVA database to improve the quality of information on the North American region, participants of the NA-TiVA project regularly meet with OECD representatives to harmonize TiVA database compilation methodologies, exchange data to synthesize the effort and ensure consistency across countries, and discuss best practices. Other international organizations, such as United Nations Statistics Division (UNSD), and WTO, are often consulted as well for national account and trade statistics related issues.
Under the NA-TiVA initiative, three parallel work streams have been established: The trade in goods and services reconciliation team, which is tasked to produce balanced bilateral trade statistics for goods and services; the SUT team, whose goal is to harmonize the national SUTs and compile the regional NASUTs and NAIOTs; and the White Paper team, the goal of which is to produce documentation that outlines the conceptual methodology, identifies major technical issues, describes policy applications of a NA-TiVA initiative, and details project outputs as well as future work.
FROM INTERCONNECTED ECONOMIES :BENEFITING FROM INDUSTRY GLOBALISATION
From Supply-Use Tables, Trade-in-Value-Added Initiatives, and their Applications
US Trade Wars with Emerging Countries in the 21st Century: Make America and Its Partners Lose Again
Antoine Bouët (International Food Policy Research Institute, Washington, D.C., and Groupe de Recherche en Économie Théorique et Appliquée [GREThA], University of Bordeaux, France)
David Laborde (International Food Policy Research Institute)
Measuring Value Added in the People’s Republic of China’s Exports: A Direct Approach.
ADBI Working Paper 493. Tokyo: Asian Development Bank Institute
International Trade Costs, Global Supply Chains and Value-added Trade in
Gerard Kelly and Gianni La Cava
Trade in Value Added Revisited: A Comment on R. Johnson and G. Noguera,
Accounting for Intermediates: Production Sharing and Trade in Value Added
Measuring Globalization: Global Multi Region Input Output Data Bases (G-MRIO)
A special issue of Economic Systems Research published in 2013 discussed currently available GMRIO data bases. There are two strands of research in development and use of these databases:
Trade flows and global supply chains
Environmental Impacts of Economic Growth, Trade and Globalization
IDE JETRO Asian IO Tables
OECD Inter-Country Input-Output (ICIO) tables
GRAM (Global Resource Accounting Model )
World Input-Output Database (WIOD).
Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP)
Another recent development is development of Trade in Value added databases analyzing trade flows of intermediate goods and fragmented global supply chains and production networks. These projects are currently underway at the time of writing of this post.
NA TiVA Project
The OECD-WTO TiVA database
APEC TiVA initiative
There are also EE- GMRIO (Environmentally extended GMRIO) discussed else where in a related post.
The Global Resource Accounting Model (GRAM) is a multi-regional input-output model (MRIO), which currently distinguishes between 62 countries and one ‘rest of the world’ region and 48 industrial sectors per country or region. The heart of the model is made up of OECD data on bilateral trade flows and input-output tables for 1995 to 2010. Combined with additional data sets, such as CO2 emissions and material extraction, the model enables production-related variables to be attributed to end consumption.
GLOBAL MULTIREGIONAL INPUT–OUTPUT FRAMEWORKS: AN INTRODUCTION AND OUTLOOK
Arnold Tukker & Erik Dietzenbacher
Published online: 21 Mar 2013
This review is the introduction to a special issue of Economic Systems Research on the topic of global multi regional input–output (GMRIO) tables, models, and analysis. It provides a short historical context of GMRIO development and its applications (many of which deal with environmental extensions) and presents the rationale for the major database projects presented in this special issue. Then the six papers are briefly introduced. This is followed by a concluding comparison of the characteristics of the main GMRIO databases developed thus far and an outlook of potential further developments.
COMPILATION AND APPLICATIONS OF IDE-JETRO’S INTERNATIONAL INPUT–OUTPUT TABLES
Bo Meng , Yaxiong Zhang & Satoshi Inomata
Published online: 21 Mar 2013
International input–output (IO) tables are among the most useful tools for economic analysis. Since these tables provide detailed information about international production networks, they have recently attracted considerable attention in research on spatial economics, global value chains, and issues relating to trade in value added. The Institute of Developing Economies at the Japan External Trade Organization (IDE-JETRO) has more than 40 years of experience in the construction and analysis of international IO tables. This paper explains the development of IDE-JETRO’s multi-regional IO projects including the construction of the Asian International Input–Output table and the Transnational Inter regional Input–Output table between China and Japan. To help users understand the features of the tables, this paper also gives examples of their application.
EXIOPOL – DEVELOPMENT AND ILLUSTRATIVE ANALYSES OF A DETAILED GLOBAL MR EE SUT/IOT
Arnold Tukker , Arjan de Koning , Richard Wood , Troy Hawkins , Stephan Lutter , Jose
Published online: 21 Mar 2013
EXIOPOL (A New Environmental Accounting Framework Using Externality Data and Input–Output Tools for Policy Analysis) was a European Union (EU)-funded project creating a detailed, global, multi regional environmentally extended Supply and Use table (MR EE SUT) of 43 countries, 129 sectors, 80 resources, and 40 emissions. We sourced primary SUT and input–output tables from Eurostat and non-EU statistical offices. We harmonized and detailed them using auxiliary national accounts data and co-efficient matrices. Imports were allocated to countries of exports using United Nations Commodity Trade Statistics Database trade shares. Optimization procedures removed imbalances in these detailing and trade linking steps. Environmental extensions were added from various sources. We calculated the EU footprint of final consumption with resulting MR EE SUT. EU policies focus mainly on energy and carbon footprints. We show that the EU land, water, and material footprint abroad is much more relevant, and should be prioritized in the EU’s environmental product and trade policies.
A MULTI-REGION INPUT–OUTPUT TABLE BASED ON THE GLOBAL TRADE ANALYSIS PROJECT DATABASE (GTAP-MRIO)
Robbie M. Andrew & Glen P. Peters
Published online: 21 Mar 2013
Understanding the drivers of many environmental problems requires enumerating the global supply chain. Multi-region input–output analysis (MRIOA) is a well-established technique for this purpose, but constructing a multi-region input–output table (MRIOT) can be a formidable challenge. We constructed a large MRIOT using the Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) database of harmonised economic, IO, and trade data. We discuss the historical development of the GTAP-MRIO and describe its efficient construction. We provide updated carbon footprint estimates and analyse several issues relevant for MRIO construction and applications. We demonstrate that differences in environmental satellite accounts may be more important than differences in MRIOTs when calculating national carbon footprints. The GTAP-MRIO is a robust global MRIOT and, given its easy availability and implementation, it should allow the widespread application of global MRIOA by a variety of users.
THE CONSTRUCTION OF WORLD INPUT–OUTPUT TABLES IN THE WIOD PROJECT
Erik Dietzenbacher , Bart Los , Robert Stehrer , Marcel Timmer & Gaaitzen de Vries
Published online: 21 Mar 2013
This article describes the construction of the World Input–Output Tables (WIOTs) that constitute the core of the World Input–Output Database. WIOTs are available for the period 1995–2009 and give the values of transactions among 35 industries in 40 countries plus the ‘Rest of the World’ and from these industries to households, governments and users of capital goods in the same set of countries. The article describes how information from the National Accounts, Supply and Use Tables and International Trade Statistics have been harmonized, reconciled and used for estimation procedures to arrive at a consistent time series of WIOTs.
BUILDING EORA: A GLOBAL MULTI-REGION INPUT–OUTPUT DATABASE AT HIGH COUNTRY AND SECTOR RESOLUTION
Manfred Lenzen , Daniel Moran , Keiichiro Kanemoto & Arne Geschke
Published online: 21 Mar 2013
There are a number of initiatives aimed at compiling large-scale global multi-region input–output (MRIO) tables complemented with non-monetary information such as on resource flows and environmental burdens. Depending on purpose or application, MRIO construction and usage has been hampered by a lack of geographical and sectoral detail; at the time of writing, the most advanced initiatives opt for a breakdown into at most 129 regions and 120 sectors. Not all existing global MRIO frameworks feature continuous time series, margins and tax sheets, and information on reliability and uncertainty. Despite these potential limitations, constructing a large MRIO requires significant manual labour and many years of time. This paper describes the results from a project aimed at creating an MRIO account that represents all countries at a detailed sectoral level, allows continuous updating, provides information on data reliability, contains table sheets expressed in basic prices as well as all margins and taxes, and contains a historical time series. We achieve these goals through a high level of procedural standardisation, automation, and data organisation.
POLICY-RELEVANT APPLICATIONS OF ENVIRONMENTALLY EXTENDED MRIO DATABASES – EXPERIENCES FROM THE UK
Thomas Wiedmann & John Barrett
Published online: 21 Mar 2013
The impressive development in global multi-region input–output (IO) databases is accompanied by an increase in applications published in the scientific literature. However, it is not obvious whether the insights gained from these studies have indeed been used in political decision-making. We ask whether and to what extent there is policy uptake of results from environmentally extended multi-region IO (EE-MRIO) models and how it may be improved. We identify unique characteristics of such models not inherent to other approaches. We then present evidence from the UK showing that a policy process around consumption-based accounting for greenhouse gas emissions and resource use has evolved that is based on results from EE-MRIO modelling. This suggests that specific, policy-relevant information that would be impossible to obtain otherwise can be generated with the help of EE-MRIO models. Our analysis is limited to environmental applications of global MRIO models and to government policies in the UK.
From GLOBAL MULTIREGIONAL INPUT–OUTPUT FRAMEWORKS: AN INTRODUCTION AND OUTLOOK
From POLICY-RELEVANT APPLICATIONS OF ENVIRONMENTALLY EXTENDED MRIO DATABASES – EXPERIENCES FROM THE UK
From Economic Systems Research
Volume 26, 2014 – Issue 3: A Comparative Evaluation of Multi-Regional Input-Output Databases
CONVERGENCE BETWEEN THE EORA, WIOD, EXIOBASE, AND OPENEU’S CONSUMPTION-BASED CARBON ACCOUNTS
Daniel Moran & Richard Wood
Published online: 14 Jul 2014
In this paper, we take an overview of several of the biggest independently constructed global multi-regional input–output (MRIO) databases and ask how reliable and consonant these databases are. The key question is whether MRIO accounts are robust enough for setting environmental policies. This paper compares the results of four global MRIOs: Eora, WIOD, EXIOBASE, and the GTAP-based OpenEU databases, and investigates how much each diverges from the multi-model mean. We also use Monte Carlo analysis to conduct sensitivity analysis of the robustness of each accounts’ results and we test to see how much variation in the environmental satellite account, rather than the economic structure itself, causes divergence in results. After harmonising the satellite account, we found that carbon footprint results for most major economies disagree by<10% between MRIOs. Confidence estimates are necessary if MRIO methods and consumption-based accounting are to be used in environmental policy-making at the national level.
COMPARATIVE EVALUATION OF MRIO DATABASES
Satoshi Inomata & Anne Owen
Published online: 11 Aug 2014
This editorial is the introduction to a special issue of Economics Systems Research on the topic of intercomparison of multi-regional input–output (MRIO) databases and analyses. It explains the rationale for dedicating an issue of this journal to this area of research. Then the six papers chosen for this issue are introduced. This is followed by a concluding section outlining future directions for developers and users of MRIO databases.
The World Input‐Output Database (WIOD): Contents, Sources and Methods
Edited by Marcel Timmer (University of Groningen)
With contributions from:
Abdul A. Erumban, Reitze Gouma, Bart Los, Umed Temurshoev and
Gaaitzen J. de Vries (University of Groningen)
Iñaki Arto, Valeria Andreoni Aurélien Genty, Frederik Neuwahl, José
M. Rueda‐Cantuche and Alejandro Villanueva (IPTS)
Joe Francois, Olga Pindyuk, Johannes Pöschl and Robert Stehrer
(WIIW), Gerhard Streicher (WIFO)
April 2012, Version 0.9
Analyzing Global Value Chains using the World Input-Output
Bart Los (University of Groningen)
with Marcel Timmer (Groningen), Gaaitzen de Vries
(Groningen) and Robert Stehrer (wiiw Vienna)
BBVA Foundation – Ivie Workshop, October 30, 2017, Valencia
An Overview on the Construction of North American Regional Supply-Use and Input-Output Tables and their Applications in Policy Analysis
U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis
U.S. International Trade Commission
Ross J. Hallren
ECONOMICS WORKING PAPER SERIES
Working Paper 2017-12-A
The Global MRIO Lab – charting the world economy,
Manfred Lenzen, Arne Geschke, Muhammad Daaniyall Abd Rahman, Yanyan
Xiao, Jacob Fry, Rachel Reyes, Erik Dietzenbacher, Satoshi Inomata, Keiichiro Kanemoto, Bart Los, Daniel Moran, Hagen Schulte in den Bäumen, Arnold Tukker, Terrie Walmsley, Thomas Wiedmann, Richard Wood & Norihiko Yamano
Economic Systems Research, 29:2, 158-186
INPUT–OUTPUT ANALYSIS: THE NEXT 25 YEARS,
Erik Dietzenbacher, Manfred Lenzen, Bart Los, Dabo Guan, Michael L. Lahr,
Ferran Sancho, Sangwon Suh & Cuihong Yang
Credit Terms in a Supplier Buyer contracts determine payment delays which accumulate in current accounts of a Firm.
Bank to Bank
Bank to Firm
Firm to Firm
Dyad of Credit Relations
Supplier – Buyer
Triad of Credit Relations
Supplier – Bank – Buyer
Sources of Systemic Risk
Failure of a Firm and its impact on Suppliers and Customers (Flow of Goods)
Failure of a Bank and its impact on Trade Credit
Credit Contraction due to de-risking by the Banks
Decline in Correspondent Banking relations and its impact on Trade Finance
From Credit Chains and Sectoral Co-movement: Does the Use of Trade Credit Amplify Sectoral Shocks?
Trade credit is an important source of short-term financing for firms, not only in the U.S., as documented by Petersen and Rajan (1997), but also around the World. For instance, accounts payables are larger than short-term debt in 60 percent of the countries covered by Worldscope. Also, across the world most firms simultaneously receive credit from their suppliers and grant it to their customers, which tend to be concentrated on specific sectors. These characteristics of trade credit financing have led some authors to propose it as a mechanism for the propagation and amplification of idiosyncratic shocks. The intuition behind the mechanism is straightforward; a firm that faces a default by its customers may run into liquidity problems that force it to default to its own suppliers. Therefore, in a network of firms that borrow from each other, a temporary shock to the liquidity of some firms may cause a chain reaction in which other firms also get in financial difficulties, thus resulting in a large and persistent decline in aggregate activity. This idea was first formalized by Kiyotaki and Moore (1997) in a partial equilibrium setting, and has been recently extended to a general equilibrium environment by Cardoso-Lecourtois (2004), and Boissay (2006) who have also provided evidence of the potential quantitative importance of the mechanism by calibrating their models to the cases of Mexico and the U.S., respectively.
From Ontology of Bankruptcy Diffusion through Trade Credit Channel
A supply network is a network of entities interacting to transform raw material into finished product for customers. Since interdependencies among supply network members on material, information, and finance are becoming increasingly intensive, financial status of one firm not only depends on its own management, but also on the performance and behaviours of other members. Therefore, understanding the financial flows variability and the material interactions is a key to quantify the risk of a firm. Due to the complex structure and dynamic interactions of modern supply networks, there are some difficulties faced by pure analysis approaches in analyzing financial status of the supply network members and the high degree of nonlinear interactions between them. Mathematical and operation research models usually do not function very well for this kind of financial decision making. These models always start with many assumptions and have difficulties modeling such complex systems that include many entities, relationships, features, parameters, and constraints. In addition, traditional modeling and analysis tools lack the ability to predict the impact of a specific event on the performance of the entire supply network. Current financial data analysis with large volumes of structure data cannot offer the full picture and intrinsic insights into the risk nature of a company. Motivated by the literature gap in risk monitoring in investment background and limitations of analysis approaches for handling bankruptcy contagion phenomenon, we propose an ontological approach to present a formal, shared conceptualization of this domain knowledge.
From Inter-Firm Trade Finance in Times of Crisis
The severe recession that is hitting the global economy, with very low or even negative growth rates, has caused widespread contractions in international trade, both in developed and developing countries. World Trade Organization (WTO) has forecast that exports will decline by roughly 9% in volume terms in 2009 due to the collapse in global demand brought on by the biggest economic downturn in decades. The contraction in developed countries will be particularly severe with exports falling by 10%. In developing countries, which account for one-third of world trade, exports will shrink by some 2% to 3% in 2009.
The contraction in international trade has been accompanied by a sharp decline in the availability of trade finance. This decline is only partly explained by the contraction in demand: according to a BAFT (Banker’s Association for Trade and Finance) and International Monetary Fund (IMF) joint survey (2009), flows of trade finance to developed countries have fallen by 6% relative to the previous year, more than the reduction in trade flows, suggesting that part of the fall reflects a disruption of financial intermediation. The contraction in value of trade finance has also been accompanied by a sharp increase in its price. Fear that the decline in trade finance and the increase in its cost would accelerate the slowdown of world trade has triggered a number of government initiatives in support of trade finance (Chauffour and Farole,2009).
The situation is especially worrisome for firms operating in developing countries which rely heavily on trade finance to support both their exports and imports.1 With a restricted access to financing and an increased cost of financing, these firms may find difficulties in maintaining their production and trade activities.