The Money View and Marx’ s Theory of Money and Credit. Revised Version1
By Karen Helveg Petersen2
February 2021
1 Revised version. The first draft was prepared for the AHE Conference (webinar) on July 17, 2020. 2 Ph.D. Independent researcher, author of Rent Capitalism: Economic Theory and Global Reality. Copenhagen: Frydenlund 2017 (in Danish).
Mail: zkarenhelveg@gmail.com.
Paper prepared for presentation at the AHE 22nd Annual Conference, July 17, 2020 and at the Marx Now Conference 2020, October 9, 2020
This chapter discusses how the widespread adoption of blockchain technology (distributed ledgers) might contribute to solving a larger class of economic problems related to systemic risk, specifically the degree of systemic risk in financial networks (ongoing credit relationships between parties). The chapter introduces economic network theory, drawing from König and Battiston (2009). Then, Part I develops payment network analysis (analyzing immediate cash transfers) in the classical payment network setting (Fedwire (Soramäki 2007)) synthesized with the cryptocurrency environment (Bitcoin (Maesa 2017), Monero (Miller 2017), and Ripple (Moreno-Sanchez et al. 2018)). The key finding is that the replication of network statistical behavior in cryptographic networks indicates the robust (not merely anecdotal) adoption of blockchain systems. Part II addresses balance sheet network analysis (ongoing obligations over time), first from the classical sense of central bank balance sheet network analysis developed by Castrén (2009, 2013), Gai and Kapadia (2010), and Chan-Lau (2010), and then proposes how blockchain economic networks might help solve systemic risk problems. The chapter concludes with the potential economic and social benefits of blockchain economic networks, particularly as a new technological affordance is created, algorithmic trust, to support financial systems.
Business Transformation through Blockchain: Volume I
Editors Horst Treiblmaier, Roman Beck Publisher Springer, 2018 ISBN 3319989111, 9783319989112 Length 290 pages
A systems thinking approach to reimagining innovation models: The example of clean hydrogen
Sue McAvoy1 | Cristyn Meath2 Agnes Toth-Peter2 |
Ninad Jagdish3. Jurij Karlovsek4.
1Centre for the Business and Economics of Health (CBEH), Faculty of Business, Economics and Law, The University of Queensland, Brisbane, Queensland, Australia
2Australian Institute for Business and Economics, The University of Queensland, Brisbane, Queensland, Australia
3School of Civil Engineering, The University of Queensland, Brisbane, Queensland, Australia
4BTN Pty Ltd, Singapore, Singapore
Correspondence
Sue McAvoy, Centre for the Business and Economics of Health (CBEH) and the School of Business, The University of Queensland, St Lucia, Brisbane, Queensland 4072, Australia.
МІНІСТЕРСТВО ОСВІТИ І НАУКИ УКРАЇНИ МАРІУПОЛЬСЬКИЙ ДЕРЖАВНИЙ УНІВЕРСИТЕТ ЕКОНОМІКО-ПРАВОВИЙ ФАКУЛЬТЕТ КАФЕДРА ЕКОНОМІКИ ТА МІЖНАРОДНИХ ЕКОНОМІЧНИХ ВІДНОСИН
До захисту допустити: Зав. кафедри «__»________2024 р.
Кваліфікаційна робота за освітнім ступенем «Магістр» на тему: «Соціально-економічний розвиток України в контексті поглиблення євроінтеграційних процесів»
This is the science underlying technological principles and processes in the domain of traditional art and architecture of Vaastu Shāstras. This ancient science of India is designated by the author of this article (Sthapati) as Mayonic science and technology, not only to make it distinct from the contemporary material sciences, but to restore and revalidate the unique spiritual science of a great scientist and technologist called Mayan, who lived in the land, south of the present Kanyakumari, known today as Kumari Continent. This land mass was called நாவலந்தீவு Jambudweepam, during Sangam days. (10,000 BC and beyond).”
The grids with which we design based on Vaastu principles range from 1×1 module to 32×32 modules. An atom can have so many bonds. Of these, we attach greater importance to the “Manduka Pada Vaastu Purusha Mandala” 8×8 modular lattice and the “Paramasaayika Pada Vaastu Purusha Mandala” 9×9 modular lattice, which are commonly used in temples or residences. These base grids can also be selected for a variety of other designs to be used in accordance with the design requirements, a system that is permitted in Vaastu Science to achieve a functionally sound design. Such modifications are not random: following a rhythmic contraction or expansion, they develop in an orderly manner.
At the residence, three types of grids can be used mainly: 7×7, 9×9, 11×11. The shapes are: Form “I” (DANDAKA), Form “L” (LAANGALA – two of Form “I”), Form “U” (MOULIKA – three of Form “I”) and Form “O”, or a square with a blank center (CHATURMUKHA – from four “I” forms). Also seven forms of “I” (SARVATOBHADRA) or ten forms of “I” (VARDHAMANA) …
The DANDAKA “I” form is also very common and well-known here: the front room, the back room and the kitchen in the middle “in which the fire – the heart of the spirit of the building – never goes out”.
Vaastu Purusha Mandala includes a DANDAKA HOUSE in 3 out of 9, which is why BRAHMASTAN is not (only) in the house but in front of it. That is why (for the sake of cleanliness) the restroom behind the house used to be – outside the Mandala.
This DANDAKA-shaped HOUSE thus consists of 3 cubes of the same size, with separate functions placed next to each other, while the cellar below the middle cube (kitchen) and the attic above it physically form a CROSS (of 5 cubes). If we add this cross to a complete cube, i.e. add 4 corners, we get 9 parts.
The process of creation in 2 dimensions is a cross that is given by the Brahma and Soma Sutras – the Divine Threads or Stems.
(The first letter of Runic writing, as far as I know, is “S”, its form is “I”.)
Source: Rediscovering the Hindu Temple: The Sacred Architecture and Urbanism of India
Source: Vastu-Vaastu
Source: Vastu-Vaastu
Source: Vastu-Vaastu
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Source: Vastu-Vaastu
Source: Vastu-Vaastu
Source: Vastu-Vaastu
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Key Sources of Research
“Application of Vastupurasamandala in the Indian Temple Architecture: An Analysis of the Nagara Temple Plans of Himachal Pradesh.” (1990).
Thakur, Laxman S..
“Use of Vastu Purush Mandala in Architectural Education.”
Naik, Aniruddha.
INTERANTIONAL JOURNAL OF SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH IN ENGINEERING AND MANAGEMENT (2022): n. pag.
“Basic Concepts of Mandala.” (2000).
Shakya, Mila.
“Indian Architectural Theory and Practice: Contemporary Uses of Vastu Vidya.” (1999).
This paper is an attempt to reconsider our current understanding of the role accorded to the mandala within traditional Indian architecture. It is generally held that the mandala-in particular the Vāstupuruṣamaṇḍala, the mandala associated with vāstu (inhabited or built site)-has played a determining role in the genesis of architectural form in India. Within more popular, and less circumspect, writings, this influence is held to be directly formal; the Vāstupuruṣamaṇḍala is traditionally drawn within a square grid, and any sign of an orthogonal planning or a grid-like layout is taken to be a sign that the form in question was based upon the mandala. In investigating the foundations of such a belief, this paper reviews two bodies of literature. The first is modern art-historical scholarship, an examination of which shows that the idea of a morphogenetic mandala emerged only recently, and that it was not so much culled from the traditional writing as constructed afresh by art historians such as Kramrisch. The other body of literature examined is that of the traditional writings on architecture, many of which are cited as key sources of evidence for this idea. Here it is argued that there is almost no direct evidence for the use of mandalas in laying out complexes or designing buildings, and that such ideas of the use of mandalas rest on several assumptions that must themselves be questioned.
Revisiting the Vāstupuruṣamaṇḍala in Hindu Temples, and Its Meanings
Kim, Young Jae (Architectural History and Theory University of Pennsylvania)
Received : 2014.01.13
Accepted : 2014.06.10
Published : 2014.06.30
Architectural research
Volume 16 Issue 2 / Pages.45-56 / 2014 / 1229-6163(pISSN) / 2383-5575(eISSN) Architectural Institute of Korea (대한건축학회)
“Evolution, Transformation, and Representation in Buddhist Architecture : The Square Shrines of Buddhist Monasteries in Central Asia after the Fourth Century.”
Kim, Young Jae and Dong-soo Han.
Architectural research 13 (2011): 31-43.
“Tradition and Transformation: Continuity and Ingenuity in the Temples of Karnataka.”
Hardy, Adam.
Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 60 (2001): 180-199.
“PARAMETRIZING INDIAN KARNATA-DRAVIDA TEMPLE USING GEOMETRY.” (2017).
Goud, Srushti.
Evolution, Transformation, and Representation in Buddhist Architecture : The Square Shrines of Buddhist Monasteries in Central Asia after the Fourth Century
Young Jae Kim
Dong-soo Han
Tradition and Transformation: Continuity and Ingenuity in the Temples of Karnataka
Adam Hardy
On the Idea of the Mandala as a Governing Device in Indian Architectural Tradition
Evolution, Transformation, and Representation in Buddhist Architecture : The Square Shrines of Buddhist Monasteries in Central Asia after the Fourth Century
Young Jae Kim Dong-soo Han
Maṇḍala and Practice in Nāgara Architecture in North India
M. Meister G. Bhatt Yashaswini Sharma
Measurement and Proportion in Hindu Temple Architecture
M. Meister
On the Development of a Morphology for a Symbolic Architecture: India
M. Meister
Free Vibrations of Thin Shells with Isogeometric Approach
S. J. Lee
Prasada as Palace: Kutina Origins of the Nagara Temple
M. Meister
Geometry and Measure in Indian Temple Plans: Rectangular Temples
M. Meister
Analysis of Temple Plans: Indor
M. Meister
“The Beginning of Dravidian Temple Architecture in Stone.”
Tartakov, Gary Michael.
Artibus Asiae 42 (1980): 39.
“History and Theory of Design in Traditional Temple Architecture of India.”
Kaur, Jasmeet, Naveena Verma and Tamma Bhanu Chandra Reddy.
International Journal For Multidisciplinary Research (2024): n. pag.
“Essay on the Architecture of the Hindús.”
Ráz, Rám.
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 1 (1834): 145 – 146.
Author Ananda Kentish Coomaraswamy Editor Michael W. Meister Contributor Michael W. Meister Edition illustrated Publisher Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts, 1995 Original from the University of Michigan Digitized Nov 14, 2007 ISBN 0195638050, 9780195638059
The Silpa Prakasa is an important edition to the existing literature on Indian Silpa texts.” (V.S. Agrawala). This early text on Orrisan Temple architecture (Possibly from the 10th cent. A.D.) describes various temple types of Orissa, but especially a tantric temple termed Vimanamalini with its sub-types Padmagarbha and Kamagarbha. The latter could be identified with the 10th cent. Varahi temple at Caurasi near Konarak. The text goes into great detail of the architecture, the iconography and the symbolism of all the parts of the temple. Its unique contribution lies in the description of yantras or symbolic diagrams underlying the architecture as well as sculpture.
The original author was not only a practicing tantrika, but also an expert architect speaking from experience.
The text was first discovered, edited and translated by Alice Boner with the help of Pandit Sadasiva Ratha Sarma of Puri, and published by Brill (Leiden) in 1966. The present edition is a completely revised version and text translation, with new illustrations, on the basis of palmleaf manuscript, with added Indices.
The edition will be extremely valuable for understanding not only the temple construction but the entire symbolism underlying the unique temples of Orissa.
About the Author:
Alice Boner (1889-1981) who first discovered and translated the Silpa Prakasa, was a Swiss artist and an outstanding scholar on Indian art, especially Orissan temple architecture and sculpture. Her important publications include principles of composition of Hindu Sculpture: Cave Temple Period (Leiden 1962) and New Light on the Sun Temple of Konarka (Varanasi 1972).
Sadasiva Ratha Sarma was a traditional priest of Jagannatha temple, Puri, who was well conversant with the art traditions of Orissa and who could decipher the meaning on the text.
Bettina Baumer is a scholar of Sanskrit, Agama/Tantra, Indian aesthetics and temple architecture of Orissa. She has been professor of Religious Studies in Vienna University and at present she is a Fellow at the Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla. Her publications include Vastusutra Upanisad (with Alice Boner and S. R. Sarma), Silparatnakosa (with R.P.Das), editing of Kalatattvakosa, A Lexicon of Fundamental Concepts of Indian Arts (Vols. I, II, III), translations from Sanskrit into German and three books on Kashmir Saivism in German.
Rajendra Prasad Das is a noted historian of Orissa who has been serving in the Archaeological Survey of India, then Professor of History and Principal in various colleges of Orissa. He has co-authored Alice Boner’s book New Light on the Sun Temple of Konarka.
Sadananda Das is a scholar of Sanskrit with a Ph.D. from the University of Pune. He has been teaching Sanskrit in various European Universities (Berne, Lausanne, Heidelberg) and is at present Research Officer at the Alice Boner Institute, Varanasi.
Preface to the Second Edition
Alice Boner’s pioneering translation of the Silpa Prakasa a unique text in the field of Silpasastras has remained almost unknown in India since it was published in Leiden and was not easily accessible to scholars in India. Besides the book has been out of print since almost 20 years. Therefore a revised edition became a necessity especially in the light of an increasing interest in the ancient texts on architecture and sculpture Vastu and Silpasastra.
A complete revision of the text and translation could be undertaken on the basis of only one illustrated manuscript which was in the possession of the Alice Boner institute Varanasi and which was therefore made the basis for the new edition. Since the other two MMS which Alice Boner used were no longer available the variants given from MS 2 in the printed text are noted as variant readings. The printed text had been heavily edited by Pandits who were more concerned with correct Sanskrit than with the technicalities of architecture and therefore it could not be used. The editorial principal followed now was not to change the peculiar style of a Silpasastra by making it conform to Paninian grammar. Only the most necessary corrections were done in the text.
At is has been stated by editors again and again the language of these texts is grammatically defective but by this the meaning is not affected the Silpa Prakasa invariably uses the form etani bhedani among other faulty. As the text itself and alicen Boner in her introduction makes sufficiently clear the author Ramcandra Mahaptra Kalula Bhattaraka was not a Sanskrit Pandit but was himself an architect. This is reflected in the character of the text. Along with a revision of the Sanskrit text coming closer to the original as given in the MS the translation was also completely revised. In spite of many mistakes in the earlier edition Alice Boner’s intuition regarding the correct meaning supported by Pandit Sadasiva Rath Sarma’s traditional knowledge is surprising. In many cases her doubts could be clarified on a careful new reading of the MS.
Thus in spite of a revised version of text and translation the basic understanding of the meaning remains especially with regard to identifying the temple types described with extant temples of Orissa the most outstanding example being the Varahi temple at Caurasi belonging to the Kamagarbha type called Vimanamalini.
The last forty years have seen much new research and publications on the temple architecture and sculpture of Orissa (see Bibliography). In this light the dating of both the tect and the Varahi temple at Caurasi could be established with greater precision. Both on historical as well as stylistic grounds this has resulted in an earlier dating of text and temple. The temple is now dated around the early part of the 10th century.
The question remains whether the author of the Silpa Prakasa was also involved in the building of this temple which he describes in great detail and with evident love. His attachment to this temple (and other of its kind which are not extant now) is also related to the fact of his religious affiliation to the Kaula Sampradaya and to the Tantric forms of the Goddess, Bhattarika as his name itself expresses.
Whatever may be the answer to this question the Silpa Prakasa constitutes an important testimony to the Tantric tradition of Orissa and their architectural and sculptural expressions. Alice Boner in her introduction goes into the importance of Yantras described in the text both in the architectural sense of ground plan and in the sense as symbolic ritual and compositional components of Tantra besides Mantra and Mudra they assume here their proper role as the abstract visual form of the Divine. In the much later text of Orissa Silparatnakosa it has been clearly shown that the Rajarani temple of Bhubanesvar (which is dated about a century later at 1025 A.D) is not only based on a ground plan of the Sriyantra. This text shows that at later as the 17th century this Tantric tradition was alive in Orissa not so much in the construction of temple but in their interpretation and ritual use.
This only confirms the earlier insights of the Silpa Prakasa. But the authority on which the text bases its tradition is the Saudhikagama an encyclopaedic text on both secular and religious architecture which therefore must predate the 10th century. This text has been edited and is in the process of translation and publication. This will show the continuity of the Tantric tradition form at least the 9th to the 17th century in Orissa.
Preface to the First Edition
This Silpa Prakasa is an important addition to the existing literature on Indian Silpa text. Four copies on palm leaf of this work are known two discovered in Orissa and two in Andharadesa as detailed in the introduction. Three were exhibited at the 26th international congress of Orientalists in New Delhi in January 1964. There they were examined by scholars and experts and found to be genuine and there cannot be any doubt about the authenticity of this unique text. This work has a character different from other Sanskrit works on Temple architecture. In that it concentrates on one particular temple type and gives a detailed description of its architecture illustrated is one of copies MS.2 with drawings of the component parts. This illustrated manuscript is particularly valuable because it is unparalleled in the whole range of Sanskrit Silpa Sastra literature found until now. It is the work of a master Architect who shows his professional skill in the detailed description contained in the text.
Miss Alice Boner and Pandita Sadasiva Rath Sarma the discover of three of these texts have fulfilled their obligation of making a critical edition and of preparing an English translation of the text with a detailed introduction and historical notes. A very useful illustrated glossary of technical terms is attached at the end. The two authors are to be felicitated on the labor of lover which they bestowed on this self imposed task.
The author of this text who gives his name a Ramacandra Kaula Bhattaraka was an Orissa architect living in a Tantric village on the banks of the Musali river and enjoying the patronage of one Raja Viravarman of Airavata Mandala. As a follower of the Kaulacara doctrine he worshipped Jagannatha under the name of Daksina Kalika. He frequently mentions the Saudhikagama as the source of his knowledge and his authority. This seems to refer to a Tantric school of temple architecture of which not much is known to day and on which this text gives valuable information.
The Saudhikagama was apparently based on Tantric doctrines and the Silpa Prakasa is entirely imbued with this doctrine. The word Saudha Seems here to be taken in the sense of temple or shrine and the title Saudhika seems to correspond to the title Salata in Saurastra which means a stone worker.
The text begins with an invocation to Visvakarman and Yantrakalika as the presiding deities of all temple building and throughout the text the practice is followed of depositing and consecrating yantras in the foundations and below various parts of the temple as well as under the images of deities. This is a disctinctive characteristic of Tantric traditions. In other Silpa Sastra texts as for Instance in Thakura Pheru’s Vastusastra which in the general plan of topics is very similar to the Silpa Prakasa there is no mention of any Yantra consecrated below the temple. These is mention only of the Sesanaga cakra, which however occurs also in the Silpa Prakasa under the name of Nagabandha. For the construction of temples the author also uses the term Pradadmandana which is the title of Rajasthani Silpa text by Sutradhara Mandana a very appropriate expression still current all over northern Indian to denote the complete operation of planning and building a house or a temple.
A distinctive feature however of the Silpa Prakasa is the method followed in the outlay of the ground plan of temple and Mukhasata starting from the centre of the garbhagrha and growing outwards in geometrical proportions based on units of measurement underlying the garbhagrha. Under the garbhagrha a Yogini Yantra has to be consecrated which also does not occur in other Silpa Sastras.
The Orissa temples have all one characteristic in common in that they are divided into vertical sections running from the base to the top of the Sikhara and are called rathas or pagas. These are separated from one another by deep chases called khandis in Oriya and Visrantishala in Sanskrit which would correspond to what is Rajasthani architecture is called salilantra. In front of the entrance of temple and mukhasala there are invariably round steps called nandavarata which occur also in shrines and stupas of South India and Ceylon and they are called moon stones.
The doorframes of temples have since Gupta and post Gupta times been carved with various bands of decorative friezes. Varaha Mihira in his Brhat Samhita goes into the details of these decorations such as of full vessels of patravalli and of love scenes. He also mentions the figures of pratiharas in the lower quarter of the door jambs all features which actually appear on the doorways of the famous Devagarh and Dahaparbatiya temples. The Silpa Prakasa retains some of the older motifs and adds new ones. At the base of the doorjambs the Pratiharas are now called Dvarapalas and are sometimes conceived as furious or grotesque figures of Pramathas and Ganas the dwarfish sons of Kubera. They are sometimes also represented with tiger or lion faces as those on the temples of Ramacandi and alaka padma in Puri.
In those forms they were called Bhairavas and were supposed to ward off and to frighten away all evil influences from the temple.
In the oldest temples we find also Nagarajas with full water vessels flanking the doorway as auspicious and treasure bringing symbols. Much attention was paid in all brahmanical temples to the decorations of these doorframes, And besides the various vertical bands the horizontal lintel always bore the image of Laksmi as a sign of auspiciousness or of a divinity which had some relationship with the divinity installed in the shrine. The goddess Laksmi which could be a general symbol of auspicious or of a divinity which had some relationship with the divinity installed in the shrine. The goddess Laksmi which could be a general symbol of auspiciousness or the distinctive sign of a visnu temple had its correspondence in the figure of Lalatabimba in Rajasthani temples. In Siva temples there may be Ganesa or the Marriage of Siva and Parvati or Lakulisa on the lintel. The silpa Prakasa mentions two types of Laksmis Gaja Laksmi and Subha Laksmi the former having the cloud elephants above her head and the latter having them as pedestal figures.
The Navagraha stone above the door lintel was not known is Gupta temples such as at Devagarh and Dahaparbatiya but came into use in early medieval temples as testified by the Silpa Prakasa.
Another very important feature of medieval temple architecture especially in Orissa was the Vajramastaka of which the Silpa Prakasa gives a detailed technical. It began to emerge in the later Gupta Period as a round gavaksa window dominated or not by a lion face and was appropriately called grasa or Kirti mukha the latter term being derived from the sun windows or openings of a caitya hall rock excavation. The round window with a lion head on top on the face of cave shrines was gradually conventionalized into a decorative motif applied to the front of temples.
The Silpa Prakasa has given this motif the appropriate name of Vajramastaka. In the Vajra doctrine prevalent then in the Tantric schools, the Vajra denoted diamond-like solidity which could not be fractured even by lightning. This motif was placed on the front of the Sikhara in conspicuous dimensions, but also on the base of-temples and door-jambs in smaller size. This motif variously called vajrãñga or vajramastaka could also be placed on the base or top of pillars.
As many other decorative and symbolic motifs of earliest Indian art have come down to medieval times, putting on a new complexion, the ancient tree-and-woman motif is reappearing here in the gelaba-nari, in which beautiful female figures are entwined with creepers, and the love- couples hanging from the ancient kalpa-vrksas (wish-fulfilling trees) are reappearing here as mithunas and keli-bandhas. The Silpa Prakasa also mentions figures of Rama and Krsna on the door-jambs, which in Gupta art (Deogarh Temple) appear on the temple-base. The rangani flowers mentioned in the Silpa Prakasa correspond to the four-petalled mallika flower on Gupta door-ways and the jalapatra motif of the Silpa Prakasa, where semicircular leaves are superimposed in a vertical band is very similar to the srivrka motif in Gupta art, produced by superimposed palm leaf motifs. While other Silpa Sastras take a bird’s eye view of the architecture of various regions and times, the author of the Silpa Prakasa limits himself strictly to his own time and place, although he fully acknowledges the authority of older scriptures.
The very word kirti, which originally meant a rock-excavation or a caitya-hall, as in the Traikutaka inscription of 493 A.D., is used here in the sense of temple.
The ancient motif of the Salabhanjika carved on the toranas of Buddhist stüpas returns in yet another way on medieval temples. In the Silpa Prakasa the graceful female figures distributed in great profusion on the temple-wall are called Alasa kanyas, in the plural Alasa-bandha or Nari-banadha.
This Alasa kanya motif is a great favourite with the author of the Silpa Prakasa and he recommends its use on numerous places of the vimäna and the mukhasala. He even goes so far as to say, that a temple shorn of this type of decoration will remain without interest and bear no fruit (1.393). He enumerates 16 types of female figures, who bear different names according to their features, poses and emotions.
In other Silpa Sastra texts the lists of such figures are even larger. In the Saurastra tradition, 32 types of what is called there Nataka-stri are given. A few figures only are common in the two lists, although even their names differ. What in the Silpa Prakasa is called Alasi, is Lilavati in Saurastra. What is Darpana in the Silpa Prakasa becomes Vidhicita, and what is Matrmurti becomes Putravallabhi in Saurastra, and Gunthana in the Silpa Prakãa becomes Manohamsa there. In Rãjasthni tradition they are called Preksanikas (derived from Preksana or dramatic show) owing to their often assuming dramatic poses.
After having described the mukhasala of his temple in the first part of this text the author proceeds to describe the vimana in the second part. He first gives a short description of 12 types of temples, which he says are in the tradition of Vivakarman, although their list is evidently confined to the types found in Orissa. Other texts like the recently published text Pancaratra Prasada Prasadhana, compiled by H. Daniel Smith, or the i1pa-Ratnakara compiled by Narmada Sankara Mulajibhai contain far larger lists. One of the temples described in the Silpa Prakasa is particularly noteworthy, because it bears a Buddhist name, and although being a Hindu temple points back to the Buddhist tradition, which prevailed in Orissa down to the 12th Cent. A.D. This temple has a rather peculiar form, since it has secondary spires attached to the central spire, somewhat in the way as they are used in Rajasthan under the name of Srñgas or Urusrngas. The followers of the Saudhikagama call this type of temple the Manjus’ri. Then the Silpa Prakasa proceeds to explain in minute detail all elements of the vitnãna, from the pancakarma to the Jangha, the konaka, the anartha and anuraha and the raha, with all their structural and ornamental elements. In the chapter on the vimana the author also makes a cogent and explicit defence of the amorous sculpture. Its style is pure and attains to philosophical heights while frankly declaring that these motifs are in accordance with Kaulacara rites. These sculpture are said to be based on the Kamakala Yantra which is the secret of the Kaulacaras and is represented as a Siva Lingam surrounded by 16 yonis with the names of 16 Saktis and surrounded by a ring of 8 yogins. This is the most important and most sacred decoration of the vimana’s outer parts. The author makes an interesting distinction between the Keli bandha and the Mithuna bandhas the former ones denoting mere love play while the latter may depict Viracara rites or sexual union.
Another feature upon which the author lays great stress is the lion figure and he says that without lions adorning every place the monument would lose all its significance. Four types of lions are prescribed according to the place where they stand. They Viraja lion standing on his hind legs and turning backwards in what elsewhere is called the simhavalokana attitude is mostly used for the khandis between the pagas. The jagrata or seated lion with a raised paw known elsewhere as ksubhyamna or khumman simha is best on top of the roof. The Udyata or jumping lion called elsewhere Jhampa simha is mostly for the front of the Sikhara and the Gajakranta lion overpowering an elephant called elsewhere Simhakunjara is for the front of the sikhara as well as for the front of portals.
Two types of kalasas are also mentioned the one in the form of a yupa or sacrificial post for Devi temple and the other in the form of a full water vessel for Siva or Visnu temples.
This important treatise on Silpa Sastra ends with glowing tributes to the merit of building temples and says that this is equal to the Rajasuya or to a Sona Sacrifice. It also eulogizes the Silpa Sastras descended from Visvakarman which have kept the torch of the science of Silpa burning through the ages.
Introduction
The Silpa Prakãsa occupies, among Silpa Sastras, a special and unique position. The hitherto known texts on Vastu-vidya, and what parts of the Puranas have been dedicated to this subject, are theoretical treatises, whose authorship is mostly attributed to legendary and mythical personalities of Rsis and gods. They are bigger or smaller compendia of general principles and rules of architecture and all allied arts. They cover a vast number of subjects, a vast number of art-forms spread over the length and breadth of India, and even considerable time-perspectives. On critical analysis they appear to be collective works, built up of successive stratifications, of accretions, elaborations and modifications undergone in the course of many centuries. Since they give elaborate classifications and descriptions of all types of temples, towns, forts, houses, gateways, wells etc., of innumerable types of imagery, with theft ornaments and attributes, they have come down to us as veritable store-houses for the study and preservation of art-forms that have been in use since the most ancient times. They form the broad historical foundation on which it was possible to retrace the development of Indian art and architecture from its very beginnings.
The Silpa Sastra presented in this volume is a different type of work. It does not claim divine authorship, but is avowedly written by a historical person, of whom we learn the name, ancestry, religious profession and residence. Since this person happens to be an architect by profession, speaking about his own work, it gives the book from the very outset a complexion of specialized competence. The author concentrates all his efforts on the elaborate description of one particular type of tãntric temple and on the method of its construction. Whatever descriptions there are of a general character appear only in the margin, as a sort of framework to the central subject of the book. They are set at the beginning only of each one of the two parts, into which the book is divided, and almost give the impression of being mere concessions to the generally accepted procedure of presenting a Silpa Sãstra text. This is especially so in the case of the introductory paragraphs to the second chapter, which have no necessary connection with the avowed subject of the book, and appear more like later accretions, added by some zealous copyist who was eager to improve upon his model. They contain brief accounts of temple-forms, such as the Manjusri, the Mahameru and the Kailasa, which most probably are of a later date than the actual subject of the book. Moreover, these cryptic references to other temple-forms do not show in the least the same degree of competence as the rest of the book and are not everywhere intelligible. The same can be said of the short notes on the various forms of konakas, anarthas, anurahas and rams used on these rekha temples, which therefore remain of rather uncertain identification. Although we have done our best to elicit their meaning, our rendering of these parts, from sloka 3 to 44 and from 106 to 151 of the second Prakasa can in consequence not be considered as anything but tentative.
When in these preliminaries our author, however, touches on tãntric forms of temples, like the Rathayukta, the Vaitala and the Hemakuta represented by tile Parauramevara, the Vaitäl and the Gauri temples of Bhubaneswar, the exposition, although brief, becomes perfectly lucid and clear. Not to speak of the main subject of the book, the two Vadabhi types of temples, the Padmagarbha and the Kamagarbha, which are described very systematically and with minutest care of details.
Apart from these excursions into extraneous subjects, the text is of one single piece, as it would necessarily be, when written by a single person and centering around one single theme. If it is thus more limited in scope than other Silpa texts, it has, on the other hand, the unique distinction of introducing the reader right into the very workshop of an architect, where he will not hear disquisitions f theoreticians, or compilers, but the practical instructions of a professional, of a Master-architect, who is initiating and guiding his disciples and coworkers. He has the privilege of hearing froth the Master’s own lips, how every part of the temple has to be fashioned, its proportions in respect to other parts, and the proportions of all parts with respect to the whole. He is enabled to enter into the very actuality of building operations, being guided systematically from the lay-out of the ground plan and the excavation of the foundations to the elevation of the walls, the Sikhara and the roofing. Over and above all, he has the privilege of receiving, together with the disciples, initiation into a number of secrets, religious and professional, connected with the art of temple-building. The Master, being avowedly a Kaulacara, attaches very great importance to the symbolical yantras that have to be placed and consecrated below every part of the temple. Similarly he insists, that all images of divinities that adorn the temple have to be composed on yantras and have to be visualized by the sculptors according to their dhyanas. Even for merely decorative motifs he gives compositional diagrams.
Thus the Silpa Prakasa has the rare merit of providing practical instruction into the art of temple building on all levels on the religious and ritualistic as well as on the architectural and technical plane. This gives a feeling that with an adequate disposition of mind and heart and the availability of trained workers it would be possible even today to build a temple according to its directions.
The text of the Silpa Prakasa exists as far as we know today in four copies only. There of these were consulted for working out the present translation. The existence of the fourth copy name to our knowledge only recently and therefore could not be included in our studies. It is in the custody of Sri Goswami Arisandha Math, Nimapada.
CONTENTS
Preface to the Second Edition by Bettina Baumer
V-VI
Historical Note to the Dating of the Text by Rajendra Prasad Das
VII
Preface to the First Edition by V.S.Agrawala
IX-XIV
Acknowledgements
XV
List of Figures
XIX
Introduction by Alice Boner
1-41
SILPA PRAKASA: TEXT & TRANSLATION
Detailed Contents of the Text
43-47
First Prakasa
48-191
Second Prakasa
192-381
Notes
383-393
Glossary to Technical Terms
395-425
Bibliography
427-429
Sloka Index
431-450
General Index
451-456
List of Plates
467-471
Plates
Vastusutra: Upanishad – The Essence of Form in Sacred Art
by Alice Boner, Sadasiva Rath Sarma, Bettina Baumer
1 North Indian parallels can probably be found for many of the ideas and customs to be discussed below. It just happens that the author is more familiar with the south and so has drawn most of her material from there. Many of the concepts to be outlined, however, are probably familiar throughout.
2 A belief in the possibility of a complete merger of the devotee with the divine is the ‘monist’ position. The extent to which actual merger is possible, however, is not the question here. Getting as close as possible is what is important. Stated this way, the problem is equally salient for Hindus of ‘dualist’ persuasion.
3 The houses of orthodox Brahmin families, furthermore, often have a great open passage stretching through them from east to west intended to maximize this bene ficial influence. In urban areas where this is not always possible, mirrors are some times used to give the substitute visual impression of such a corridor when none, in fact, exists.
4 The great shrine dedicated to Murugan at Palani, for example.
5 An ascetic will sometimes be buried in a seated position. When this is done his body is seated facing the north.
6 Indeed, temples have ‘horoscopes’ too. The nine planets are always represented at a special square shrine inside the whole. Their varying configurations are said to record their alignment at the time of that particular temple’s construction. (See subscript s., Diagram 9.)
7 I have several examples of this extreme response (some fantacized, some attempt ed) from my field notes.
8 All eating, of course, is done directly with the hand.
9 We would call this ‘clockwise’ movement in English, but in India it is described as ‘keeping the object of respect to the right’, a point clarified for me by Dr Veena Das.
10 Surprisingly, the major agricultural caste of the Coimbatore district (the Kavun tar) is an exception. In their wedding ritual the bride must sit on the groom’s right.
11 The squares simply become multiplied for large designs. However, some drawings ‘represent’ specific things such as temple carts or ritual lamps. Under these circum stances it is permissible to break out of the basic format.
12 This basic ritual form is probably not only pan-Hindu but also pan-Indo- European. Thus, the quincunx was once used as a format for planting a grove of sacred trees in Europe. The same structural form also serves as a cardinal principle of church architecture. A more extended discussion of 4-5 and 8-9 as numbers that delimit the sacred in Hindu art and textual tradition can be found in Bosch (1960: 84-89)
13 Some designs are made by connecting the original dots rather than by encircling them.
14 For example, the popular mantra or sacred verse addressed to him is referred to as ‘the five syllables’ chant. It is: na-ma-ci-vā-ya.
15 When Siva’s five-headed form is visually depicted in sculpture, four of his heads actually face outwards from the neck towards the four cardinal points while the fifth sits on top of the others and looks upwards. In early wall reliefs the upward looking face was shown on top of three others. The final head was imagined to face into the wall and was hence not visible. Interestingly, however, after about the third century A.D. the upward looking face was eliminated and said to be invisible. Thus the famous statue of Siva in the Elephanta Caves is three-headed, but is said to depict the five-headed form (Agrawala 1963: 52).
16 He is also known as Skanda, Karttikeya or Subramāniam. Murugan is an extre mely popular god in the south of India, though not particularly well-known in the north.
17 That is, the wedding ritual of the dominant Kavuntar community.
18 A popular description appears in the Visnu Purāna, where Brahmā is said to have made sheep from his breast, goats from his mouth, cows from his stomach and sides, horses from his feet, etc. (O’Flaherty 1975: 45). But this seems to be a late adoption. Earlier myths describe Brahmā in more abstract terms, as a Universal Soul, while the act of creation is attributed to a more concrete being named Prajāpati or Puruşa. In these earlier texts the idea of a great sacrifice and subsequent dismemberment is quite explicit (Rg Veda,10.90 and Satapatha Brahmana, Vol. III, pp. 303-7). In later periods, however, the creator’s role is more that of transformer, maker or insemi nator. Interestingly, the ritual described here bears its strongest affinity to the earlier forms of this Brahmā-Prajāpati-Puruşa complex.
19 This idea is explicitly endorsed by Eggeling, editor of the English translation of the Satapatha Brahmana(Vol. IV, p. xv),
20 All the necessary details for this ‘reconstruction’ are common knowledge to priests, but the explicit reference to a prone body is my own idea. Support can perhaps be found for this interpretation in Volwashen (1969: 45), where he mentions that something similar existed in Aryan sacrificial ritual. There a human being was represented on the altar by the arrangement of sacrificial vessels. The ‘five faces’ of Siva are also represented in this ritual by sacred vessels.
21 This idea fits well with what Levi-Strauss has argued is the basic purpose of all ritual activity, e.g., to reunite what has become differentiated into a new and unparti tioned whole (Levi-Strauss 1971: 596-611). Although I would be hesitant to agree that all rituals are of this type, the above example certainly seems to suggest that some are.
22 Left-overs have a great significance in Hindu ritual more generally. They are usually food offerings of which god is said to have ‘eaten’ the substance but left-overs are considered sacred and are later eaten by devotees.
23 In English these are usually referred to as ‘lunar mansions’.
24 In theory the god’s own body is divided into parts for this and each part is then personified in a fashion that enables it to render homage to the whole. The simile used is that of a wick being held to an already existing flame so that the flame itself is duplicated (Somasambhupaddhati).
25 More elaborate representations, however, are possible in which there are several rows or ‘layers’ of seats. Interestingly, in architectural, as opposed to strictly ritual tradition, the twenty-seven star groups become augmented to thirty-two. Presumably thirty-two makes a much neater subdivision of the sides of a square (nine on each edge) than does the former number. Volwashen (1969: 45), Kramrisch (1946: 31-32), and the editors of the Silpa Prakāsa (p. xxxiii) all mention the idea that the thirty-two segments of the circumference represent lunar mansions. To understand how twenty- seven can so easily become thirty-two see Diagram 5. Note also that the square con taining Vastu’s folded body, shown earlier, has its border subdivided into thirty-two units.
26 The diagram comes from Somasambhupaddhati, Vol. 2, p. 334, and chart 1. A very similar version is given in the Mrgendrāgama, pp. 126-27, and I also collected a diagram showing the same layout from a local priest.
27 Some Indian sea turtl es indeed do have 27 segments marked along the outer rim of their shells and one variety, the caretta caretta gigas, also has an inner ring marked by twelve subdivisions. The two rings overlap by one segment, that nearest the turtle’s head. Together, these two make a lovely model of the basic astronomical system which of course has 27 lunar mansions and 12 solar houses. Since this parti cular turtle is the biggest variety found in the Indian ocean and is noted for its savage biting (it is called the nai amai or ‘dog turtle’ in Tamil) it may indeed be the original ‘natural model’ on which both the astronomical scheme and the myth were able to build. For a further description of this turtle see Deraniyagala (1939: 164-66),
28 This can be found in many astrological handbooks, for example Anantapati ni Cutta Tirukkanita Pancānkam, 1972, p. 96. I have added the directions of space through discussion with Indian astrologers personally. However, the same informa tion is given in Diehl (1956:61), who cites a Tamil astrological handbook as his source. The figure in the centre is my own. In south Indian tradition the zodiac signs are laid out clockwise. In north Indian and European culture, however, the general tradition seems to be to make them go counterclockwise. Either would be observa tionally correct in the sense that the zodiac belt itself appears to rotate slowly clock wise, or (equivalently) the planets, particularly the sun and moon, appear to displace themselves along this belt gradually, anticlockwise. The European list of body parts comes from MacNeice (1964: 126 and 276). The Indian ones are taken from Tecikar (n.d.: 33).
29 These guardians are mentioned in some of the most important popular religious texts of Tamil Nadu. Commonly they are seen as threatened by demonic forces (acuras) so that the social life of the community becomes endangered (La Legende de Skanda, p. 62, and La Legende des Jeux de Civa, story 28). Sometimes these guardians become associated with Siva’s eight lingams (La Legende des Jeux, story 56). The full list of names is found in the Manaiyāti Cāstiram. A convenient reference in English is Gopinatha Rao (1916, Vol. I, pt. 2: 515). The glosses in brackets are my own, but are common knowledge, except perhaps for Indra’s associations as a solar deity (extensive evidence is provided by Bhattacharji 1970) and for Niruti as earth. I derive the latter idea from Niruti’s association with a hole or low spot on the earth and also with the processes of decay in general.
30 This reversal of the European perspective finds collaboration in another opposi tion common to both, namely the male/female pair. In Indian tradition, as in the European, female qualities are most often associated with the element earth, and male qualities with the wind or ether. But the European view considers the male to be the more ‘active’ of the two, while a Hindu associates the female with the dynamic principle (Sakti), and the male with the idea of unchanging essence (purusa ).
31 The accompanying diagram is taken from Kambar (1969), but the interpretation is my own. Since Kambar does not include the compass directions in his description I have taken the latter from a description of the traditional stage and audience in Boner (1972: 213-14).
32 A good example would be the old sections of the city of Madurai in Tamil Nadu. Here a great and almost square temple is to be found surrounded by square streets pierced by arteries oriented in the four directions. In addition, these main streets forming squares around the Madurai Minaksi temple are named after three impor tant festival months, Cittirai (April-May), Āvani (September-October) and Māci (February-March) during which the great chariots of the sacred shrine are pulled along these routes. Here the city space becomes identified not only with the sacred- ness of the square itself, but also with time and with the festival cycle. A similar description can be found in Volwashen (1969: 46 and 56-57).
33 This is reminiscent of the ‘light in darkness’ theme associated with some festival rituals that bear a link to pregnancy.
34 Examples of the ‘burial alive’ of ascetics can be found in Banninga (1913: 1281) and Srinivas (1952: 87-88).
35 This ceremony, called Kumbavicekam, is too complex to be described here in any detail.
36 The ritual is very common and can be used to bring any image ‘to life’.
37 This particular diagram is copied with minor modifications) from Vamikanathan (1971: 17 and 20). Kramrisch (1946, Vol 1: 266 and 359) and Curtis (1973: 49) describe a similar symbolism,
38 Indeed. in the kumpavicekam ceremony of ‘renewing’ the powers of a divine image (described in the text) one of the final steps is showing the god a reflection of itself in a mirror.
39 A similar theme has been reported from the island of Malaita in the British Solomons (Maranda 1970).
References
Agrawala, Vasudeva S. 1963. The matsya purana, a study. Varanasi : All India Kashiraj Trust.
Malamoud, Charles. 1975. Cuire le mond. Purusārtha: recherches de sciences sociales sur L’Asie du Sud. Paris: Centre de L’Inde et de L’Asie du Sud, pp. 91-136.
Maranda, Pierre and Elli Kongas Maranda . 1970. Le Crane et L’Uterus: Deux Theoremes Nord-Malaitains. J. Pouillon and P. Maranda, eds. Echanges et Communications The Hague: Mouton .
The Mayamata is a Vastusastra, i.e. a treatise on dwelling and as such it deals with all the facets of gods and mens dwellings, from the choice of the site to the iconography of the temple walls. It contains numerous and precise descriptions of villages and towns as well as of the temples, houses, mansions and palaces. It gives indications for the selection of a proper orientation, right dimensions, and of appropriate materials. It intends to be a manual for the architect and a guidebook for the layman. Well-thought of by traditional architects (sthapatis) of South India, the treatise is of great interest at a time when technical traditions, in all fields, are being scrutinized for their possible modern application.
The present bilingual edition prepared by Dr. Bruno Dagens, contains critically edited Sanskrit text, which is an improvement over the earlier edition by the same scholar and published as No.40 of Publications de I’Institute Francais d’Indologie, Pondicherry. The English translation, also published earlier, has now been revised with copious notes. The usefulness of the edition has been further enhanced by adding an analytical table of contents and a comprehensive glossary.
About the Author
Dr. Bruno Dagens (b. 1953) is an eminent Sanskritist and archaeologist. He is a member of the Ecole Francais d’Estreme-Orient. Dr. Dagens taught Sanskrit at the University of Louvain (Belgium) and did archaeological research in Afghanistan and Cambodia. He also worked, since 1977, at the Institute Francais d’Indologie, Pondicherry for quite a few years.
Besides articles and research papers on the Archaeology and Iconography of monuments in Afghanistan and Cambodia, two earlier editions of the Mayamata and one edition of the Saivagamaparibhasamanjari (a compendium of Saiva doctrines and rituals), Dr. Dagens has authored Architecture in the Ajitagama and the Rauravagama (Sitaram Bharatia Institute of Scientific Research, New Delhi, 1984).
Introduction
The body of Sanskrit literature dealing with architecture and iconography is voluminous, even if scattered and insufficiently surveyed and it is matched by a vernacular literature, more scattered and less known. It comprises, first of all, independent works which can be classified under the general heading of “technical treatises” (silpaSastra) or under the more precise one of “treatises on dwelling” (vastuSastra) or “treatises on dwellings” (vastuSastra) The scope of these works, and that of the domain they cover, varies considerably and that goes for the comprehensive treatises as much as for those which confine themselves to limited subjects, such as iconography or astrological points bearing upon the founding and the construction of a house. There are few specialized works of importance in this category even so, architecture and iconography being more often dealt with in various works, whether more or less ambitious encyclopaedias or treatises which concentrate upon areas where architecture and iconography are involved. Some of the main purana or upapurana are to be found in this category (e.g. Matsyapurana, Agnipurana, Visnudbarmottarapurana … ) along with encyclopaedias of royal inspiration (e.g. Manasollasa of Somesvara, Samaranganasutradbara of Bhoja … ) and the Saivite and Vaisnavite agama of various persuasions, as well as the Grbyasutra. the Arthasastra and the Brhatsamhita. These types of works are just those in which the material is most abundant but most scattered; it should be added that a number of small independent treatises are nothing more than extracts from much larger works and, as well, that it is hard to be sure whether the Purvakamikagama has borrowed from the Mayamata the very great number of passages common to both texts or whether the reverse is the case (see below).
That the dispersion is also historical and geographical only complicates the problem still further: the architecture and iconography, as they appear in a given work, are but the reflection of what was in existence during the time of its drafting in the region where that was done; significant in relation to the described forms, this factor is also apparent in the technical vocabulary which is always more or less marked by regional usage, as well as by borrowings from the vernacular. Then, there is the sectarian bias, whether stressed or not and very apparent in the iconography and also, even if to a lesser degree, in complex architectural forms, if not in their elements envisaged separately.” The pretension to universality of many of these texts does nothing to conceal this phenomenon, and whether the regional and sectorian features are more or less emphasized, they are still, usually, obvious. It must also be added that the Indian or, more precisely, the Hindu koine, is so much the fruit of such a mixture of regional and unitarian trends that each author, or school, may legitimately imagine that its day-to-day reality is nothing but an accurate reflection of the whole Indian world.
In that very extensive and widely disseminated range of works, the Mayamata occupies a fairly well defined place. It is a general treatise, a vastusastra, written in Sanskrit but originating from Dravidian India, most probably from the Tamil area; it is part of the Saivite agamic literature without the connection being underlined by any pronounced sectarianism and its drafting must have been done during the Cola period, at the time when the architecture it describes had reached the peak of its maturity. Comprising about 3300 verses and divided into 36 chapters, it is identified as a vastusastra, that is, as a treatise on dwelling, for it defines the vastu as “anywhere where immortals or mortals live” (2.1)’ This definition is followed by specifications which show that the concept of housing is very wide and is divided into four categories: the Earth (considered as original dwelling), buildings, vehicles and seats (which last three are nothing but “vastu” deriving from the first “vastu”,the Earth). Once iconography has been added to this list we have a panorama, brief but inclusive, of the content of the work. Leaving aside here the details of this content which we will analyse further on, we note that the Mayamata is arranged in three large sections: the first (Chapters 1-10) deals with dwelling sites, the first vastu, the second section with buildings (Chapters 11- 30) and the third (Chapters 31-36), with the last two vastu, vehicles and seats, and with iconography (Linga images and their pedestals). In these different sections are found entire chapters or significant passages consecrated to particular topics in the sphere of technique or that of the ritual which sets the pace for the construction: system of measurements and quality of the architects (Chapter 5), orientation and laying-out (Chapters 6-7), offerings to the gods of the site (Chapter 8), foundation deposit (Chapter 12), joinery (Chapter 17), rites for the end of the construction of a temple and for the first entry into a house (Chapters 18 and 28) and renovation work and associated rites (Chapter 35).
The work as a whole is coherent in spite of various interpolations which are sometimes, but not always, indicated by changes in the metres.” These appear quite frequently in chapters describing temples where they often give information on details of decorative motifs which were evidently mentioned, though not described, in the original text; in the same way the description of a pavilion of the siddha type (25.39 sq.) is interrupted by fourteen verses given over to ritual firepits (kunda); this interpolation would seem to have been entailed by the mention of the fact that the siddha pavilion may serve “for all rituals”; sometimes definitions of terms have been added, such as in Chapter 26 where we are given, but quite untimely, precise meanings for vimana, barmya and malika (26.100). These interpolations do not seem to give rise to any great internal discrepancy; it is only to be noted that the mention, in a general chapter on temples, of thirteen, fourteen and sixteen storeyed temple ( 11.19) seems to be the result of an updating of the text which never otherwise describes temples with more than twelve storeys (22.66 sq., see below ).
That the Mayamata belongs to Saivasiddhanta literature is demonstrated by the leading place given to Siva temples, by the chapter given over to the Linga and especially by the speculations on the nature of the Linga which it contains and, lastly, by the pantheon described in Chapter 36 which is essentially that found in saivagamas. This being said, the Mayamata nevertheless does not appear to be a sectarian work; the list of Siva’s Attendants is followed by a list of those of Visnu (Chapter 23) and Chapter 36 includes descriptions of images of Buddha and Jina which are not usual in agamic literature, no more than are mentions of the temples of these two deities such as are found here in the chapters dealing with villages and foundation deposits (9.70 sq. and 12.59 sq.). Ram Raz, who has noted the tolerance shown in the Mayamata (and the Mana- sara ) towards Buddhists and jains, says however that the locations attributed to the cult places of these two sects were close to those suitable for inferior deities or for malignant spirits.This absence of sectarianism is marked in a much more general way by constant references to a very classical society such as is presented in the Dbarmasastras. The society for which arc intended the construction prescribed by the Mayamata is that of the four uarnas and the “others”, who are installed at a distance and who are responsible for polluting tasks such as refuse collection (e.g. 9.95-98). If the society of the Mayamata is that of the Dharmasastras, its political organization is that of the Arthasastra; there too the references to classical India are very evident, as well where they concern the hierarchies of towns and villages, as when they give the method of organizing the defence of a kingdom with forts, and the way in which the royal council chamber is to be arranged (cf. Chapters 9 and 10 and 29.191 sq.).
It may be said, quite definitively, that the aim of the Mayamata is to organize the integration of the external manifestations of siddhanta Saivism in a context which could be qualified as “non-sectarian Hindu”, so as to avoid the term “secular” which is not very appropriate when speaking of traditional India.
Preface
This is our third MAYAMATA and it owes a lot to the former Institute of Indology (now French Institute of Pondicherry) we have retained without any substantial change the Sanskrit text and, after revision and emendation, the material for many of the footnotes, which have been added to the translation. That last, as well as the Introduction, has been borrowed after revision from our second work published in 1985 by the Sitaram Bhartia Institute of Scientific Research; we have tried to clarify it on several points, without however being able to make more than little progress in the interpretation of the ones. From the first published in 1970-1976 by the French passages dealing with timber work (chapters 18 and 25). The drawings of that second edition too have been kept with slight corrections; it should be reminded that they are meant to be no more than tentative sketches. Lastly an Index-glossary and an Analytical table of contents have been prepared.
The helps received since 1964 when the late Professor Jean Filliozat introduced us for the first time to the MAYAMATA, have been too numerous to be acknowledged one by one; exception is to be made however for that brought by Pandit N.R. Bhatt, founder and former Head of the Sanskrit Department at the French Institute of Pondicherry; I owe him more than can be expressed.
Lastly we thank Mrs. Kapila Vatsyayana for having asked us some years ago to prepare that book for the I.G.N.C.A. series, and for having friendly stood for out endless delays.
Foreword
In the series of Kalamulasastra early texts on music, namely, Matralaksanam, Dattilam and Brhaddesi, have been published. The medieval texts on music, specially, the Sri hastamuktavali (No.3 in the series) and the Nartananirnaya (No.17 in the series), bring us upto the 15th and 16th century. In the case of architecture, despite the IGNCA’s endeavour to publish portions of the Brhatsamhita, the Agnipurana and the Visnudharmottara-purana, first this has not been possible. Instead, our scholars wrere able to complete work first on a late but important text, namely, silparatnakosa. We hope that the sections on architecture in the Brhatsamhita, the Agnipurana and the Visnudharmottara-purana which predate the medieval texts, will be published soon, alongwith revised and re-edited texts of Manasollasa and Aparajitaprccha.
The Mayamatam is the fourteenth and fifteenth volumes in the Kalamulasastra series of the Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts (IGNCA).
Urban development and city planning was, undoubtedly, known to the Mohenjodaro, but its most outstanding survivals of the historical period are in South India. The layout of Tanjore and later, Madurai has been widely commented upon. Understandably, technical texts, which devote attention to village, city planning, house building and temple construction, should be expected. An outstanding example of a comprehensive text, comprising thirty-six chapters, is the Mayamatam, written sometime between 11th and 12th century. The text is, obviously, a deduction from existing practices and actual structures rather than an abstract theoretical treatise on architecture. Its contents are more systematic than those found in other comprehensive texts, such as, the Manasollasa or the Samaranganasutradhara. The latter two are encyclopaedic in nature but are not tightly structured. In contrast, Mayamatam is more definitive and coherent as it situates itself within the larger saiva tradition and even more particularly, the Saivagama tradition and takes into account actual town and village layouts and temple construction. While it would be debatable whether the text precedes or succeeds the construction of the Brhadisvara with architectural plans, techniques of construction and the modular approach in regard to the number of storeys. The text assumes importance not only for its detailed descriptions of temples, but also for its detailed descriptions of houses for different categories of inhabitants in a village and a city, entrances, exists, ventilations and much else. Equally revealing is the concern with examination of the site, the analysis of the soil, the preparation of the foundations, the materials to be used and the methods of construction. A comparative study of the valuable date in this text, with techniques, which survive with the traditional sthaptis and others, would be the next rewarding journey.
As we have observed elsewhere Vastu and the Agama traditions are complementary and often they overlap. This was evident in the Svayambhuvasutrasamgraha and this interdependence has been highlighted by Prof. Pierre Filliozat in his Introduction. The Mayamatam, likewise, complements material in the Kamikagama specially the section on the Purvakamikagama and the two should be seen together, because while the text on architecture details the techniques of construction, the Agama texts lay down the process by which the material is transubstantiated to a non-material plane.
The text of the Mayamatam also interlinks the IGNCA programmes of studying the area of Tanjore and the Brhadisvara Temple. In a related programme, precise measurements have been taken of the city, new layout plans have been made, the Tmple has been measured precisely and a new set of drawings of ground plans, elevation and sections, is ready. Alongside, a volume on sculpture of the Temple, not understood in isolation but in its aspect of a programmed orchestration of the outer and the inner, the lower and the higher is ready for publication. Inscriptions have been re-assessed from the point of view of their placement and the contents of these inscriptions, specially those that have been deciphered recently, throw a fund of information on the organization of temple architecture activity. Alongside, the temple rituals are being documented. Studies are being carried out in regard to adherence or departures in contemporary practice of these rituals from the Agamas- whether the Kamikagama or the Makutagama. A comparison of the material of Mayamatam and the studies in the Brhadisvara project will, undoubtedly, throw up a new set of issues for further study.
With the publication of a group of monographs relating to the Brhadisvara Temple, including the Isanasivagurudevapaddhati and the Makutagama, the architectural, sculptural, painting and epigraphical volumes, and the volume based on the socio-political and cultural aspects and the history of the period and region, and the Mayamatam the Institute will have, hopefully, provided a new or, certainly, an alternate medel for the study of cultural areas and regions. Here theory and practice-the textual and the oral, the historical and contemporary, the monument, the texts and the living traditions are being investigated as interpenetrative categories.
Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts is grateful to Dr. Bruno Dagens, Editor and Translator of this edition of the text. A French edition was published by the French Institute of Indology, Pondicherry, in 1970-76 and an English translation of the text from Sitaram Bharatia Institute of Scientific Research was published in 1985. The present edition is a revision of Dr. Bruno Dagen’s critical text published as also a revision of the English translation. He has provided an insightful introduction and an exhaustive glossary of technical terms, which will be an invaluable source of understanding for future scholars. Dr. Bruno Dagens brings to this edition the sensitive understanding of an excavator and an archaeologist. Thus, many complex passages have been edited by him with a view not only of grammatical correctness but also from the point of view of comprehension as statements of architectural construction. The question of homogeneity of this text – whether it was all composed during Cola or the post Cola period is somewhat debatable. Dr. Bruno Dagens concedes that there may be some interpolations. However, the question of interpolations in the Indian textual tradition is itself a complex matter. The text was never considered to be a frozen text. Since at all times the text reflected actual practices, as and when actual practices went through modifications, these changes were reflected in the subsequent texts or incorporated into an already prevalent text. Elsewhere, we have taken up the question “What constitutes the authenticity of a text in the Indian tradition, other than the Vedic text under the category of Sruti?”. The Mayamatam, like many other texts in different disciplines but particularly the arts, is also not a frozen text of a particular fixed date and time, but belongs much more to the stream of evolution and development of distinctive schools of architectural style.
I would like to take this occasion to thank Dr. Bruno Dagens for preparing the present text and thank my colleagues, especially Dr. N.D. Sharma who has assisted in proof-reading of the Sanskrit documents and publications, and Prof. Satkari Mukhopadhyaya, for supervision.
CONTENTS
Vol. I
Foreword
vii
Preface
xi
Table of figures
xv
Analytical table of contents of Mayamata
xvii
Introduction
xxxix
Text and translation of Mayamata (Chapter 1 to 23)
Chapter1:
Summary
3
Maya, auditor of the Lord of the Universe and author of the treatise(1-2). Summary of the treatise (3-11). Envoi: divine origin of the treatise which deals with divine and human dwellings (14).
Chapter2:
Dwelling sites
7
Definitions: -Varieties of dwelling sites(1-3); principal and secondary sites (4-6a); various kinds of dwelling sites (6b-8); the Earth as main site (9). Characteristic of sites intended for Brahmins, kings, vaisys and sudra (10-15). Envoi: the perfect site (20).
Chapter3:
Examination of the site
11
Auspicious characteristics (1-10a). Inauspicious characteristics (10b-19). Envoi: the perfect site (20).
Chapter4:
Taking possession of the site
11
How to take possession of the site: -Dismissing of spirits and others (1-3); ploughing, seeding and grazing (4-8a); offering (8b-10a). New examination is necessary before taking possession of the site (19).
Chapter5:
System of measurements
23
System of measurements: -Definition of the various units(1-6a); when to use them (6-11a); unit for rituals etc. (11b-12). The four technicians: -Names (13-14a); the architect (14b-18a); the sutragrabin (18b-19); the taksaka (20); the vardhaki (21-22a); qualities of technicians (22b-24). -Envoi: such technicians are indispensable (25).
Chapter6:
Orientation
29
Preliminaries: – Choice of date (1-2a); preparation of the ground (2b-3a); making the gnomon (3b-7a). Fixing the cardinal points: -Drawing east-west and north-south lines (7b-13a); values of apacchaya (11b-13). Laying out the building: –Making rope and stakes (14-18); the lines to be drawn: definitions (19-21a); order to be followed in drawing them (21b-24a); drawing the lines for four main building houses (24b-26). The apacchaya (cont.) -Various (27); when to make adjustments (28).
Chapter7:
Diagrams
37
List fo the thirty-two diagrams (1-21). Descriptions: Sakala diagram (22); pecaka diagram (23); pitha diagram(24); mahapitha diagram (25-27); upapitha and other diagrams (28-29). Two two main diagrams (manduka and paramasayin): -Common characteristics (30-33a); names of the gods and their respective places (33b-42); manduka diagram (43-48); the Spirit of the site (49-56); manduka diagram (cont.) (57); Paramasayin diagram (58).
Chapter8:
Offerings
51
Individual offerings (1-15); common offerings (16-20); placing the gods (21-23).
Chapter9:
Villages planning
57
Dimensions of settlements: -System of measurements (cont.): liner (1b-2a) and square (2b-4a) units; dimensions of village settlements (4b-8a); dimensions of towns (8b-10); dimensions of village, kheta, kharvata, forts and cities (10-16a); proportions of villages, kheta, kharvata, forts and cities (10-16a); proportions (16b-18a); the ayadi system (18b-24). Number of Brahmins to be installed in a settlement (25-31). General points: -Choosing a diagram(32-33a); list of village types(33b-34); various kinds of streets (35-39); definition of various kinds of settlements (40). Description of village type: -Dandaka type (41-42); svastika type (43-45); prastara type (46); prakarnaka type (47); nandyavarta type (18-50a); paraga type (50b-51a); padma type (51b-52); sripratisthita and srivatsa types (53-54a). Village planning: -General rules (54b-56); doors and sewage outlets (57-60a); defences (50b-60a); concentric zoning (61b-63); shrines (64-75); layout of centre of village (75b-78); harmony between settlement of shrines (84-85); the body of the Spirit of the Site is not to be harmed (86); arrangement of amenities and dwelling quarters (87-91a); houses: dimensions and types (91b-94); constructions around the village (95-98); errors to be avoided in plainning (99-100). The foundation deposit for villages: -Components (101-122a); location (122b-128). Envoi: Gifts to architect and others and their fruits (129-130).
Chapter10:
Towns
89
Dimensions of towns (1-12) General points: -The surrounding wall: layout and dimensions (13-16a); choice of a diagram and places to be avoided (16b-17a); streets (17b-18). Descriptions of towns and other settlements: -Rajadhanin or the king’s capital (19-26a); khata (26b); kharvata and janasthanakubja (27); pattana or harbour (28b-29a); sibira (29b-30a); senamukha (30b-31a); sthaniya (31b-32a); dronamukha (32b-33a); vidamba and kotmakolaka (33b-34a); nigama (34b-35a); skandhavara and cerika (35b-36a). Fort: -Types (36b-38); qualities to be sought (39-40a); gateways (40b-42a); walls (42b-46a); stores (46b-48a); qualities to be sought (cont. 48b-49a). gods of the fort (49b-51a). Town plans: -General rule regarding the number of streets (51b-54a); dandaka, kartaridandaka, bahudandaka, kalakabandhadandaka, vedibhadra and svastika types of plan (54-61a); bhadraka, bhadramukha, bhadrakalyana, mahabhadra, vastubhadra and subhadra types (62-67a); jayanga, vijaya and sarvatobhadra types (67b-76). Town planning: -Habitation quarters and bazaars (77-87); shrines (88-89a); outside constructions (89-90); specificity o pattana (91b-c); list of various kinds of settlement(92). Envoi: Gifts architect and others and their fruits (93-94).
Chapter11:
The number of storeys and the dimensions
113
Differences regarding the plan of buildings and the number of their storeys(1-3a). Dimensions of buildings according to number of storeys (3b-22a). Destination of buildings according to number of storeys (22b-25). Maximum size to be given to a building (?)(26). Envoi: contents of the chapter (27).
Chapter12:
The foundation deposit
121
General points: -Why a foundation deposit is necessary (1-3a); the foundation pit (3b-8); the casker (9-15a); preliminary rites (15b-22); content of the casket (23-32). Temples foundation deposit: -Deposit for Siva temple (33-46a); deposits for Visnu (46b-48a), for Brahma (48b-51) and for Sanmukha (52-53); deposits for dikpalas and similar Attendants (54-58); for Buddha (59-60), for Jina (61-63), for Durga (64-65a) and for Ksetrapala (65b); deposits for Laksmi, Sarasvati, Kali, the Mothers, Rohini, Parvati, Mohini, etc .(67-70). Deposits for human dwellings: -Deposits for each of the four varna (71-83); deposits for the principal main buildings of catussala (84-87); deposits for various buildings (88-95); general points: deposit is not to be placed when he house mistress is pregnant(95); orientation of deposit (97); formula for foundation (98); deposits for wells etc. (99_100). The first bricks: -Number, nature and dimensions (101-108a); placing the first bricks (108b-111). General points: -Order of operations (112); placing a pillar or a door jamb above the deposit(114).
Chapter13:
The socle
151
Definition and proportions (1-5). Descriptions: -Vedibhadra types (6-8); pratibhadra types (9-14); subhadra types (15-19a). General rules: -Decoration (19b-20); proportions (21-22).
Chapter14:
Tha base
157
Foundation works: -Dry and moist grounds (1-4a); preparing the ground (4b-8). General points: -Regulating course, base and socle (9-11a); definition of base (11b); height of the base (12-16); projection(17-18). Descriptions: -Padabandha base (19-20); uragabandhu base (21-22); pratikrama base (23-24); padmakesara base (25-26); puspapuskala base (27-28); sri bandha base (29-30); mancabandha base (31)srikanta base (32); srenibandha base (33); padmabandha base (34); vaprabandha base(35); kapotabandha base(36a); pratibandha base (36b); kalasa base(37); General points: -Decoration and proportion (38-39); synonyms for ‘base'(40); projection and recess (41-44); rule for interruption of base and stereo bate (45-47).
Chapter15:
Dimensions of pillars and choice of materials
179
Pillars: -General points: -Synonyms for ‘pillar’ (2); dimensions (3-8); various kinds of pillars:pratistambha, nikhatastambha, jhasalastambha (9-11a); rule for pillar diameter (11b-12). -Descrioptions: -Brahmakanta, vinsukanta, indrakanta, saumya, purvasra, rudrakanta and rudracchanda pillars (13-17a); proportion of lotiform base (17b); bhadraka pillar (18-19); sundupada and pindipada pillars (20-22a); ictrakhanda, srikhnda and srivajra pillars (22b-26a); ksepanastambha(26b-27a). General points (cont.): -Pillar assembly, general use of bracket capital, definition of module (27b-29a). -Capitals: -Types of bell-capital (29b-30); pillar upper part arrangement (31); bell capital (32-34a); abacus and other elements (34b-39a); bracket capital: dimensions (39b-42); description (43-47), various types (48-50). -Pilasters projection (51); intercolumniation (52-54); wooden and stone pillars (55-56); placing the reference line (57-58a); how to calculate the height of a building (58b-59a); placing the reference line (cont.)(59b-61a).
Choice of building materials: -Materials to be used (61b) -Characteristics of correct materials: -Trees (62-63); list of trees suitable for pillars (64-67a); stone is not to be used for vais, a and sudra buildings (78-79a); pure, ‘mixed’ and ‘mingled’ building (79b-80). -Search for timber: -Preliminary rites (81-83); ‘male’, ‘female’ and ‘neuter’ trees (84-86); cutting the tree(87-92); omens (93-98); squaring, transporting and storing timber (99-102); storing the nails, etc. (103-104a); making a muhurtastambha (104b-108); list of trees not to be used for human dwellings (109-114). -The making of bricks: -Choice of earth (115-116a); mixing earth with water and various saps (116b-118a); dimensions of bricks (118b-119a); drying and baking (119b); testing the bricks (120). -Envoi: why good materials are to be chosen (121).
Chapter16:
Entablature
213
The architrave and its upper fascia: -Three kinds of architrave (1-3); four kinds of arrangement for entablature (4); the upper fascia (5-7a). Various features: -Braces (7b-9a); consoles (9b-10a); lierne and cornice (10b-15); struts (16-18a); decoration of cornice (18b-20a); upper fascia (cont.) (20b-23a); cornice (cont.) (23b-27); frieze: description (28-32a), various kinds (32b-35). The ceiling: -Arrangement of architrave and pillars (41b-42a); orientation of architrave, beams, etc. (42b-44a); arrangement of beams, valika, joists and small joists (44b-45); decoration of entablature and making of ceiling (46-47); height of entablature (48); preparation of coating (49); even and odd measurements (50a); position of the door (50b); rule for arrangement of stereobate (51-53). Latticed windows: -Position and dimensions (54-55a); arrangement of upright and transoms (55b-56a); various types of latticed window (56b-60a); jambs and shutters (60b-61); circular windows(62). Walls: -Three sorts of walls (63); description of latticed and plank walls. Envoi: contents of the chapter and emphasis on rules regarding stereo bate (67).
Chapter17:
Joinery
235
General points: -Definition (1); basic principle (2); varieties of assembly: names(3); how to make an assembly (4-8a); position of pieces to be joined (8b-10a); varieties of assembly (cont.); definitions (10b-15a). Descriptions: -Sarvatobhadra assembly (15b-18); nandyavarta assembly (19-22a); svastibandha assembly (22b-23); vardhamana assembly (24-26a). General rules for successful assemblies (26b-28). Assemblies for pillars and for pillars (29) and horizontal elements (30); assembling the pillars: types of assembly (31-34); general rules (35-37); assembling the horizontal elements: types of assembly (38-34); general rules (35-37); assembling the horizontal elements: types of assembly (38-41); general rules (42-43). tenons and pegs (44-45a). Errors regarding tenons and pillars (45b-46); position on diagrams (47-49); middle regarding tenons and pillars (45b-46); position on diagrams (47-49); middle of pieces (50-51a) and confusion of elements (51b-53a); evil result of an error (53b-54); errors regarding use of old pieces (55-56); assembly of pillars and architrave (57-58a) and assembly above the place of Brahma at the centre of the building (58b-59); error regarding male, female and neuter woods (60); happy fruit of a correct assembly (61). Description of a special assembly(/) (62).
Chapter18:
Making of the roof and completion of the building work
251
Upper levels of elevation: -The attic: -Height (2); projections and recess (3-5a); decorative elements (5b-7a). -The roof: -Different types of roof and their proportions (7b-12a); proportions and names of corresponding types of rafter work (12b-14); roof shapes (15-17). Height of the finial (18-19). -Roof timber work: -Number of rafters (20); puskara(?) (21-22); dimensions of rafters (23-29); the five categories of rafters (30-31); rafter work of a wagon roof (?) (32-35); timber-work of a pyramid roof (?) (36-37); dimensions of various roof elements (38-45); roofing (46-47a); lierne and other elements (?) (47b-64); roofing (cont.) (65-66a); axis of the finial: dimensions (66b-67) and setting up (68-77); decoration of the porch gable (78-81). -The finial: -Position of final axis (82); height (83-87a) and width (87b-89a) of finial parts; finial support (?) (89b-90); the finial is suitable only for the first three varna (91). Coatings and mortars: -Different kinds (92-98a); preparation of kalka and cikkana (98b-101a); preparing of bandhodaka (101b-103); making a roofing (?) and a gutter (104-108); paintings (109-112a); recipe to make a rock-like mortar (112b-115). -The crowning bricks (116-121a). -Axis of the finial (cont.): materials, shape and dimensions (121b-127a). Consecration ceremony: -Laying in place of the crowning bricks: -Preparatory rites: arrangement of pavilion (127b-133a); placing the bricks and the finial axis in that pavilion (133b-134a); offerings (134b-136a); settling of the architect for the night (136b-138a). Morning rites: dressing of the architect (138b-141a); meditation (141b-142); washing the bricks and the finial axis (143).
-Setting the bricks: climbing up the roof of the building and placing the bricks (144-147a); placing a sacred deposit under the axis of finial (147b-151); hanging a banner and clothing the building (152-154); honoraria for the architect and others (155-156); where to place the deposit in various kinds of building (157-158). -General rules for the completion of the building work (159-169). -Summary of what has been already told in this chapter (163) -Axis of the finial (cont.): suitable woods (164). -Consecration rites: -Choice of a correct time (165); preparatory rites: arrangement of a consecration pavilion (166-170a); placing twenty-five vases and invoking the gods (170b-172); setting of the architect for the night (173-174); arrangement fo a sacrificial pavilion (175-178a); placing the murtikumbha in that pavilion and dressing the temple (178b-181); offerings to the divinities of the site (182-184). -The opening of the eyes (185-188); climbing up again the temple roof and handing banners (189-193a); making the vase of the finial and setting it in place (193b-195); consecration formula (196-198); end of the architect and others (202-206). -General rules for the consecration: -Necessity for the consecration ritual (207-210); the architect officiates in the consecration (211-212); the time for consecration (213-214); placing the vases (215). Envoi: the rules to be followed for success.
Chapter19:
One storeyed temples
307
General features of single storeyed temples: -Dimensions and proportions (1-3a); shapes (3b-4a). General points regarding temples: -The pavilion in front of the shrine (4b-9); synonyms designating buildings (10-12); dimensions of the sanctum (13-15a); proportions of the finial (15b-17); false-dormer windows set in the roof (18-19a); the attic stereo bate (19b); the door (20-22); the gargoyle: position (23-24); description (25-28); alternative position (29). General appearance of single storeyed temples (30-34). General points regarding temples (cont.): Nagara, dravida and vesara categories (35-38); images to be set on temple facades: ground floor (40-43); second floor (44-45a); third floor (45b-46); attic (47-48a). Envoi: decorative elements which may used. (48b-49).
Chpater20:
Two storeyed temples
325
Dimensions and proportions of two storeyed temples (1-5) Descriptions of two storeyed temples: -Svastika type (6-7); vipulasundara type (9b-10a) General points regarding temples: -Aediculae (10b-12a). Description of two storeyed temples (cont.): -Kailasa (12b-13a); parvata (13b-16a); svastibandha (16b-18a); kalyana (18b-19); pancala (20); visnukanta (21); sumangala (22-23); gandhara (24); hastiprstha (25-26); manohara (27a); isvarakanta (27b-28a); urttaharmya (28b-29a) and kuberakanta (29b-30a). Envoi: there are fifteen types of two storeyed temple (30b-31a). General points regading temples (cont.): -Male,female and neuter building (31b-34a).engaged structures (35); arcatures: proportions (36-37) and positions (?) (38-39).
Chapter21:
Three storeyed temples
337
Dimension and proportions of three storeyed temples (1-2a). Description of three storeyed temples: -Svastika type (2b-10); vimalakrti type (11-14); hastiprstha type (15-18a) General points points regarding temples: -The pavilion in front of the shrine: proportions (18b); decorative features (19-20); position of the reference line(21-23a). Descriptions of three storyed temples (cont.): -Hastiprstha type (cont.)(23b-29a). General points regarding temples (cont.): -Arcatures: tambhatorana (29b-33). Descriptions of three storeyed temples (cont.) -Hastiprstha type (cont.) (34-40a); bhadrakostha type (40b-48a); vrttakuta type (48b-49); sumangala type (50-51); gandhara type (52-59); sribhoga type (60). General points regarding temples (cont.): -Aediculae (61-64a); new classification: buildings with and without aisle (64b-65); the sanctum (66); stereobate (67); arcatures (cont); patratorana, makaratorana and citratorana (68b-80a); other decorative elements; kumbhalata (80b-81), stambhakumbhalata (82-83) and vrttasphutita (84-86a); stairs: four types of stairs (86b-90), rule for step (91-92), proportions and location of stairs(93-97). Envoi: arcatures and stairways have been described in this chapter (98); nagara, dravida and vesara temples (99).
Chapter22:
Temples with four or more storeys
363
Four storeyed temples: -Dimensions and proportions (1-2); Descriptions: subhadraka type (3-12); srivisala type (13-14); bhadrakostha type (15-24a); jayavaha type (24b-34a); bhadrakuta type (34b-36). General points regarding temples:-The kapotapanjara (37-42). Descriptions of four storeyed temples (cont.): -Bhadrakuta type (cont.) (43-46a); manohara type (46b-47a); avantika type (47b-48); sukhavaha type (49-54). Five storeyed temples (55-57). Temples with six to eleven storeys (58-66a). Twelve storeyed temples (66b-71a). General points regarding temples (cont.): -Odd and even measurements: proportion of aediculae (71b-73); engaged structures for temples with four storeys or more (74-75); aediculae:proportions (76-78a), arrangement (78b-79a), projection (79b-81), roof shapes (82-85), other kinds of arrangement (86-92a); dimensions are to be in whole numbers of units (92b-93a). Envoi: thus have been described temples (93b-94).
Chapter23:
Enclosures and Attendants’ shrines
387
Enclosure: -Aim of temple enclosure (1); dimensions of the five enclosures: according to even and odd diagrams (2-5) or according to main temple size (6-16); position of reference line (17); enclosure walls: dimensions (18-22) and decoration (23-25); cloister-like gallery (26-31); decoration of wall coping (32a); height of enclosures base (32b-34). Attendants shrines: -General features (35-38);lists of eight (39-40a), twelve (40b-42a), sixteen (42b-45a) and thirty-two (45b-52) Siva’s Attendants; arrangement of Attendants shrines: ccording to odd and even diagrams (53a); according to number of enclosures (53b-54a); according to orientation of main temple (54b-57a); appearance of Attendants shrines. Storeyed galleries: -General features (58b-61a); proportions (61b-69); temple storeyed gallery and dwelling house annexes (70-71a); storeyed galleries and Attendant’s shrines or other features (71b-73). Enclosures arrangement: -Altars (74-81); flag mast (82-83a); various buildings within the enclosures (83b-88a); flag mast 9cont.) (88b-91);other buildings (92-97). Attendants of Visnu: -Lists and arrangement of eight (89-100a); twelve (100b-102), sixteen (103-105a) and thiry-two (105b-106) Visnu’s Attendants. Characteristics of the image of Vrsa: -General proportions (107-110a); detailed proportions (110b-127a); general features (127b-131).
Vol.II
Text and translation of Mayamata (chapter 24 to Appendix)
Chapter24:
Gateway
421
The five gateways: -Dimensions in relation to that of the main temple (1-10); names (11); dimensions and proportions (12-22); dimensions of doors (23-25), based (27-28) and pillars (29-30); position of foundation deposit (31a). General rules: -List of fifteen types (31-34a), number of storeys (34b-35); elevation: proportions for single storeyed (36-38), two storeyed (38b-40), three storeyed (41-43a), four storeyed (43b-46a), five storeyed (46b-49), six storeyed (50-54a) and seven storeyed (54b-59a) gateways; horizontal proportions for single storeyed (59b-60a), two storeyed (60b-63), three storeyed (63-68a), four storeyed (68b-70), five storeyed (71-72a), six storeyed (72b-74a) and seven storeyed (74b-77) gateways; doors and stairways (78-80). The five gateways(cont.): -Shapes (81-84a); dvarsasobha or gateway of first enclosure: srikara type (84b-88), ratikanta type (89-91a) and kantavijaya type (91b-94a);dvarasala or gateway of second enclosure: vijayavisala type (94b-97), visalalaya type (98-100a), and vipratikanta type (100b-103a); dvaraprasada or gateway of third enclosure: srikanta type (103b-106a); srikesa type (106b-110) and kesvisala type (111-113), dvaraharmya or gateway of fourth enclosure: svastika type (114-116), disasvastika type (117-120a) and mardala type (120b-123a); dvaragopura or gateway of fifth enclosure: matrakanda type (123b-126), srivisala type (127-129); caturmukha type (130-134); rule for gutters (135). Envoi: the wide diversity of the five gateways (139-137).
Chapter25:
Pavilions and halls
451
Pavilions: -General rules: -Position (1-3a) and functions (3b-5) of pavilions; names square (6-8a) and rectangular (8b-11a) pavilions; features to be described in this chapter (11b-12); proportions and dimensions: value of intercolumniation (13-16), dimensions of pillars (17-20a), base (20a-21) and socle (22-24); definition of pavilion (25); etymology of the term mandapa (26a); definition of light building (26b-29), canopy (30-34) and malikamandapa (35-36a). Square pavilions: -Meruka type (36b-37a); vijaya type (37b-39a); siddha type (39b-41). The sacrificial pavilion: – Inside arrangement (42); quadrangular (43-44), vulva-form (47), semicircular (48), triangular (49a), circular (49b), hexagonal (50), lotiform (51), octagonal (52), heptagonal (53) and pentagonal (54) firepits; other method to draw firepits (?) (55-56) -Square pavilions (cont.):
Chapter26:
Houses
515
The main buildings: -Number and general features (1-3a); dimensions: width (3b-6a), length (6b-9a) and height (9b-10). Houses with a single main building: General characteristics (11-12a); names (12b-13a); other features (13b-16a); orientation (16b-17). -Orientation (18-20); use and arrangement (21). Houses with a single main building (cont.): -First and second type of dandaka houses (22b-25); arrangement fo doors (26-27); third (28-31a), fourth (31b-32) and fifth (33-35) type of dandaka houses. Proportions of the verandah for houses with one, two or three main buildings (36), Houses with a single main building (cont.): -dandaka houses (cont.) (37); maulika house (38-39a); svastika house (39b-40); caturmukha house (41-43); features common to dandaka and other types (44-46). Houses with two main buildings: -Caturmukha type (47-51a); svastika type (51b-53); dandavaktra type (54-55). Houses with three main buildings. -Merukanta type (56-58); maulibhadra type (59-62); dimensions of houses with three main buildings: -Dimensions (64-66a) and types (66b-67); calculating the length (68-72). Sarvatobhadra houses with four main buildings: -First type (73-85); second type (86-87); third type (88-91); fourth type (92-95a); fifth type (95b-99). Definitions of verandah (?) (101) vardhamana houses with four main buildings: -First type (102-109a); second type (109b-112a); third type (113b-115a); fourth type (115b-118); fifth type (119-133); sixth type (134-137a); seventh type (137b-151). Nandyavarta houses with four main buildings: -Firth type (152-159a); second type (159b-161a); third type (161b-167); fourth type (168-172a); fifth type (172b-177a). Other types of houses with four main buildings. -Svastika houses with four main buildings: Svastika house (177b-185); rucaka house (186-187). General rules for houses with four main buildings (189). Houses with seven and ten main buildings (190-193) General features of houses: -Verandah and porch (194); ‘limitless’ house (195); even and uneven numbers )196a); placing the door (196b); placing the foundation deposit (197-198); auspicious and inauspicious axial door (199). Monasteries (200-202) General features of houses (cont.): -Dimension of houses pillars (203-205); how to build an auspicious house with reference to ayadi (206-211); annexes of houses (212-213); buildings within the house enclosures (214-218); number of enclosures (219-220). (
Chapter27:
Features of houses for the four classes
573
The enclosure: -Dimensions (1-4); plan (5); endclosure wall (6-9); annexes built around the house (10). Rules for laying out: -Houses with main buildings separated or in blocks (11-13), small and large sizes (14-15a); drawing the house diagram (15b-19). The central pavilion: -Dimensions (20-23); the central platform (24-26); characteristics of central pavilion (27-35). Laying out the principal main-building of a catussala: -General rules (36-39a); laying out the sukhalaya for Brahmins (40-41). General proportions for houses (42-44):Laying out the principal main-building of a catussala (cont.): -The sukhalaya (cont.) (45); the annalaya for ksatriya (46-48); the Elements of the upper part of the house (55-57). Proportions for dwelling pavilions (?) (58-59). Foundation deposit: -Position (60-65); the muhurtastambha (66-69). General points: -Doors (70-73a); placing the gods (73b-75a); pillars (75b-80); the verandah (81-83a); the chamber of the master (83b-91). Roofing of the main building (95a) materials (95b-96a); base (96b-99); distribution of appurtenance (100), the heart (101-103); number of finials (?) (104); distributing oappurtenaces (cont.) (105-108) The four types of dwelling: -List (109-110a); disibhadra dwelling (110b-111); garudapaksa dwelling (112a); kayabhara dwelling (112b-120a); tulaniya dwelling (120b-125a). General rules (cont.) -Why to protect the external wall (125b-126); auspicious proportions (127); door proportions (128-129); time for construction (130-131); auspicious door positions (132); placing the master’s apartment and the gynaeceum (133); period for beginning the construction (134).
Chapter28:
First entry into a house
611
When to enter the house (1-2) First rites: -Preparatory ceremony (3-5); putting in place of the vases (5-6); preparing the food for offering (7-9); installing the gods (10-11a); offerings (11b-23); departure of the architect (24-25a); preparing the house (25b-27). The entering in of the master and mistress of the house: They enter (28); the first meal (29-30); the perfect house (31-33); errors to be avoided (34); the entry is to be joyful(35); Offerings in villages, etc.(36)
Chapter29:
Royal palaces
623
Proportions (1-12a). Features of a small palace: -Plan (12b-21); gateways (22-24a); arrangements of buildings (24b-26); the moat (27-29a); arrangement of buildings (cont.)(29b-30a); first enclosure (30b-42); second enclosure (43-55); third enclosure (56-64). The town: -General features (65-69); the town’s wall (70-72a). Palace gateways (72b-78); number of storeys for palaces (79-86). The palace of narendra: -Enclosure walls (87-94), inner arrangement of the palace (95-102); external enclosure (103-107). Saubala palace: -First enclosure (108-111a); second enclosure (111-118a); third enclosure (118b-120); fourth enclosure (121-122a); fifth enclosure (122b-129). Saubala palace: -First enclosure (108-111a); second enclosure (111b-118a); third enclosure (118b-120); fourth enclosure (121-122a); fifth enclosure (122b-129). The adhikaja palace: -Arrangement of buildings (130-157); walls and most (158-161). Different kinds of royal cities (162-167). Miscellaneous palace buildings: -General features (65-69); the town’s wall (70-72a). Palace gateways (72b-78); number of storeys for palaces (79-86). The palace for narendra: -Enclosure walls (87-94); inner arrangement of the palace (95-102); external enclosure (103-107). Saubala palace: -First enclosure (108-111a); second enclosure (111b-118a); third enclosure (118b-120); fourth enclosure (121-122a); fifth enclosure (122b-129). The adhiraja palace: -Arrangement of buildings (130-157); walls and moat (158-161). Different kinds of royal cities (162-167). Miscellaneous palace buildings: -Elephant stable (168-180); the horses stable (181-187); various buildings (188-190); the council chamber, etc. (191-195a); the bath house (195b-200a); the coronation building (200b-205a); ritual weighing place (205b-215); place for gold embryo ceremony (216-225); the guard lodgings (226); underground apartment (227). Envoi: all is to be arranged according to king’s best pleasure (228).
Chapter30:
Doors
681
General features: -Dimensions of doors (2-11a); dimensions of door jambs (11b-12); door leaves (13-32); auspicious and inauspicious characteristics of doors (33-42); positions of doors(43-51). Gateways: -Dimensions of the door(53-55a); single storeyed gateways; srikara, sita and sribhadra types (61b-67); two storeyed gateways: ratikanta, kantavijaya and sumangala types (68-75a); three storeyed gateways: mardala, matrakhanda and sriniketana types (75b-94a); seven storeyed gateways: bhadrakalyana, subhadra and bhadrasundara types (94b-108a): six storeyed gateways (108b-109); five storeyed gateways (110-114); four storeyed gateways (115-116); general rules (117-118); definition of stereobate (119). Envoi: for whom are intended the various kinds of gateways (120-121).
Beds(1-6) and divans(7-10a). Seats -General rules (10b-13a); lion throne (13b-19); stand for worship(20-23). Rules regarding ayadi series (24).
Chapter33:
The Linga
739
General points: -Different kinds of divine representation (1-3); characteristics of stones(4-7); male, female and neuter stones and when to use them(8-12); young, mature and aged stones (12b-16a) pregnant stones (16b-17a); position of the ‘face’ of a stone (17b-19a); searching for stones: time and place (19b-21), preliminary rites (22-28a); quarrying a stone (28b-31a) and taking it to workshop (31b-33); how to proceed when a suitable stone is not found(34-36). Dimensions of Linga: Linga and temple dimensions (37a); place of Linga in the sanctum (37b-40a); dimensions of nagara Linga (40b-43a); dimensions of dravida Linga (43b-45a); dimensions of vesara Linga (45b-48a); dimensions expressed in cubits (48b-53); dimensions of vesara Linga (45b-48a);dimensions expressed in cubits (48b-53); dimensions calculated from those of door and other elements of the temple (54-57); rule regarding ayadi series (58-64). Fashioning the Linga: -Shapes to be given to the block at the start (65-66); the three parts of the Linga(67) and the way to draw them (68-71). Proportions: -Sarvatobhadra, svastika, sivadhika types of Linga (72-79); surarcita, dharalinga, sahasralinga and trairasika type (80-84). Linga installed by Rsi (85-86). Self-generated Linga (87-92a). The cutting of a rounded shape at the top of the Linga (92b-100)? Bringing out the characteristic signs: -Preparing the Linga (101-102); preliminary rites (103-105); drawing the lines (106-109a); bringing out the characteristics of nagara Linga (109b-114a); of dravida Linga (114b-117a); and of vesara Linga (117b-119a); width and depth of lines (119b-127a); general rules (127b-135); shapes of the frenum (136-143). Other types of Linga: -Crystal Linga (144-152); Linga of various material such as earth (153-158a); banalinga (158b-159). Envoi: -Installation of Linga (161); fruits of installing a Linga (162).
Chapter34:
Pedestals
783
General rules: -Materials (2-3); dimensions (4-10); shapes (10-13a); names (13b-15). Descriptions: -Bhadra pedestal (16-17); padma pedestal (18); vajrapadma pedestal (19-20); mahabja pedestal (21-22); srikara pedestal (23-24); pithapadma pedestal (25); mahavajra and saumya pedestals (26-28a); srikamya pedestal (28b-29). Common features (30-43)? Placing the pedestal: -The liners: Brahma stone (44-49) and nandyavarta stones (50). Pedestals for statues (51-56a). Temple, pedestal and image(?): -Dimensions of temples as calculated from those of pedestals (56b-60); dimensions of temples as calculated from those of the images (61-64a). Making of the eight (ingredients)mortar (64b-66). The gods in the shrine: -Number of gods (67); the biggest shrine is that housing the Linga (68); diagram of the sanctum and place of the gods (69-71). Envoi: all attention is to be given in placing divine representation in the sanctum (72); formless and man-made Linga (73); contents of the chapter (74).
Chapter35:
Renovation work
803
-Temple renovation (2b-14); renovation of Linga (15-33a); renovation of pedestal (33b-36); renovation of images (37-40a); general rules (40b-44); renovation of villages, etc.(45-47). Provisional installation: -Why a provisional installation (48); provisional shrine (49-50); provisional Linga (51-53); provisional image (54-55); provisional pedestal (56); materials?(57); how long may last a provisional feature(580. Envoi: rules for renovation have to be followed (59).
Chapter36:
Iconography
821
Brahma(2-7). Visnu’s images: -Visnu (8-12a); Varaha (12b-14a); Trivikrama (14b-15a); Narasimha (15a-24); Anantasayin (25-35a). Mahesvara (35b-43a). The sixteen manifestations of Siva: -The sixteen manifestation of Siva: -List (43b-46a); common features (46b-48); Sukhasanamurti (49-51a); Vaivahamurti (51b-58); Umaskandamurti (59-62a); Vrsarudhamurti (62b-64a); Tripurantakamurti (65-67a); Dancing forms (67b-89a); Candrasekharamurti (80b-81a); Ardhanarisvaramurti (81b-89a); Hariharamurti (90-91); Candesanugrahamurti (92-93); Kamarimurti (94-95a); Kalanasamurti (95b-97); Daksinamurti (98-101); Bhiksatanamurti (102-103); Kankalamurti (104-107a); Mukhalinga (107b-118). Sanmukha (119-121). Ganadhipa (122-126) Surya (127-136a). Lords of the directions: Indra (136b-138); Agni (139-143); Yama (144-149); Nirrtti (149b-150); Varuna (151-152); Vayu (153-154a); Kubera (154b-156); Candra (157-161a); Isana (161b-162a). Other gods and goddesses: -Kama (162b-167a); the two Asvin (167b-170); the eight Vasu (171-173a); the eight Marut (173b-174); the Rudra and the Vidyesvara (175-177); Ksetrapala (178-185); Candesvara (186-188); the twelve Aditya (189-191); the seven sages (192-194a); the seven Rohini (194b-195a); Garuda (195b-198a); Sasta (198b-210). The Mothers: -List (211-212); Virabhadra (213-214a); Brahmani (216-217); Mahesvari (218-219); Kaumari (220-222a); Vaisnavi (222b-224a); Varahi (224b-227a); Indrani (227b-228); Camundi (229-234a); Vinayaka (234b); installation of the Mothers (235-240a); Camundi (cont.) (240b-242); the Mothers Attendants (234-247a). Goddesses: -Laksmi (247b-255); Yaksini (256-257); Katyayani (258-262); Durga (263-264); Sarasvati(265-268a); Jyestha (268b-273); Bhumi (274-275); Parvati (276-278a);Saptamata (279-280). Buddha (281-283). Jina(284-291). General Points: -Proportions of images (293-303); dimensions of portable images (304-309). Guardians of the doors (310-314). Envoi: What has been told in that chapter(315).
Appendix:
Where and when a well is to be established
899
Choice of the place(?)(1-5);choice of the day (6-7); choice of the asterism (8-13); choice of the place(?)(cont.)(14-15).
Bibliography
905
Editions and Manuscripts of Mayamatajj used for the establishment of the Sanskrit text
911
Index-Glossary
913
The Hindu Temple (2 Vols.)
Author Stella Kramrisch Language, Pages English, 557 Pgs. (HB) Upload Date 2023 / 05 / 08 ISBN 9788120802223, 8120802225
This two-volume work explains in detail the religious and spiritual significance of the temple by means of copious references to Sanskrit texts-both sacred and scientific. It depicts the Hindu Temple as not merely a heap of brick, stone or wood but a visible symbol of aspirations of pious men and women, the throbbings of their hearts in religious fervour and their endeavour for the attainment of salvation.
The first four parts of the work are devoted to the philosophy of temple architecture. Part V deals with the origin and development of the temple from the Vedic fire altars to the latest forms. Part VI discusses the pyramidal and curvilinear superstructures in the main varieties of the Sikhara, the Sikhara enmeshed in Gavaksas and the composite Sikhara. Part VII describes the proportional measurements and the rhythmic disposition of the garbha-grha and the vertical section. It discusses the proportions of the Mandapa and the types of temples described in ancient Sanskrit texts like the Brhatsamhita and the Samarangana-sutradhara.
This most comprehensive and authoritative treatise of ancient Indian Temple Architecture will prove of immense help to the students of ancient Indian culture.
About the Author
Stella Kramrisch, the world-renowned specialist in Ancient Indian Art and Architecture, needs no introduction. Her epoch-making works-The Indian Sculpture, The Indian Sculpture in the Boston Museum and The Hindu Temple – have elicited well-merited praise from the galaxy of art critics all over the world.
Stella Kramrisch passed away in 1993.
Preface
An attempt has here been made to set up the Hindu temple conceptually from its foundation to its final. Its structure is rooted in Vedic tradition and primeval modes of building have contributed their shapes. The principles are given in the sacred books of India and the structural rules in the treatises on architecture. They are carried out in the shrines which still and throughout the country and which were built in many varieties and styles over a millennium and a half from the fifth century A.D.
The purpose of the Hindu temple is shown by its form. It is the concrete symbol of Reintegration and coheres with the rhythm of the thought images in its carvings and laid out in its propositions. Their perfection is a celebration of all the rites enacted during the building of the temple from the ground to its pinnacle. Nothing that is seen on the temple is left unsaid in the verbal tradition nor is any of the detail arbitrary or superfluous. Each has a definite place and is part of the whole.
The Hindu Temple is the sum total of architectural rites performed on the basis of its myth. The myth covers the ground and is the plan on which the structure is raised.
Contents
Volume I
Part I.
The Site
1
Tirtha and temple
3
Site and Builder
7
The Stability of the site
12
Purification Insemination and levelling of the site
14
Part II
The Plan
19
Square and Circle Vedic Origins
22
The Square Mandala of the Earth and of the Ecliptic
29
The symbolism of the Square
40
The Enclosure
40
The Ornament of Visvakarman
40
The Remainder
44
The form of Martanda
44
Vastu the Remainder
45
The two main types of the Vastu Diagram
46
A. The Mandala of 64 Squares
46
B. The Mandala of 81 Squares and the Vastupurusa
49
The Organism of the plan
51
The Series of 32 types of Vastumandala
58
Various closed polygons as shapes of the vastumandala
62
Part III
Plan and Supernal Man
65
Agni Prajapati and vastupurusa
68
The Subtle Body of the Purusa and its Pictures
71
The Descent of the Vastupurusa
73
Nature and Name of the Vastupurusa
79
The Gods as constituents of the body of the Vastupurusa
85
Part IV
The Substances of which the temple is built
99
Brick
101
Stone
108
wood
116
Plaster
121
The Germ of the temple
126
Part V
Names and origins of the temple
129
The Names
131
Vimana
131
Prasada
134
Further names of the Temple
137
The Object of building a temple
139
Architectural Origins
145
1. Citi the Altar
145
2. The Dolmen
150
3. The Shed of Initiation and the Tabernacle
156
The Image of the mountain and the cavern
161
A. The Garbhagrha
161
B. The Superposition of Shapes along the vertical axis
166
C. The Form of the vertical axis
175
Part VI
The Superstructure
177
I. The Pyramidal Superstructure
179
I A. The Pyramidal Superstructure formed of slabs
189
I A1. The stepped truck of the pyramid
189
I A2. The Straight Trunk with round-edged slabs
190
I B. The Pyramidal Superstructure is composed of storeys
193
I B1. The Stepped trunk of the pyramid formed of single storeys
193
I B2. The High Temple
194
I B3. The Enclosure of chapels
197
II
The Curvilinear Superstructure
205
The Main Varieties of the Curvilinear Superstructure
210
II A. The Cluster of Sikharas
210
II B. The Sikhara Enmeshed in Gavaksas
214
II C. The composite Sikhara
218
Function and Form of the Superstructure
220
Part VII
Proportionate Measurement and Varieties of the Temple
225
I. Proportionate Measurement of the temple
227
The Rhythmic disposition of the ground plan and of the vertical section
227
The Norms of Proportionate Measurement
237
From the Sixth Century to C. 900 A.D
237
Proportionate Measurement about 1000 A.D.
244
Proportions of the Mandapa
254
The Proportions of South Indian Temples
261
II.Varieties of the Temple and their genesis
271
A. The Twenty Temples
271
B. The five Vimanas and the 45 temples
277
C. the five Vimanas and the 64 Hall temples Nagara Dravida and Vesara
286
Volume II
Part VIII
The Images of the temple
297
Position and proportion of the images of the gods
299
Symbols of Entry and Exit
313
The Door and its images
313
The Window Gavaksa
318
The face of Glory Kirittimukha
322
Images of Sakti
332
Sardula Lion and lioness
332
The female power
338
Symbols of Reintegration
343
The Images of Immanent Breath
343
Mithuna the state of being a couple
346
Amalaka
348
The Temple as Purusa
357
Explanation of plates
363
Appendix
The Hundred and One temples of the Visnudharmottara
411
Vastupurusavidhana of Narada chapters VIII and X
427
Hayasirsapancaratra Chapter XIII
429
Kamikagama Chapter XLIX
431
Sources
437
Index
443
Plates I-LXXX
467
Myths and Symbols in Indian Art and Civilization
Author Heinrich Zimmer, Joseph Campbell Language, Pages English Upload Date 2022 / 08 / 17 ISBN 9788120807518, 8120807510
Gandhāra and the formation of the Vedic and Zoroastrian canons.
Witzel, Michael. 2011.
In Proceedings of the International Symposium. The Book. Romania. Europa. Etudes euro- et afro- asiatiques. 490-532. Bucharest: Biblioteca Bucureştilor.
In this broad historical and critical overview based on a lifetime of scholarship, James Alfred Martin, Jr., examines the development of the concepts of beauty and holiness as employed in theories of aesthetics and of religion. The injunction in the Book of Psalms to “worship the Lord in the beauty of holiness” addressed a tradition that has comprehended holiness primarily in terms of ethical righteousness–a conception that has strongly influenced Western understandings of religion. As the author points out, however, the Greek forbears of Western thought, as well as many Eastern traditions, were and are more broadly concerned with the pursuit of beauty, truth, and goodness as ideals of human excellence, that is, with the “holiness of beauty.” In this work Martin describes a philosophical stance that should prove to be most productive for the dialogue between aesthetics and religion.
Beginning with the treatment of beauty and holiness in Hebrew, Greek, and classical Christian thought, the author traces the emergence of modern theories of aesthetics and religion in the Enlightenment. He then outlines the role of aesthetics in the theories of religion proposed by Otto, Eliade, van der Leeuw, and Tillich, in the cultural anthropology of Geertz, and in the thought of Santayana, Dewey, Whitehead, Heidegger, and Wittgenstein. In a global context Martin explores the relation of aesthetic theory to religious thought in the traditions of India, China, and Japan and concludes with reflections on the viability of modern aesthetic and religious theory in the light of contemporary cultural and methodological pluralism.
Originally published in 1990.
The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
Universe and Inner Self in Early Indian and Early Greek Thought
ICONOGRAPHICAL STUDY ON THIRUKKANNAPURAM SAURIRAJA PERUMAL TEMPLE
Dr. N. Rameshkumar, Assistant Professor of History, Post Graduate & Research Department of History, Government Arts College (Autonomous), Kumbakonam, Tamil Nadu
International Journal of Advanced Research in ISSN: 2278-6236 Management and Social Sciences
Scaffolds and dissections: computational reconstruction of Indic Temples and their architectural production
Datta, Sambit, and David J. Beynon.
“Scaffolds and dissections: computational reconstruction of Indic Temples and their architectural production.” Architectural Theory Review 22, no. 3 (2018): 410-432.
In EAAC 2011: South of East Asia: Re-addressing East Asian Architecture and Urbanism, Proceedings of the East Asian Architectural Culture International Conference. Singapore: National University of Singapore, 2011.
Vastu Purusha Mandala is one secret that contains the essence of the sacred science of Vastu in its entirety.
From time immemorial, this cosmic geometrical wonder has been used to design everything from the yagya vedis (fire altars), temples, entire villages, towns and individual houses.
Every minute detail with regards to every single structure is based on these universal principles of the Vastu Purush Mandala architecture.
When we observe the energy fields that develop at different stages of a building – starting from the stage of a vacant plot to the digging of land to the laying of the foundation to the completion of the building and finally to the point when it is inhabited by the people – we unravel the secrets of the Vastu purusha mandala.
The Vastu Mandala is the omnipresent, omnipotent soul of every building. It is based on the principle that man and Universe are analogous in their structure and spirit. Vastu Purush Mandala is thus a Yantra or an image of the Universe.
The Yajurveda reveals –
यथाब्रह्माण्डेतथापिंडे II यथापिंडेतथाब्रह्माण्डे
II Yatha brahmande tatha pinde , Yatha pinde tatha brahmande II
As is the universe, so is the physical body. As is the physical body, so is the universe
Thus, the Vastu Purush Mandala represents the manifest form of the cosmic being. Whatever is in the universe is within us.
The belief that the earth is a living organism, throbbing with life and energy is fundamental to the Vastu Shastra. The Vastu Purush Mandala symbolizes that living energy.. The site for the construction is his field- the Vastu Purush Mandala.
The ‘Purusha’ here refers to the energy, power, soul or the cosmic man. Mandalais the generic name for any plan or chart which symbolically represents the cosmos.
The Vastu Purush Mandala is the core of every structure. You can use it to design a temple, a house, an office and even when you’re planning the Vastu of a factory or a whole city. It constitutes the geometrical and metaphysical basis for every construction.
The Origin of the Vastu Purusha Mandala
The ancient Vastu text of Vishwakarma Prakash reveals an engaging story about the origin of the Vastu Purusha Mandala .The story is about a fierce war between the Gods (devtas ) and the demons (asuras). In this war, Lord Shiva represented the devtas while Andhaka asur was fighting for the asuras.
During the war, some drops of sweat fell on the earth. From those drops emerged a gigantic being that scared both the devtas and the asuras. The devtas and the asuras together took this being to lord Brahma. Lord Brahma called this giant his manas putra (mind-being) and named him Vastu Purush.
The Vastu Purush was then laid down on the earth prostrate with his head towards the North East and feet to the South West. Some of his parts were inhabited by the devtas while some by the asuras.
Lord Brahma then ordered that whoever reveres the Vastu Purush and perform the Vastu Purush pooja while constructing a temple, palace, house, pond, city etc. will be blessed by the devtas. The ones who don’t would be destroyed by the asuras.
Hidden Secrets in Symbols and the Mandala
The above story is of course symbolic because in the Vedas, deep secrets have been woven into stories. To unlock these secrets, the deeper meaning of these symbols and the Mandala has to be understood.
The Vastu Purush Mandala is not necessarily an actual picture of a giant encased in numerous cells or squares. It is a diagrammatic representation through symbols, of the inter-sections and the energy current flows in the subtle body of a human being.
The Purusha, in the Vastu Mandala chart is a term of reference. It serves as a means to locate several parts, within the whole. The body here indicates a sphere of coordinated activities; and each part corresponds to a particular function.
The devtas represent our consciousness and the asuras our ignorance and fear. The war between consciousness and ignorance still goes on each moment within all of us. It is not just a Puranic story, it’s the reality we live in each moment.
The Vastu Purush represents the constant phenomenon inside each building. The Purusha means that which is stable and contains all possibilities of existence within him.
The Vastu Purusha is the soul of the building. As soon as a building comes into existence, all the devtas and asuras occupy their respective positions. As a result, they create the effects and results that the inhabitants experience through their lives while living in that building.
Decoding the Devtas & Asuras of the Vastu Purush Mandala
This above story is depicted diagrammatically in the Vastu Purush Mandala with specific portions allocated hierarchically to each deity based on their attributes and powers.
The division of the built-up space represents different energy fields. We call this process – the Pada Vinyasa (modular grid). In total there are 45 energy fields that constitute the Vastu Purush Mandala. They are as follows :
Lord Brahma occupies the central portion – the Brahmasthan. This portion is the Brahma Vithi. It is the most sacred part of the building. It contains within it, all the possibilities of creation and existence.
First the Shilanyas (foundation stone laying ceremony) is done and the construction of the foundation walls begins by digging the earth. When they reach the plinth level, the divine energy field called Brahma starts to originate right in the center of the plot.
This field of Brahma – the absolute is responsible for the evolution of everything in the universe. This is why the universe is also termed as Brahmaand (the golden egg of Brahma).
Bhudhar (the power of manifestation)
Aryama (the power of connection)
Vivaswaan (the power of revolution or change)
Mitra (the power of inspiration and action)
As the construction of the building progresses and the raising of the walls is done to a height of about 5-8 feet , the energy field of Brahma starts to expand in 4 directions.
Out of the 12 Adityas mentioned in the Bhagavata Puran , the above 4 occupy the 4 sides of Brahma.
We all know that Lord Brahma has 4 heads. Thus these 4 devtas are symbolic of the 4 heads of Brahma. They are responsible for carrying forward the process of creation initiated by Brahma.
After the raising of the walls ( but the casting of the roof is remaining) , the energy fields start to spread in the four diagonal directions viz. North East, South East, South West and North West.
This flow of energies is akin to a tortoise spreading its legs and extending them out of its body.
In each of these directions, two energy fields start to take shape and form. If we draw a line dividing the North East to South West and from North West to South East, one energy fields develops on either side of this dividing line.
The names of these energies are as follows :
NORTH EAST
Apaha ( generates the energies responsible for healing)
Apahavatsa (carriers the healing powers to the occupants)
SOUTH EAST
Savita (energies that help to initiate any process or action)
Savitur (energies that give capibilities to continue those actions and overcome all challenges)
SOUTH WEST
Indra (energies that establish stability and enhance growth)
Indrajaya (the tools and the channels through which one can achieve growth)
NORTH WEST
Rudra (energies responsible for support and ensure flow of activities and life)
Rajyakshma ( energies which uphold the support and stabilise the mind)
A total of 32 energy fields develop in a concentric pattern in the outer periphery of the Vastu Purusha Mandala.
Once the roof is cast in the building, four energy fields start to develop in each of the diagonal directions. Thus, a total of 16 fields develop in the diagonal directions which are as follows:
NORTH EAST
Aditi (the mother of the devtas, this energy field provides security and helps one connect with himself/herself)
Diti (the mother od the asuras, this energy field gives the powers of a wider vision and to see the actual truth of life)
Shikhi (symbolic of a pointed flame. This field gives the power of ideas and the ability to project one’s thoughts to the world )
Parjanya (the giver of rains, this field has the powers to bless the occupants with fertility and fructification of all their wishes)
SOUTH EAST
Brisha (the power of friction needed to initiate any action , thinking or activity)
Akash ( the energy that provides the space for manifestation)
Anila ( the energy of air or vayu, it helps to uplift the fire or push further the actions initiated)
Pusha ( the energy of nourishment, it blocks the path of enemies)
SOUTH WEST
Bhringraj (the energy which extracts nutrients from the food and removes the waste)
Mrigah (the energy that drives curiosity and imparts skills)
Pitra ( the ancestors provide all means of safety and happiness required for existence)
Dauwarik (the safekeeper, represents lord Nandi, the trusted vehicle of lord Shiva. The energy of being genius and highly knowledgeable)
NORTH WEST
Shosha (the power of detoxification from negative emotions)
Papyakshama (the energy which gives addiction, diseases and the feeling of guilt)
Roga ( the energy which provides support in the hour of need)
Naga ( the energy which gives emotional enjoyments and cravings)
Once the super-structure, i.e. the civil work is done but the installation of services like plumbing, electrical connections etc. has not begun , 16 more energy fields start to develop in the four cardinal directions. These are as follows :
EAST
Jayant (the energy which gives the sense of being victorious, it refreshes the mind and body)
Mahendra ( the power of administration and connectivity )
Surya ( the core controller, this energy fields imparts health , fame and farsightedness)
Satya ( the energy which establishes goodwill, status, authenticity and credibility)
SOUTH
Vitatha ( the energy field of falsehood, pretension and the unreal)
Gurhakshat ( the power which binds the mind and defines its limits)
Yama ( the power of expansion, this energy field binds the world in laws)
Gandharva ( the energy of preservation of health and vitality, this is also the energy which governs all kinds of arts and music)
WEST
Sugreev ( the power which grants the ability to receive all knowledge)
Pushpadant ( the power which grants blessings and fulfils all desires )
Varun ( the lord of the seas, this energy field observes and runs the whole world. It is the granter of immortality)
Asur ( the energy field that releases the mind from temptations and gives depth in spirituality )
NORTH
Mukhya ( the chief architect or lord Vishwakarma, this energy field defines the main purpose of the building and also helps in their manifestation)
Bhallat ( the energy field which grants colossal abundance, it magnifies the efforts and their results )
Soma (the energy field of lord Kuber, the lord of all wealth and money. It ensures a smooth flow of money and opportunities)
Bhujag ( the lord of hidden treasures, this energy field is the preserver of medicines. It safeguards the health of the occupants )
Conclusion
This is how the 45 energy fields develop and progress as per the Vastu Purush Mandala. These Vastu Mandala devtas and asuras manifest and move life and contribute to everything that happens in the lives of the occupants.
“The Vastu Purusha Mandala represents the manifest form of the Cosmic Being; upon which the temple is built and in whom the temple rests. The temple is situated in Him, comes from Him, and is a manifestation of Him. The Vastu Purusha Mandala is both the body of the Cosmic Being and a bodily device by which those who have the requisite knowledge attain the best results in temple building.” – Stella Kramrisch ; The Hindu Temple, Vol. I
We can replace the word temple above with any built up structure like a house, factory, office etc. Every constructed structure is really the manifest form of the cosmic being.
The universal equation of the Vastu Purush Mandala has been in existence for thousands of years and will continue till eternity. It is the fundamental principle which will continue to create and run the whole universe both at the macro and the micro level.
Thus, it is advisable to keep the eternal rules of the Vastu Purush Mandala in mind while designing any structure. This will certainly ensure peace, health and prosperity. For More Vastu Guides visit our website.
A LIVING STRUCTURE: FUNDAMENTALS OF HINDU TEMPLE ARCHITECTURE
Naveen Nishant1, Bijay Kumar Das2 1, 2 Department of Architecture and Planning, National Institute of Technology, Patna, India {naveen.ar17@nitp.ac.in, bijay@nitp.ac.in}
JOURNAL OF NORTHEASTERN UNIVERSITY Volume 25 Issue 04, 2022 ISSN: 1005-3026 https://dbdxxb.cn/
The central area in all mandala is the Brahmasthana. Mandala “circle-circumference” or “completion”, is a concentric diagram having spiritual and ritual significance in both Buddhism and Hinduism. The space occupied by it varies in different mandala – in Pitha (9) and Upapitha (25) it occupies one square module, in Mahaapitha (16), Ugrapitha (36) and Manduka (64), four square modules and in Sthandila (49) and Paramasaayika (81), nine square modules. The Pitha is an amplified Prithvimandala in which, according to some texts, the central space is occupied by earth. The Sthandila mandala is used in a concentric manner. The most important mandala are the Paramasaayika Mandala of 81 squares and especially the Manduka/ Chandita Mandala of 64 squares. The normal position of the Vastu Purusha (head in the northeast, legs in the southwest) is as depicted in the Paramasaayika Mandala. However, in the Manduka Mandala the Vastu Purusha is depicted with the head facing east and the feet facing west.
An important aspect of the mandala is that when divided into an odd number of squares, or ayugma, its center is constituted by one module or pada and when divided into an even number of squares or yugma, its center is constituted by a point formed by the intersection of the two perpendicular central lines. In spatial terms, the former is sakala or manifest/ morphic and the latter is nishkala or unmanifest/ amorphous. Mandala in siting
The mandala is put to use in site planning and architecture through a process called the Pada Vinyasa. This is a method whereby any site can be divided into grids/ modules or pada. Depending on the position of the gods occupying the various modules, the zoning of the site and disposition of functions in a building are arrived at. Mandala have certain points known as marma which are vital energy spots on which nothing should be built. They are determined by certain proportional relationships of the squares and the diagonals.
A site of any shape can be divided using the Pada Vinyasa. Sites are known by the number of divisions on each side. the types of mandalas with the corresponding names of sites is given below.
Sakala(1 square)corresponds to Eka-pada (single divided site) Pechaka(4 squares) corresponds to Dwi-pada (two divided site) Pitha(9 squares) corresponds to Tri-pada (three divided site) Mahaapitha(16 squares) corresponds to Chatush-pada (four divided site) Upapitha(25 squares) corresponds to Pancha-pada (five divided site) Ugrapitha(36 squares) corresponds to Shashtha-pada (six divided site) Sthandila(49 squares) corresponds to sapta-pada (seven divided site) Manduka/ Chandita(64 square) corresponds to Ashta-pada (eight divided site) Paramasaayika(81 squares) corresponds to Nava-pada (nine divided site) Aasana(100 squares) corresponds to Dasa-pada (ten divided site) Mandala in construction The concept of sakala and nishkala are applied in buildings appropriately.
In temples, the concepts of sakala and nishkala are related to the two aspects of the Hindu idea of worship – Sagunopaasana, the supreme as personal God with attributes and Nirgunopaasana, the supreme as absolute spirit unconditioned by attributes. Correspondingly, the Sakala, complete in itself, is used for shrines of gods with form (sakalamoorthy) and to perform yajna (fire rites). However the Nishkala is used for installation of idols without form- nishkalamoorthy– and for auspicious, pure performances. The amorphous center is considered beneficial to the worshippers, being a source of great energy. This could also be used for settlements. In commercial buildings, only odd numbers of modules are prescribed as the nishkala or amorphous center would cause too high a concentration of energy for human occupants. Even here, the Brahmasthana is left unbuilt with rooms organised around. In accordance with the position occupied by the gods in the mandala, guidelines are given for zoning of site and distribution of rooms in a building. Some of these are: North – treasury Northeast – prayer room East – bathroom Southeast – kitchen South – bedroom Southwest – armoury West – dining room Northwest – cowshed
“Essay on the Architecture of the Hindús.”
Ráz, Rám.
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 1 (1834): 145 – 146.
The Vastu Purusha Mandala is an essential component of the Vastu Shastra and serves as a theoretical and graphical analysis. It is a foundation for creating designs, like a spiritual layout that considers the movement of astronomical objects and spiritual powers. Purusha is the Sanskrit word for vitality, strength, life, or celestial humanity. It also depicts the earth from all four sides, illustrating the perpendicular link between dawn and dusk.
According to Vaastu Purusha’s design, the quad corners’ depiction is known as the Chaturbhuji, and within this, Prithvi Mandala is also represented.
Additionally, the square plan will reveal the positions of the stars, sun, moon, luminaries, and a human’s exact zodiac symbol based on their birth date and location.
In this blog, we will glance at the intriguing history of the Vaastu Purusha Mandala, which arose from the Vastu shastra. And also provide a brief explanation of some factors of the Vastu Purusha Mandala.
Table of Contents
The Origin of the Vastu Purusha Mandala
The Scientific Concept of Vastu Purusha
Significance of Vastu Purusha Mandala
Vastu Purusha Mandala: Elements, Gods, and Deities
Where should I place Vastu Purusha in the House?
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Frequently Asked Questions
What is Vastu Purusha Mandala?
Vastu Purusha Mandala is an ancient Indian architectural concept that helps in designing buildings in harmony with nature and cosmic energies. It’s like a blueprint that represents the energy of a place, with a symbolic figure lying down, head in the northeast and feet in the southwest. This figure is believed to influence the energy flow of the building. Architects and builders use this concept to arrange rooms, doors, and other elements in a way that promotes well-being and prosperity for the people living or working in the building.
“Griha Pravesh Vastu Mandala” refers to the Vastu principles followed during housewarming ceremonies, ensuring auspiciousness and harmony in the new home’s energy flow.
The Origin : Vastu Purusha Mandala
It all begins with Brahma, the Planet’s founder, experimenting with several species. Brahma used all his abilities to create an ideal man-made, and that is how Vaastu Purusha was introduced.
Vishwakarma Prakash’s old Vastu manuscript tells a fascinating narrative about Vastu Purusha Mandala’s origins. The plot revolves around a bloody battle between the Gods, devtas, demons, and asuras. In the battle, God Shiva fought for the devtas, and on the other side, Andhaka Asur fought for the asuras.
When the conflict occurred, a few drops of sweat landed on the ground from Lord Shiva’s head. The devtas and asuras were both terrified when a giant entity appeared from that exact spot, namely, Vaastu Purusha, who started claiming to be Lord Shiva’s son and got approval to eat Triloka, because of his insatiable appetite. Additionally, Triloka is a combination of three worlds the land of God (Swargaloka), the middle men’s kingdom (Mrityuloka), and the house of the Asuras and Devtas(Pataloka). Due to this, the gods were terrified when the enormous creature began eating Trilok and turned to Brahma to preserve the Planet. Furthermore, to save Triloka, Lord Brahma sought the assistance of Astha Dikapalakas, the protector of the eight cardinal points and instructed other Devtas and Asuras to kill him with his head to the northeast and feet to the southwest.
The core part of Vastu Purusha was created by Brahma, which consisted of 44 other deities and 45 energy fields. It symbolizes the diverse facets of our lives inhabiting the other components of our body. The chart conveys the message of worshipping Brahma for your overall well being. According to Hinduism, an individual must perform a Vastu Purusha Mandala planning ritual before partaking in a new endeavour for good luck.
The Scientific of Vastu Purusha
Mandala refers to a map or blueprint that reflects the cosmos figuratively. ‘Purusha’ means celestial man, spirit, relationship, strength, or life.
The Vastu Purusha Mandala is the metaphysical plan that encompasses the journey of supernatural forces and heavenly bodies. It is an essential component of Vastu Shastra. Mathematically, it is a diagrammatic representation of the stars and planetary movements.
Importance of the Vastu Purusha Mandala
Vastu Shastra is a theoretical construct because the earth consists of living or non-living organisms. It also holds vibrations and positive and negative energy. Vastu Purusha Mandala represents a human being’s activity, and its origin has been explained above. Besides, every minute, any inherent magnetic and positive energy fields happen due to Vastu Purusha Mandala principles.
It begins with the excavation of a blank area and ends with the construction process with Brahma and the other 44 deities; therefore, 45 in total are called energy fields. Generally, they gradually occupy their assigned positions as the edifice progresses. Vastu design for residences, workplaces, and industries is determined by Mandala.
Vastu Purusha Mandala: Elements, Gods, and Deities
According to Vastu Purusha Mandala, all living beings are composed of a combination of five elements, namely the sky (Akasha), air (Vayu), water (Jal), fire (Agni), and earth (Prithvi), and these elements are also known as Panchabhutas. Moreover, the world’s surface magnetism and energetic zones support the growth of surrounding architecture, which aids in the creation of the most optimal household. Besides, numerous rooms are built to maintain adequate natural light as well as provide a sense of solitude to relatives.
The Vastu Purusha Mandala diagram splits the globe into squares. All of these fair parts are defended by 45 gods, of which some protect you from internal conflicts, while others help protect you from external factors.
The innermost area of the home is run by Brahma. It is claimed by Vastu that this portion is the gem of the house, which maintains all the positive energy of the surrounding area.
The picture depicts the oldest Vastu Purush sculpture, situated in Rameshwara temple, Karnataka.
Vastu Purush Direction
Regardless of the time of day, living beings face various challenges. The ancient Vastu experts represented the eight cardinal angles who split the 24 hours into eight halves. They constructed and aligned different rooms of a home towards the eight cardinal points so that the occupants might receive tranquility from the sun’s rays based on their location. Some of the directions are as follows:
North-East: Brahma Muhurta time varies from 3 am to 6 am, immediately before sunrise, when the sun points towards the apartment’s north-eastern corner. However, these hours are considered beneficial for yoga, meditation, or study. Moreover, the puja or meditation rooms should be located in the northeast corner.
East: When the sun is in the eastern portion of the home from 6 am to 9 am. However, the east direction is an excellent location for a bathroom and a perfect time for bathing.
South-East: The most excellent time to prepare meals is during the day between 9 am and 12 pm. The sun lies in the home’s southeast corner, which is also an ideal location for a kitchen space.
South: The interval between noon and 3 pm is the best time to recover after lunch, also known as Vishranti. The sun is in the south, which is the perfect time to sleep.
West: 6 pm to 9 pm are ideal for dining, resting, or studying. The sun rises in the west, making this the most acceptable spot for a dining room or sitting area.
North-West: The period to sleep is between 9 pm to midnight; The sun is in the northwest corner of the home. This area is also suitable for a spare bedroom.
North: The time from midnight to 3 am; the sun appears in the north, the time of darkness and secrecy. The northern direction is the best place to hide valuables and keep them protected.
Art and Cosmology in India
Subhash Kak
Patanjali Lecture given at Center for Indic Studies, University of Massachusetts, Dartmouth, May 5, 2006
Fractal geometry as the synthesis of Hindu cosmology in Kandariya Mahadev temple, Khajuraho
Iasef Md Rian a, Jin-Ho Park a, Hyung Uk Ahn a, Dongkuk Chang b a Department of Architecture, Inha University, South Korea b Department of Architecture, Chosun University, South Korea
Received 4 May 2006, Revised 21 July 2006, Accepted 15 January 2007, Available online 23 April 2007.
Symbolism in Hindu Temple Architecture and Fractal Geometry – ‘Thought Behind Form’
Tanisha Dutta – PhD Research Scholar, Department of Architecture and Planning, Visvesvaraya National Institute of Technology (VNIT), Nagpur, India Vinayak S. Adane – Professor, Department of Architecture and Planning, Visvesvaraya National Institute of Technology (VNIT), Nagpur, India
In ancient India, town planning was considered an important aspect of architecture and was influenced by religious and cultural beliefs.
The term is used to indicate the arrangement of various components in such a way that the town as such attains significance of a living organism. The town planning was done in scientific footing even in the ancient times.
Planning of a town is dependent on the various factors:
Soil Type
Climatic Conditions
Topography
Wind Orientation
Orientation to Take Advantage of Sun and Wind
The towns were highly influenced by the Site conditions.
The towns were generally located along the bank of the water body.
A flowing stream was preferred for Sanitary requirements.
The towns on the river edge were OBLONG shape; to take maximum advantage of the river.
Main Street (King/ Raja Marg) were aligned East-West to get roads purified by the Sun’s rays; while the shorter roads were along North – South.
Roads around the village called Mangal Vithi were reserved for priests.
A typical Indian town consisted of the following:
Market
Street
Public Buildings
Residences
Temples
Royal Palace
Recreational Centers
Tank
City Fort
1) Classification of Ancient Town Planning
(BASIS – Shape and Size Of the TOWN)
There are quite a number of books written by ancient authors about town planning in India. Also known as ‘VASTU SHASHTRA’ (TOWN PLANNING SCIENCE)
Dandaka
Sarvathobadra
Nandyavarta
Padmaka
Swastika
Prastara
Karmuka
Chaturmukha
i) Dandaka
Dandaka is a Sanskrit term that refers to a type of town plan shaped like a staff or rod. In ancient Indian town planning, different shapes and designs were used to symbolize different things and to promote specific qualities in the built environment.
The Dandaka town plan was characterized by its straight lines and regularity, which symbolized stability and order. This type of plan was often used in the design of military fortifications and other structures that required a strong and orderly layout. The Dandaka plan was also believed to promote positive energy and to enhance the functionality of the structures it was used in.
Dandaka, Literally means a village that resemble, a staff. Its streets are straight and cross each other at right angles at the center, running west to east, and south to north.
This type of town plan provides for two main entrance gates and is generally adopted for the formation of SMALL TOWNS AND VILLAGES.
Village is Rectangular / Square with street width of street varies from 1-5 danda.
Village office located in the east.
Female deity (Gramadevata) will generally be located outside the village, whereas Male deities in the northern portion.
ii) Sarvathobadra
Sarvatobadra is a Sanskrit term that refers to a type of town plan shaped like an umbrella. In ancient Indian town planning, the umbrella shape symbolized protection and shelter. The Sarvatobadra town plan was characterized by its circular shape and radiating streets, which provided a sense of harmony and balance to the built environment.
This type of plan was often used in the design of religious and spiritual structures, such as temples and ashrams, where people sought refuge and peace. The circular shape of the Sarvatobadra plan was also believed to promote positive energy and to enhance the functionality of the structures it was used in.
This type is applicable to larger villages and towns, which have to be constructed on oblong or square sites.
The whole town should fully be occupied with HOUSES of various descriptions that should be inhabited by all classes of people.
Templedominates the village.
iii) Nandyavarta
Nandyavarta is a Sanskrit term that refers to a type of town plan that is circular with a central square and streets radiating outwards. This type of town plan was commonly used in ancient India, particularly in the design of cities and large settlements. The circular shape of the Nandyavarta town plan symbolized unity and completeness, while the central square served as a gathering place for the community.
The radiating streets provided easy access to different parts of the city and promoted connectivity between the various neighborhoods and areas. The Nandyavarta town plan was also believed to promote positive energy and to enhance the functionality of the structures it was used in.
Mainly used for construction of TOWNS and not villages.
Adopted for sites which are either circular or square in shape with 3000-4000 houses.
The streets run parallel to the central adjoining streets with the temple of the presiding deity in the center of the town.
Temple of the presiding deity at the center of the town.
This name is derived from a flower, the form of which is followed in this layout.
iv) Padmaka (Lotus Petals)
Padmaka is a Sanskrit term that refers to a type of town plan shaped like a lotus flower. In ancient Indian town planning, the lotus flower was a symbol of purity, enlightenment, and beauty. The Padmaka town plan was characterized by its circular shape, with streets radiating outwards in a petal-like pattern.
This type of plan was often used in the design of religious and spiritual structures, such as temples and ashrams, where people sought refuge and peace. The circular shape of the Padmaka plan was believed to promote positive energy and to enhance the functionality of the structures it was used in, while the petal-like pattern of the streets added to the overall aesthetic appeal of the built environment.
This type of plan was practiced for building of the TOWNS with fortress all around.
Pattern of the PLAN resembles petals of lotus radiating outwards from the center.
The city used to be an island surrounded by water.
No scope for expansion.
v) Swastika
Swastika is an ancient Hindu symbol that is widely used in Hindu architecture and town planning. The word “swastika” comes from the Sanskrit word “svastika,” which means “good fortune” or “well-being.” The symbol consists of four arms that are bent at right angles, arranged in a cross-like pattern. The arms are typically of equal length and can be arranged clockwise or counterclockwise.
In Hinduism, the swastika is a powerful symbol of good luck and prosperity. It is often used as a decorative element in Hindu temples, homes, and other structures to bring good fortune and to ward off evil spirits. In ancient Indian town planning, the swastika was used to mark the entrance of a building or town, and to provide a visual representation of the Hindu belief in the cyclical nature of life.
This type of plan contemplates some diagonal streets dividing the site into certain triangular plots.
The site may be of any shape.
The town is surrounded by a rampart wall, with a MOAT at its foot.
Two main streets cross each other at the center running north to south and west to east.
Temple is at the centre.
Jain temple is in south-west cell.
vi) Prastara
Prastara is a Sanskrit term that refers to the arrangement of tiles or stones used in the construction of floors or pavements. In ancient Indian architecture and town planning, the prastara was an important decorative element that was used to create intricate and beautiful patterns on the floors of buildings.
The characteristic feature of this plan is that the site may be either square or rectangular but not triangular or circular.
The sites are set apart or the very rich, rich, middle class and poor.
The size of the site increases according to the capacity of each to purchase or build upon.
The main roads are much wider when compared to those of other patterns.
The town may or may not be surrounded by a fort.
vii) Karmuka
This refers to a town plan that is shaped like a bow.
This plan is suitable for the place where the site of the town is in the form of a bow or semi-circular or parabolic and mostly applied for towns located at sea shores or riverbanks.
The main streets of the town run from north to south or east to west and the cross streets run at right angles to them. This divides the whole area into BLOCKS.
Female deity (the presiding deity) is installed in the temple built in any convenient place.
viii) Chaturmukha
Chaturmukha is a Sanskrit term that refers to a building or structure that has four faces or entrances. In ancient Indian town planning and architecture, Chaturmukha structures were used for a variety of purposes, including as temples, gateways, and other religious or secular buildings.
The four faces of a Chaturmukha structure symbolized the four cardinal directions, and were believed to provide protection and access to the building from all directions. The four entrances also allowed for easy flow of people and goods in and out of the structure, promoting connectivity and accessibility.
This is applicable to all types of towns (from the largest town to the smallest village).
The site may be either square or rectangular having four faces.
The town is laid out east to west lengthwise with four main streets.
The temple of the presiding deity is always at the center.
These principles of town planning in ancient India helped create well-organized, functional, and beautiful towns and cities that were capable of supporting their populations and promoting a sense of community and well-being.
Manasara Vastushastra is an elaborate treatise on town planning in ancient India. It is written by a sage named Mansara. It is one of the 5 documents that exists now which deals with Vastu Sasthram. There are several chapters in this book on town planning and construction of buildings. Vastu Sastra has laid strong emphasis on the selection of a proper site for establishing a new village, town or a city. A traditional city designed according to the principles of sacred geometry was based on cosmological theories. – Vaastu Purush Mandala. Silpasasthras refers to four distinct categories of habitation settlements within the forts and fortified cities; 1. Janabhavanas : houses for common mass. 2. Rajbhavanas : palaces and gorgeous mansions for ruling class. 3. Devabhavanas : religious shrines. 4. The public buildings such as public rest house, public gardens, public libraries, public tents, reservoirs, and wells. The Manasara describes that these sites for establishing a city used to be determined from its smell, taste, shape, direction, sound and touch. It speaks of the street that is on the border of the street (Mangalaveedhi) and the street that surrounds the Brahmasthana (Brahmaveedhi) It says that an ideal city should be placed in such a local geographical position where various kinds of trees, water bodies, rivers, plants, shrubs, green vegetation cover, including cattle should be present in great numbers. If a river adjoins the site it should run from left to right or West to East or South to North. Also the site should have water table at a depth equal to a man’s height with his arms raised above his head. The site should also comply with moderate temperature during summers and winters. If these parameters were not met with, the land would be rejected. Varanasi is located in such a way that the river flows from south to north.
Patna (Pataliputra) is located in such a way that the river flows from left to right. Opposite side of the river is not part of the main city. According to the shapes there are eight different types of settlements mentioned. Dandaka Sarvathobhadra Nandyavarta Padmaka Swastika Prastara Karmuka Chaturmukha
1. Dandaka Streets are straight and cross each other at right angles at the centre Has 4 gates on four sides Rectangular / square Width of the street varies from one ‐ Five danda (1 danda is 1-2 meters) 2 transverse street at the extremities Have single row of houses The village offices located in the east. 2. Sarvathobhadra This type of town plan is applicable to larger villages and towns, which have to be constructed on square sites. According to this plan, the whole town should be fully occupied by houses of various descriptions and inhabited by all classes of people. The temple at the central area dominates the village 3. Nandyavarta Commonly used for the construction of townsand not for villages. It is generally adopted for the sites either circular or square in shape 3000 – 4000houses The streets run parallel to the central adjoining streets with the temple of the presiding deity in the center of the town. “Nandyavarta” is the name of a flower, the form of which is followed. 4. Padmaka This type of plan was practiced for building of the towns with fortress all round. The pattern of the plan resembles the petals of lotus radiating outwards from the center. The city used to be practically an island surrounded by water, having no scope for expansion 5. Swastika Contemplates some diagonal streets dividing the site into rectangular plots. The site need not be marked out into a square or rectangle and it may be of any shape. A rampart wall surrounds the town, with a moat at its foot filled with water. 2 main streets cross each other at the center, running S to N and W to E. 6. Prastara The site may be either square or rectangular bu t not triangular or circular. The sites are set apart for the poor, the middle class, the rich and the very rich, the sizes of the sites increasing according to the capacity of each to purchase or build upon. The main roads are much wider compared to those of other patterns. The town may or may not be surrounded by a fort. 7. Karmuka Suitable for the place where the site of the town is in the form of a bow or semi‐circular or parabolic and mostly applied for towns located on the seashore or river banks. The main streets of the town run from N to S or E to W and the cross streets run at right‐angles to them, dividing the whole area into blocks. The presiding deity, commonly a female deity, is installed in the temple build in any convenient place 8. Chaturmukha Applicable to all town sstarting from the largest town to the smallest village. The site may be either square or rectangular having four faces. The town is laid out east to west lengthwise, with four main streets. The temple of the presiding deity will be always at the center
Topic – Ancient and Modern Town Planning in India
Invited Lecture at Yangon Technology University (YTU), Yangon, Myanmar:
Presentation · January 2018 DOI: 10.13140/RG.2.2.28448.23041
Prafulla Parlewar School of Planning and Architecture
Maharishi Vedic Architecture and Quality of Life: An International Mixed Methods Study of Lived Experience
Subject Areas : Architecture
Lee Fergusson 1 (Professor of Vedic Science, Education and the Environment, Maharishi Vedic Research Institute, Gold Coast, Australia) Sanford Nidich 2 (Director, Center for Social-Emotional Health and Consciousness, Fairfield, Iowa, USA) Anna Bonshek 3 (Professor of Vedic Science, Art and Vedic Architecture, Maharishi Vedic Research Institute, Gold Coast, Australia) Randi Nidich 4 (Director, Center for Social-Emotional Health and Consciousness, Fairfield, Iowa, USA)
Received: 2020-07-08 Accepted : 2020-08-06 Published : 2020-10-01
anthropologist, has written that: “Those who believe the ancient peoples of Asia were incapable of crossing the ocean have completely lost sight of what the literary sources tell us concerning their ships and their navigation. Many of the peoples of Southeastern Asia had adopted Indian Hindu-Buddhist civilizations. The influences of the Hindu-Buddhist culture of southeast Asia in Mexico and particularly, among the Maya, are incredibly strong.
The term Navigation originates from the Sanskrit word “Navgati” (meaning science of sailing) (Nav – gati) Nav means sailor or ship and gati means pace or speed in Sanskrit.
With great zeal Indian historians pointed out that, in the past, Hindu civilization had extended far beyond the present boundaries of India. It had included not only Southeast Asia but extended as far as Indonesia (Bali and Java), the Philippines and perhaps it has influence even to South America, is something the world may have to think again, with the strong evidences emerging with time.
== The question arises whether the ancient Hindus of Indonesia had contact with Mayan civilisation across the pacific which is evident from the pyramid constructions in Indonesia very similar to that of the Mayans. I shall share some information of what I collected from my reading. ==
The strongest, and indeed a hard piece of evidence established for trans-Pacific contact is the use of a particular technique for the manufacture of bark paper, common to China, Southeast Asia, Indonesia and Mesoamerica.
Michael Coe (2001a:58) in his book says that knowledge of this paper-making method “was diffused from eastern Indonesia to Mesoamerica at a very early date.” He further argues that since bark paper was used to make books, information may have been exchanged between Pacific and Mesoamerican peoples.
The Indonesian Hindu temples Resembling Mayan Pyramids
Candi Sukuh Hindu Temple dedicated to Bhima of Mahabharata in Indonesia
Candi Sukuh Hindu Temple dedicated to Bhima of Mahabharata in Indonesia strikes a disquieting alien chord with its flat topped step pyramid and its Mayan calendar carvings.
The religious structures in Java are commonly called Candis, a term which originally meant a commemorative building.
In general layout, the temple conforms to the plan of most other Hindu temples. There are three precincts, consisting of three concentric terraces. However, where most temples would have a large square shrine, Candi Sukuh has a pyramid reminiscent of Mayan structures from Central America.
Another new discovery is a Candi-Sukuh like pyramid and even a stone sphinx on a remote island off New Guinea. The site is known to even a nearby logging company, but no-one to the outside world in general. This giant pyramid has only been seen by helicopter pilots and a few natives of the island. It is another example of Hindu/Maya connection in the early pacific. So far no photographs of the site have come forth. No one yet knows the age of this New Guinea pyramid and its “sphinx” on a remote island near the Solomons.
Reference : Discovering the Mysteries of Ancient America: Lost History And Legends, Unearthed And Explored. BOOK Authored by Frank Joseph and Zechariah Sitchin.
The Hindus are also the only older people besides the Mayans who are known to have employed the concept of zero in their mathematics.
—-
Ancient Architects Employed Analogous Design Doctrines and Masonry Methods
Sri V. Ganapati Sthapati, has just measured with tape, compass and a lay-out story pole, the Mayan structures. He has confirmed that the layout of these structures, locations for doors, windows, proportions of width to length, roof styles, degree of slopes for roofs, column sizes, wall thicknesses, etc., all conform completely to the principles and guidelines as prescribed in the Vastu Shastras of India. Residential layouts are identical to those found in Mohenjodaro ruins of India. The temple layouts are identical to those that he is building today and that can be found all over India.”
Ganapati Sthapati is India’s foremost traditional temple architect and an expert in sculpture and stone construction to personally examine these ancient buildings. Sthapati is the architect of the San Marga Iraivan Temple being built at Kauai Aadheenam, Hawaii.
Sthapati was accompanied by two California builders and architects Deva Rajan and Thamby Kumaran. The trio began 11,000 feet high in central Peru at the Incan site of Machu Picchu. Sthapati believes, Indian architecture originated from the Mayan people of Central America. In Indian history, Mayan appears several times, most significantly as the author of Mayamatam, “Concept of Mayan” which is a Vastu Shastra, a text on art, architecture and town planning. The traditional date for this work is 8,000bce.
The fundamental principle of Mayan’s architecture and town planning is the “module.” Buildings and towns are to be laid out according to certain multiples of a standard unit. Floor plans, door locations and sizes, wall heights and roofs, all are determined by the modular plan. More specifically, Mayan advocated the use of an eight-by-eight square, for a total of 64 units, which is known as the Vastu Purusha Mandala. The on-site inspection by Sthapati was to determine if the Incan and Mayan structures followed a modular plan and also intended to examine the stone working technology-his particular field of expertise.
Sthapati was born in 1927 into a family whose ancestors, members of the aboriginal tribe of Viswakarmas, built the great temple at Tanjore in the 10th century ce at the request of Raja Raja Chola. He learned the craft from his father, Sri M. Vaiydyanatha Sthapati and his uncle, Sri M. Sellakkannu Sthapati. He spent 27 years as head of the Government College of Architecture and Sculpture in Mahabalipuram, Tamil Nadu, and is responsible for India’s significant resurgence in the ancient art of stone carving. After his retirement in 1988, he continued building temples and founded the Vastu Vedic Research Foundation to explore the ancient origins of the temple craftsmen. He is responsible for the construction of dozens of temples in India, and others in Chicago, Washington D.C., Kentucky, Boston, Baltimore, San Francisco, and Hawaii in the USA as well as in the UK, Singapore, Fiji, Malaysia, Mauritius and the Seychelles.
Machu Pichu He proceeded to measure the buildings in detail and discovered each to be built on a module-based plan, following the system of eight-by-eight squares. The module method was followed within small fractions of an inch. The buildings were oriented toward certain points of the compass. Also the lengths of buildings were never more than twice the width.
Saqsayhuman, an Incan site dated from 400 bce to 1400 ce Here are the famous stone walls made of rocks weighing up to 160 tons and fitted together so expertly that a knife blade cannot be put in any joint. Sthapati pointed out small knobs left on their faces, used for the use of levers, the exact same method used in India to move large stones. Thirty to forty men moved these large rocks with this method, he explained to the guide’s astonishment.
He observed details of the stone working being identical to what is practiced in India, such as the method of quarrying stones by splitting off slabs, the jointing and fitting of stones, the use of lime mortar, leveling with a plumb bob line and triangle, and the corbeling for the roofs. Corbeling is the method by which stones are drawn in layer by layer until they meet or nearly meet to allow a roof slab to be placed on top.
Sthapati considers the similarity of this technology to that used in India to be very significant. The use of the horizontal lintel and the absence of the arch are additional noteworthy points of correspondence between the two traditions.
The Mayan Yucatan Peninsula Having arrived at Chichén Itzá in time for the summer equinox on March 21st. The trio got to witness the moment of sunset at equinox, a shadow is cast by the steps of the Pyramid which creates the image of a serpent’s body which joins a stone carving of a serpent’s head at the bottom of the stair case. It is a stunning demonstration of Mayan astronomical and architectural precision.
The trio got back to work and tape measured and closely examined the Pyramid of the Castle. It too conformed to the Vastu Vedic principles of Mayan. The temple structure at the top was exactly 1/4th of the base. And the stepped pyramid design derived from a three-dimensional extension of the basic eight-by-eight grid system. The temple room at the top was also modular in design, with the wall thickness determining the size of doorways, location of columns, thickness of columns and the width and length of the structure.
From Chichén Itzá, they traveled on to Uxmal where they observed the snake and “bindu” designs on the wall faces. They were astounded by the thousands of pyramids at Tikal and Uxacturn in Guatemala, all laid out to conform to a grid pattern and oriented in astronomically significant directions.
Use of lime mortar for all of the stone and brick buildings, can been seen in the monumental creations in Mahabalipuram and the stone temples of Tanjor and Gangai Konda Choleswram in Tamil Nadu. The outer surfaces were plastered, embellishments worked out in lime mortar, then painted. This method was strongest among the Mayas at Tikal and Uaxactún, where all of the structures once had a plaster coating painted with many colors.
Sri Ganapati Sthapati is vigorously continuing his research and is open to suggestions one may contact him with queries or information at :
Vastu Vedic Research Foundation, Plot A-1, H.I.G. Colony, 1st Main Road (New Beach Road), Thiruvalluvar Nagar, Thiruvanmiyur, Madras 600 041, India.
Vastushastra System – Measurements and Proportions
Prof. S. K. Gupta1 1Dean & Director, Amity University Haryana, Panchgaon, Manesar, Gurgaon
International Journal for Research in Applied Science & Engineering Technology (IJRASET) ISSN: 2321-9653; IC Value: 45.98; SJ Impact Factor:6.887 Volume 5 Issue X1, November 2017- Available at http://www.ijraset.com
ANALYSIS OF FACTS, UNDERSTANDINGS & USES OF VASTU SHASTRA IN HEALTHCARE
Dr. Karthikeyan S Affiliation: Yukan Energetical Vastu, Institute of Scholars & Indian Science Congress Association, Govt. of India DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10061488 Published Date: 01-November-2023
International Journal of Social Science and Humanities Research ISSN 2348-3164 (online) Vol. 11, Issue 4, pp: (215-226), Month: October – December 2023, Available at: http://www.researchpublish.com
Vedic Physics includes a theory of the emergence of matter from the invisible Substratum of Thaamic matter, into either the stable 8 x 8 Satwa Material or the dynamic 9 x 9 Raja form. Matter emerges in two dimensions from the Substratum, emerging at the very center of a circle, with the extrusion of tiny particles of Dark Matter through a central hole, at the logarithm of e, or the Euler Number. The extrusion of matter through the central hole exerts force on peripheral areas. This phenomenon helps to explain why Brahma is considered as the center of the Vedic Square, or the 9 x 9 Vastu Shastra, as well as the central No. 5 Square in the 3 x 3 Magic Square of Chinese divination, including Qi Men Dun Jia.
Quintessence of Vastu Art and Architecture: Forms of Spirit and Atoms of Consciousness
A Shilpi Sp«aks-6
TEMPLES OF Space SCIENCE
Dr. V.Ganapati Sthapati
English version of Tamil text By
Dr. S.P. Sabharathnam
REVELATION OF AN ESOTERIC GEOMETRY OF NORTH INDIAN HINDU TEMPLES
E-Book (PDF) Availability: Published ISBN: 978-90-04-49237-0 Publication: 15 Nov 2021
Hardback Availability: Published ISBN: 978-90-04-12902-3 Publication: 30 Jun 2003
Michael W. Meister, M. A. Dhaky and Krishna Deva (ed.): Encyclopaedia of Indian temple architecture: North India: Foundations of North Indian style c. 250 b.c.–a.d. 1100. I: xvii, 422 pp. 158 figures, 15 maps; II: viii, 778 plates.
New Delhi: American Institute of Indian Studies, and Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 December 2009
Kashmiri Temples: a Typological and Aedicular Analysis
Adam Hardy
2019, Indology’s Pulse: Arts in Context (Essays Presented to Doris Meth Srinivasan in Admiration of Her Scholarly Research) edited by Corinna Wessels-Mevissen and Gerd J. R. Mevissen
Chakshudana or Opening the Eyes Seeing South Asian Art Anew Edited by Pika Ghosh and Pushkar Sohoni First published 2024 ISBN: 978- 1- 032- 20783- 4 (hbk) ISBN: 978- 1- 032- 27121- 7 (pbk) ISBN: 978- 1- 003- 29147- 3 (ebk)
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Constructing Community: Tamil Merchant Temples in India and China, 850-1281
This dissertation studies premodern temple architecture, freestanding sculpted stones, and Tamil language inscriptions patronized by south Indian merchants in south India and China. Between the ninth and thirteenth centuries, Indian Ocean trade was at its apex, connecting populations on European and Asian continents through complex interlocking networks. Southern India’s Tamil region, in particular, has been described as the fulcrum of the Indian Ocean circuit; however, knowledge of intra-Asian contact and exchange from this period has been derived mostly from Arabic and Chinese sources, which are abundant in comparison with the subcontinent’s dearth of written history. My project redresses this lacuna by investigating the material culture of Tamil merchants, and aims to recover their history through visual evidence, authored by individuals who left few written traces of their voyages across the Indian Ocean.
The arguments of my dissertation are based primarily on unpublished and unstudied monuments and inscriptions, weaving together threads from multiple disciplines–art history, literature, epigraphy, and social theory–and from across cultures, the interconnected region of the eastern Indian Ocean and the South China Seas, spanning the Sanskritic, Tamil, Malay, and Sinocentric realms. My dissertation challenges traditional narratives of Indian art history that have long attributed the majority of monumental architecture to royal patrons, focusing instead on the artistic production of cosmopolitan merchants who navigated both elite and non-elite realms of society. I argue that by constructing monuments throughout the Indian Ocean trade circuit, merchants with ties to southern India’s Tamil region formulated a coherent group identity in the absence of a central authority.
Similar impulses also are visible in merchants’ literary production, illustrated through several newly translated panegyric texts, which preface mercantile donations appearing on temple walls in the modern states of Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, and Andhra Pradesh. Moreover, my work analyzes the complex processes of translation visible in literary and material culture commissioned by merchants, resulting from inter-regional and intercultural encounters among artisans, patrons, and local communities. Rather than identifying a monolithic source for merchants’ artistic innovations, in each chapter I demonstrate the multiple ways in which merchants employed visual codes from different social realms (courtly, mercantile, and agrarian) to create their built environments. In Chapter Four, I provide a detailed reconstruction and historical chronology of a late thirteenth century temple in Quanzhou, coastal Fujian Province, and southeastern China, which both echoes and transforms architectural forms of contemporaneous temples in India’s Tamil region.
Piecing together over 300 carvings discovered in the region in light of archaeological and art historical evidence, I develop a chronology of the temple’s history, and propose that Ming forces destroyed the temple scarcely a century after its creation. In Chapter Three, I interpret stone temples patronized by the largest south Indian merchant association, the Ainnurruvar, as being integral to their self-fashioning in India and abroad. While the temples do not project a merchant identity per se, I show that they employ an artistic vocabulary deeply entrenched in the visual language of the Tamil region. Chapter Two looks at other forms through which merchants created a shared mercantile culture, including literary expressions and freestanding sculptural stones. These texts demonstrate that merchants engaged in both elite and non-elite artistic production. Chapter One analyzes the distribution, content, and context of Tamil merchant sponsored inscriptions within the Indian Ocean circuit, focusing on the modern regions of Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Kerala, and Andhra Pradesh. An appendix offers new translations of important Tamil language mercantile inscriptions discovered throughout south India.
“Infinite Sequences in the Constructive Geometry Of Tenth-Century Hindu Temple Superstructures.”
The Construction Geometry of Early Javanese Temples
David Beynon, Deakin University
Sambit Datta, Curtin University
Papers presented to the 30th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians, Australia and New Zealand held on the Gold Coast, Queensland, Australia, July 2-5, 2013. http://www.griffith.edu.au/conference/sahanz-2013/
Archive: The University of Pennsylvania houses a photographic archive of Indian art and architecture (now over 100,000 photographs) as part of the W. Norman Brown South Asia Reference Room on the fifth floor west end of Van Pelt library. To gain access, contact the South Asia bibliographer, David Nelson, or his staff. This Archive should be an integral part of your work this semester.
Intention: This seminar will both introduce you in the remarkable variety of India’s architectural accomplishments and encourage you to discuss the broader issues of how architecture can be designed to express meaning. In the past I have sometimes asked students to divide into groups to work together to frame one area of India’s architecture. Categories have been: Early Indian architecture; South Indian architecture; North Indian architecture; early Islamic architecture in India.
This year, I propose to organize readings around a variety of approaches and methodologies: issues of construction, translation of architectural forms into new materials, architectural symbolism, typology and chronology, and praxis (the use and survival of buildings over time).
I will ask you to work collectively, but on different aspects or examples of the general area, reporting in class on the literature, issues, ideas, and substance appropriate to each.
Books: Four books have been ordered by the Penn Book Center (130 S. 34th St.):
Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, Essays in Early Indian Architecture, ed. Michael W. Meister, Oxford University Press, 1993. (This may now be out of print, but is available in the Fine Arts Library reserve.)
Richard H. Davis, Lives of Indian Images, Princeton, 1997 (Princeton University Press paperback).
James C. Harle, The Art and Architecture of the Indian Subcontinent (Pelican History of Art). New York, 1986.
George Michell, The Hindu Temple: An Introduction to Its Meaning and Forms, New York, 1977 (Chicago University Press paperback).
Other books of interest will be placed on Reserve in the Fischer Fine Arts Library and the South Asia Reading Room in Van Pelt, near the photo archive.
Course assignments: In addition to participation in class discussion, students will be asked to prepareshort reports on reading for presentation in class and to choose an area for research leading to a final presentation and paper.
________________________________
Brief Bibliography of General Surveys:
Batley, Claude. The Design Development of Indian Architecture, 3rd rev. enl. ed., London, 1973.
Brown, Percy. Indian Architecture, vol. 1. Buddhist and Hindu periods, vol. 2. Islamic period, 5th ed., Bombay, 1965-68.
Coomaraswamy, Ananda K. The Arts and Crafts of India and Ceylon. London, 1913.
Coomaraswamy, Ananda K. History of Indian and Indonesian Art. New York, 1927.
Fergusson, James. History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, London, 1876; rev. and ed. by James Burgess, 2 vol., London, 1910.
Herdeg, Klaus. Formal Structure in Indian Architecture, preface by Balkrishna Doshi, New York: Rizzoli, 1990 (1978).
Mayamata. An Indian Treatise on Housing, Architecture, and Iconography, trans. by Bruno Dagens, Delhi, 1985.
Pereira, José. Elements of Indian Architecture, Delhi, 1987.
Tadgell, Christopher. The History of Architecture in India: From the Dawn of Civilization to the End of the Raj, London: Architecture Design and Technology Press, 1990.
Volwahsen, Andreas. Living Architecture: Indian and Living Architecture: Islamic Indian, New York, 1969-70.
Purusha Sukta (Text, Transliteration, Translation and Commentary)
AUTHOR: S.K. RAMACHANDRA RAO PUBLISHER: SRI AUROBINDO KAPALI SASTRY INSTITUTE OF VEDIC CULTURE LANGUAGE: SANSKRIT TEXT WITH TRANSLITERATION AND ENGLISH TRANSLATION EDITION: 2014 ISBN: 8179940462 PAGES: 96
Exploring Kāfirkot: When is a Rose Apple not a Rose?
MICHAEL W. MEISTER
This article is the consequence of excavations by the Pakistan Heritage Society and University of Pennsylvania at Kāirkot North that resulted in the discovery and exploration of an undocumented temple (E) in that fort, and recovery of an important seventh-century cult image broken in two pieces. These were discussed in preliminary reports in The Pakistan Heritage Society Newslet- ter (Khan et al 1998), Expedition (Meister 2000), and the Lahore Museum Bulletin (Rehman 1998).
In following through an iconological investigation of the excavated image, I became fascinated with the sceptre held in his left hand, which terminated in a cluster of spear-pointed leaves. These could be matched with leaves framing a large textured ‘fruit’ used as one of the eight auspicious signs in reliefs from early Mathurā and as the base of one of Mathurā’s earliest liṅga pillars (Meister 2007). Following a long tangled process of deductive analysis, I came to a tentative conclusion that this sceptre was a ‘jambū-dhvaja’ and that ‘jambū’ in this period of early India was not ‘rose apple’ but rather the gigantic fruit of the jack tree. A note on the tangled web of this discovery was ofered to an issue of the Journal of Ancient Indian History issued at the time of D. C. Sircar’s birth centenary (Meister 2007-08). This note I would like to share along with a full portfolio of illustrations not possible to publish in the original journal. My purpose also has been to probe and question the relativity of our claims to knowledge.
Once populated with temples, only traces of Hinduism remain in Laki
This is a far cry from the past when the area was dotted with temples and Hindu monastic establishments.
Book review: Historic Temples in Pakistan by Reema Abbasi and Madiha Aijaz
Reema Abbasi and Madiha Aijaz’s magnificent photo-essay profiles the core of Pakistan’s millennia-old Hindu heritage – its temples – and makes a strong case for keeping pluralism alive in the ‘Fortres
For many Indians, especially those who are Hindu or Sikh, reading anything about Pakistan’s religious minorities can be a painful affair. As if Partition was not enough, subsequent events have brought death and destruction to these beleaguered people. More than 30 years after Mard-e-Momin Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq started his Islamisation programme, all of Pakistan is paying the price. There are regular attacks on the two biggest non-Muslim minorities, Hindus and Christians. There are also non-Sunni firqas, which are under siege — the Shias and the hapless Ahmadis, declared by the Ulema and the government to be Wajib-e-Qatl, to be killed by every ‘true Muslim’ as a religious duty. I picked up veteran journalist Reema Abbasi and photographer Madiha Aijaz’s Historic Temples in Pakistan: A Call to Conscience with trepidation. Poring over it reaffirmed what I had been hearing all along — of the country’s minorities being in a state of siege. Still, the book’s very publication is a reaffirmation of faith in humanity. There are still people in Pakistan who have the courage to examine and profile its pre-Islamic past, which is currently dying a slow death. The work, say its authors, is a call to Pakistanis to take charge of their destiny and make their society more pluralistic. Abbasi states in the preface: “At times like these, civilisations in denial can reinvent themselves through free expression of faith and ideas…the time is now ripe to put paid to divides that are like to cost an entire country its rationale….” The book has many layers. Not only does it profile Pakistan’s most ancient and important Hindu temples, but also details their histories, locales, architecture, the people whom they serve and the dangers they have faced and are facing. Five of the six sections in this book are on the temples in the four provinces that make up Pakistan. Abbasi does not include the temples of Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir, like the hallowed Shardapeeth in the Neelum Valley on the Line of Control, or the Raghunath and Shivala Mandirs in the city of Mirpur. Balochistan has a single temple profiled — the Hinglaj Mata Mandir — one of the Shaktipeethas of the subcontinent. According to legend, Sati’s head fell at this spot when Vishnu whirled his chakra at her corpse and it smashed into pieces.
The temples of Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa are grouped into one section. The most prominent is the fabled Katas Raj near Chakwal in Punjab. One of South Asia’s better known Shiva temples, it is among the two spots (the other being Pushkar) where Shiva’s tears fell in his grief over Sati’s death and formed a pool. The spot is also the site where Yudhisthira, the eldest of the Pandava princes, was questioned by a Yaksha, who turned out to be Dharma in disguise, testing his son. There are other temples in the cities of Lahore, Rawalpindi, Peshawar and one in the town of Mansehra in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. But it is Sindh, Hinduism’s last stronghold in Pakistan, that constitutes the lion’s share of the book. Three sections detail its temples — in the teeming metropolis of Karachi, in the districts of Umerkot and Tharparkar in the Thar Desert, and in riverine Sindh, along the course of the (once) mighty Indus. Pakistani temples are located in a variety of locations. Hinglaj is in a giant cavern on the desolate Makran coast. The Varun Dev Mandir is on Manora Island off Karachi. The famed Sadhu Bela temple is on an islet in the middle of the Indus in Upper Sindh, neat Sukkur. The temples of Umerkot and Tharparkar are in a hot, though strikingly beautiful desert. Katas is located in the Salt Range, a unique elevated geographical feature amidst the otherwise flat, Punjabi plains. And the Shivala Mandir in Mansehra is in the Himalayas. Pakistan’s Hindu temples are dedicated to all three of the faith’s main branches — Shaivism, Vaishnavism and Shaktism. Deities worshipped include Shiva, Vishnu and his avatars, Rama and Krishna, Ganesha and Hanuman and the Mother Goddess in all her forms. But there are others too. The temple at Manora, for instance, is dedicated to Varuna, lord of the oceans. In Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, sage Valmiki is worshipped. The book reminds us that most of the Hindus left in Pakistan are Dalits, as caste Hindus fled during Partition. In Punjabi cities like Lahore and Pindi, as well as Peshawar, the main temples are those of Balmikis, the Dalit community also found across North India. In Sindh, most Hindus are Dalit Meghwars or tribal Bhils. A permanent theme in the book is the Hindu-Muslim syncretism that still astonishingly survives in Pakistan, especially in Sindh. For instance, Varuna in Manora is the Hindu Jhule Lal/Udero Lal in interior Sindh, who is also worshipped by Muslims as Zinda Pir or Khidr, a revered figure in Islam, especially Sufi mysticism. The Ratneshwar Mahadev Mandir in Karachi’s posh Clifton sits alongside the dargah of Hazrat Abdullah Shah Ghazi, Karachi’s patron saint. Both, Shiva and the Pir are considered by Sindhi society as the city’s guardian protectors against the Arabian Sea’s fierce waters. But the dangers to Pakistan’s temples far outweigh such harmonious co-existence. Most temples profiled in the book were attacked by frenzied mobs when the Bahri Mosque came down in Ayodhya in 1992. That time saw the razing of 1,000 historic temples from Pakistan’s landscape, notes Abbasi. Since then, some temples have been reconstructed with funds from Hindus, Muslim feudals and sometimes, the government. But the picture is far from rosy, concedes the author. The last chapter in the section on riverine Sindh highlights an even more important issue: the declining murti makers of Pakistan. There are no Hindu craftsmen left. Inevitably, the task falls to Muslims like the subject of the chapter: Fakira. Even there, the numbers are declining. Most murtis are thus brought from India. In places like Punjab, however, you have to make do with images, so virulent is the sentiment against idol worship. The book’s most powerful appeal lies in Madiha Aijaz’s photographs. Colourful and vivid, they are a treat for the eyes. After reading the book, I was deeply depressed. Then I read a line on the back cover, which is the book’s main message, and my blues ebbed away. It read: ‘As long as life is infinite, faiths will be indestructible.’ Historic Temples in Pakistan: A call to conscience Author: Reema Abbasi Photographs by Madiha Aijaz Publisher: Niyogi Books Pages: 296 Price: Rs 1,250
Temples of Mari Indus (Hindu Shahi Period 8th to 10th Century AD)
The Temples along the Indus
(All pictures in this blog are photographed by the author, research references from different archaeological papers)
This magnificent ancient Hindu temple in Sialkot, in Pakistan’s Punjab province, was built by Sardar Teja Singh and has been closed for worship for 72 years, recently becoming a den of drug addicts. But under the directives of the Prime Minister of Pakistan, Imran Khan, and Evacuee Trust Property Board (ETPB) Chairman Dr Amir Ahmed, Pakistani followers of Hinduism are again permitted access to worship in the Shawala Teja Singh Temple.
So often it is said that religion divides nations, but in this case it seems to be mending disputes. In April this year the Pakistan government announced that they would “reclaim and restore 400 temples to the minority group in Pakistan”. According to a recent report by The Organization For World Peace (TOFWP) this “compliments a joint decision by Prime Minister Khan and the Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi, to construct the Kartarpur corridor, allowing visa-free access to Hindi pilgrims from India”.
Signs Of Peace In The Hyper-Violence?
Is this move potentially an effort towards ending the brutal conflict that began during the Partition of India in 1947, that displaced between 10 and 12 million people, and has caused deaths varying between 200,000 and 2,000,000? Rajdeep Sardesai, Consulting Editor of Indiatoday, said that Fawad Chaudhry, Information Minister of Pakistan, “believed India and Pakistan had been fighting for too long” and he added “I think there’s a need for it. If India takes one step, Pakistan will take two steps”.
However, the TOFWP report says, “there are concerns that the peace agreement is not genuine” but rather and “attempt to win a perception war” and the corridor might be “a tool to gain territorial foothold by opposing separatists”. However, the repossession of ancient temples to the Hindu community in Pakistan suggests the effort is genuine and already the political decision is having glaringly positive effects.
Is the reopening of the ancient Shawala Teja Singh Hindu Temple a sign of the end of violence? (Junaid Syed / YouTube Screenshot)
Seeds Of Peace In The Destroyer’s Temple!
Temple remains contain not only the architectural prowess of a nation’s artisans, but they are also books in stone telling stories about a civilization’s culture. To access the Shawala Teja Singh Hindu temple pilgrims climb a steep staircase to reach the temple, which according to ‘History of Sialkot’ is about 1,000 years old. Here, at the center of the temple, at the apex of their sometimes hundreds of miles long pilgrimages, they connected directly with the creation energy of the Hindu deity Shiva.
Shiva was the destroyer of ignorance that had spread all across the universe and according to Axel Michael’s Hinduism: Past and Present, the Shaivism theology is broadly grouped into two: the popular theology influenced by Shiva-Rudra in the Vedas, Epics and the Puranas; and the esoteric theology influenced by the Shiva and Shakti-related Tantra texts. In Shaivism, the god is also worshipped by all other gods including the Devas Brahma and Vishnu, who with Shiva compose the Trimurti, the Hindu trinity.
The Hindu Trinity – Brahma, Siva, Vishnu. (Calvinkrishy~commonswiki / CC BY-SA 3.0)
Coming Back Online
SAMAA TV has interviewed several people connected with the reopening of the temple, including ‘one Hindu’, who said, “We are thankful to the government for opening our temple and we can come here whenever we want now”. Deputy Commissioner Bilal Haider said that they “collaborated with the Evacuee Trust Property Board to reopen the temple and “people are free to visit anytime”, and since then many tourists have already started coming to this almost forgotten heritage site.
Ancient Hindu temple now open to public. (Junaid Syed / YouTube Screenshot)
And most importantly, the government has stated that preservation work to restore the temple will start soon and this English News Track Live article says the government announced “Shivala will be kept open permanently while conservation work at this unique specimen of archaic Indian architecture” is undertaken. And, slapping down hard money, where their mouth is, and Pakistani government have vowed to spend “Rs 50 lakh” on the protection of Shivala, which is about $70,000 (57,250 GBP).
For 72 years the ‘Partition’ has given rise to continuing conflict between India and Pakistan which is now beginning to show signs of slowing down, a ‘hope’ that’s supported in the TOFWP report which states that in “2017 3,000 violations” of the peace agreement occurred, while in 2018 “this reduced to 1,000”. When we consider that both India and Pakistan are nuclear powers, any de-escalation of ‘breaches’ in the peace agreement and military confrontation can only, surely, be a step in the right direction.
Close up of entrance of Shawala Teja Singh Hindu Temple. (Junaid Syed / YouTube Screenshot)
Top image: Ancient 1,000 year old Shawala Teja Singh Hindu Temple. Source: Junaid Syed / YouTube Screenshot
Michael W. Meister, W. Norman Brown Professor, Department of the History of Art, University of Pennsylvania, and Consulting Curator, Asian Section, University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, has served as Chair, Departments of South Asia Studies and History of Art, and Director of Penn’s South Asia Center
In 1947, Pakistan emerged on the world map with a predominantly Muslim population. However, before partition, a number of other religions were practiced in the region, including Hinduism. Hinduism first established its roots, and was adopted by the Indus civilisation, between 2300 BC and 1500 BC. Some of the earliest Hindu temples once stood in what is now Pakistan; their traces can still be seen in the ruins that exist today, in varying degrees of dilapidation.
Hindu temples were dotted all around the region that is now Pakistan. The presence of these venerated sites is well documented in various historical narratives; primary among these are the chronicles of renowned Muslim scholar Al-Biruni who joined Mehmood Ghaznavi on his conquests of India in the 11th century and spent 20 years there. Al-Biruni in his encyclopaedic book Kitab-ul-Hind, talks extensively about Indian culture and religion, expressive in his wonderment at the religious sites.
In modern day India, centuries-old temples still stand in prime condition, receiving hundreds of devotees every day. One therefore has to ask, what happened to the Hindu temples that found themselves in Pakistani territory upon partition?
Largely overlooked in conversations around cultural heritage (though I argue that they still form an essential part of this cultural heritage landscape), they often fall victim to the political and religious debacles of the day. The 1992 riots that ensued in Pakistan as a result of the demolition of Babri Mosque in India, is one such example. The incident led to protests erupting throughout Pakistan, and Hindu temples were the obvious and easy target of this uproar. During these protests, thirty Hindu temples were attacked in different parts of Pakistan. These attacks ranged from vandalism to complete destruction.
The way temples are positioned, in both public consciousness and the administrative framework, in Pakistan is highly influenced by the tense relationship between India and Pakistan since partition. Although 1.6% of Pakistan’s population is Hindu, anything associated with Hinduism is usually (if not always), associated with India, thus immediately barring any constructive dialogue on the measures that could be taken to improve the state of Hindu temples. While Buddhist sites were preserved and promoted, Hindu cultural heritage, which has been equally responsible in shaping the historicity of Pakistan, was ignored.
Cultural heritage sites in Pakistan are protected under the Antiquities Act 1975. The sites listed under this act are declared protected monuments and special measures are taken for their preservation and promotion; most are Muslims sites. Out of 145 monuments in Punjab, only one is a Hindu temple, meaning that no measures for the conservation of other existing temples are in place.
There has, however, been some improvement. Post 2005, the new government took to the restoration of selected Hindu temples to help shape a ‘softer’ image of Pakistan on the international stage. Since then, Pakistan has seen an increased propensity for restoration and conservation of ancient Hindu temples, a monumental improvement considering that previously even the existence of such venerated sites was unknown. The current government has pledged to restore 400 Hindus temples for the Hindu population of Pakistan, beginning with a 1000 year old temple in Sialkot. Though not yet fully restored, the temple was reopened for the local Hindu community following a 72 year hiatus.
The Temples
Hindu temples can be found in several Pakistani cities, in various states of preservation. Some still receive devotees from within the country, as well as from across the border, while others have suffered extreme negligence and have thus been abandoned.
Temples of Rawalpindi
Before the British divided India, Rawalpindi had the largest Hindu and Sikh populations of the cities that were to become a part of Pakistan. The multi-religiosity of the city was diminished when most of its Hindu and Sikh residents relocated to the Indian side, leaving behind their rich religious and historical heritage. Most of their places of worship have been readapted to be used as living quarters, scrap yards and storage areas. These non-Muslim places of worship were once spread out all over the city; there are around 20 temples and Gurdwaras that are no longer in use, having fallen victim to administrative negligence, but some still exist in a well-preserved state. The skyline of the older areas of Rawalpindi boasts both mosques and temples, a reminder of the of multi-religiosity that the city once possessed.
The temples that are still functional are maintained and funded by affluent Hindu families and politicians in Pakistan. One of the best known temples among these is the Krishna Temple which lies in the middle of the bustling old part of Rawalpindi. The plaque on the entrance of the temple tells visitors it was built by Ujagar Mal Ram Richpal in 1897. His descendants relocated to the Indian side upon partition and became untraceable. Krishna Temple is the biggest in Rawalpindi and can accommodate almost 2500 people, and so all Hindu religious festivities, such as Holi and Diwali, are celebrated here by the Hindu population of the city and its adjoining areas. The temple building, although in a dilapidated state, is still an excellent example of Hindu temple architecture, flaunting an elaborately decorated spire that looms over its surrounding bazaar. Recently, as an effort to acknowledge the importance of the religious cultural heritage of the non-Muslim populations of Pakistan, the government has taken measures to renovate and extend Krishna temple so that it may house more devotees.
Apart from Krishna Temple, there are several other centuries old temples in old Rawalpindi that are in dire need of attention from the authorities, if they are to be saved from the unrelenting ravages of time that have threatened since partition.
Dating back to 615-950 CE, Katas Raj Temples exist on the outskirts of Chakwal in the province of Punjab. It is the only Hindu site that has made it to the Tentative List of UNESCO World Heritage Sites in Pakistan. An extremely venerated site among Hindus from within and across the border, Katas Raj temples hold an elevated position in Hindu mythology. The pond in the middle of the temple is said to have been filled by the tears of Shiva due to his inconsolable grief at the loss of his wife. The teardrops that fell when he was carrying his wife whilst flying, are said to have fallen in two places, forming one pond in Katas Raj and another in Ajmer, Rajasthan in India.
It is not only the Hindu religion that has a historical association with the Katas Raj Temples; the site is believed to have been constructed on the ruins of a Buddhist Stupa which towered 61m high with streams running around it, as accounted by Alexander Cunningham, the first Director General of the Archaeological Survey of India. The remains of these Stupas can still be seen in the temple complex.
Next to the temples there also exist remnants of a Sikh gurdwara where Guru Nanak took residence while he was travelling the world. In the 11th century, Al-Biruni is also said to have lived in the temple complex while studying Hinduism. Katas Raj Temples narrate 1500 years of the religious history of Pakistan, and how different religions superseded one another at various times, creating a multi-layered picture of Buddhism, Hinduism and Islam. These temples are an excellent testimony of the stratified nature of the historical religious sites of Pakistan.
The complex consists of seven old temples known as Satgarah. Among these, Shiva Temple is in the best state of conservation. The presence of the pond in the middle of the complex makes Katas Raj unique among all temple sites in Pakistan, but this body of water is also what makes this site comparatively hard to maintain and conserve. In recent times, the effect of negligence of several decades had begun to take shape in the form of structural failures, vandalism and the drying up of the sacred pond. The latter factor in particular drew international attention to the dilapidating site, causing outrage. Since that incident, special attention has been paid to the restoration and conservation of the temples and the issue of its condemnable state was raised in the Supreme Court of Pakistan in 2018. At the end of that year, after several decades of suffering negligence, a Hindu ritual was carried out in Katas Raj as pilgrims from India visited the revered site.
Sun Temple of Mulasthana (Multan)
Located in the historical city of Multan, the Sun temple was first mentioned in the accounts of the Greek admiral Skylax in 515 BC, during the invasion of northern India. Later in the 7th Century, a Chinese pilgrim called Hsuen Tsang also records details of an opulent temple in the famous city of Mulasthana, mentioning with awe its golden idol of the Sun God and its dancing girls. The city of Multan, now located in the province of Punjab, makes its appearance in historical chronicles under different names, including Mulasthana, which is derived from Sanskrit words Mula and Sthana, meaning ‘original-adobe‘. There are twelve Sun Temples located throughout the Indian subcontinent, believed by Hindus to have been constructed by Samba, son of Hindu God Krishna. The one in Multan is the oldest among them. The Sun Temple is said to have been the biggest temple of the city, attracting pilgrims from far off lands. The importance of this site is evident from the fact that Multan was given its name based on the presence of the Sun Temple and Sun God. It is also a reminder of the deep historical association the city had with Hinduism.
When the Muslim conqueror Muhammad bin Qassim reached Multan in 712 AD, the Sun Temple had already existed for over a century. It was a famous and venerated pilgrimage site, forming an important link in the chain of twelve Sun Temples. Perhaps recognising the importance it held, the temple, although stripped of all its gold and valuables, was not destroyed by the invaders. In the 10th century, Al-Biruni also visited the building during his journey throughout India and gave a glowing description of it. In his book ‘Tarikhu’l-Hind’, which chronicles his journey, Al-Biruni writes:
“A famous idol of theirs was that of Multan, dedicated to the sun, and therefore called Aditya. It was of wood and covered with red Cordovan leather; in its two eyes were two red rubies. It is said to have been made in the last Kritayuga.the time which has since elapsed amounts to 216,432 years. When Muhammad Ibn Alkasim Ibn Alinunabbih conquered Multan, he in-quired how the town had become so very flourishing and so many treasures had there been accumulated, and then he found out that this idol was the cause, for there came pilgrims from all sides to visit it.” (Al Biruni’s India,Page 116, Abu Rihan Muhammad bin Ahmad al-Biruni al-Khwarizmi, Tarikhu’l-Hind)
Towards the end of the 10th century, the temple was destroyed, and later rebuilt and restored. This rebuilt temple received thousands of worshippers until the 17th Century, when it was destroyed by the Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb. After that, the building existed only in ruins, completely lost to obscurity until it was traced and marked on the map during British colonisation. In 1992, during a time of extreme religious tension between India and Pakistan, the temple was again attacked by a mob, inflicting even greater damage to a structure already in ruin.
The ruins of the temple are now located in the walled city of Multan, next to the shrine of the Muslim saint Bahauddin Zakariya. Multan is known as the ‘city of saints’ due to the hundreds of sufi Muslim shrines throughout the city. The Sun Temple now only exists in ruins, overshadowed by the well-preserved Muslim sites located in its vicinity. Evidence of the presence of an ancient grand temple at this location now only exists in history books.
The Sun Temple is a testament to how cultural heritage sites fall victim to religious conflicts. A centuries-old place of worship, that has been praised in several historical narratives,1 now exists as a ghost of the past, overlooked and completely neglected by the authorities and public alike. The site where the grand temple once existed now suffers from encroachment. It is put to use very rarely, for the purpose of pitching tents for the Muslim pilgrims that come to Multan for the Urs (death anniversary) of the saints in the surrounding shrines. Major portions of the temple have been demolished, the roof the temple has caved in, all the idols are gone, and nothing indicates presence of a majestic spiritual site that once existed here in all its glory. The centuries-old Sun Temple has been forever lost to posterity.
Hinglaj Mata Temple
Hinglaj Mata is a temple located in a small, naturally formed cave in the Kheerthar hills in the province of Baluchistan. It is one of the few sites that still receives thousands of pilgrims from within and across the border. The temple has existed for millennia and the rituals carried out at the temple during the four-day pilgrimage have been performed at the sites for generations. There is no man-made idol at the temple but rather a shapeless stone is worshipped during the rituals. In Hindu mythology, the temple is located here because the head of Shiva’s wife, Sati, fell on this location when she died. The temple is attributed to the goddess Hinglaj Mata, who is considered a powerful deity, believed to bestow her blessings on all her worshippers.
Although a revered Hindu site, Hinglaj Mata Temple is also revered by some Muslims of the region, who call the temple Nani Mandir (lit. “maternal grandmother’s temple”) and the goddess is called ‘Bibi Nani.’ Bibi Nani is believed to be the protector of region and Muslims from surrounding areas also participate in the annual pilgrimage to the site along with Hindu devotees. Muslim residents have been protecting the site against vandalisation and mob attacks, thus preventing the site from falling victim to the same fate as other temples in the country. The site exists in a good state of conservation because of the combined efforts of local Hindus and Muslims.
Lava Temple
Sitting inconspicuously next to the Alamgiri Gate of the Lahore Fort is a small room which was once a Hindu Temple called Temple of Loh or Lava Temple. Now abandoned, the Temple of Loh is said to have been dedicated to the son of Hindu Lord Rama. Some historians have even claimed that the birth of Loh, the son of Lord Rama, took place in the very temple.
The temple is comparatively smaller in scale compared to other famous Hindu sites, but is integral in highlighting the historical significance of Hinduism in the foundation of Lahore. The origins of Lahore are still unknown and have been a point of debate among historians for a long time, some of whom trace the city’s existence as far back as 4000 BC. The main religion of Lahore before the 10th Century was Hinduism, with Hindu temples present at various locations throughout the city as stated in chronicles of Al-Biruni. The city of Lahore was earlier called Lavpor or Loh Kot, meaning ‘Fort of Loh’, pointing to the deep association the city has with Loh, son of Lord Rama. That the foundation of the city and this temple are connected to the same Hindu entity, perhaps suggests the site is as old as the city itself. The Temple of Loh is one of the lesser known sites in the Lahore Fort, and although open to tourists, it receives few visitors. There are no religious rituals carried out at this temple.
Recent findings have indicated that the temple was once bigger than the current size of a few square metres that it has been reduced to. During the excavation of the nearby Royal Kitchen, the archaeological findings included a structure and fresco work that once had been part of the temple. Lahore Fort was commissioned by Mughal emperor Aurangzeb and it is unclear what existed in its place before the fort was erected.
Concluding remarks
Now predominantly Muslim, the land that is now Pakistan has Hindu and Buddhist roots, going back thousands of years. As has been shown, the cultural heritage of both of these religions, and Hinduism in particular, still exist in Pakistan, though in various states of dilapidation, primarily due to administrative negligence and falling victim to religious or political debacles. Though there have been some sparks of hope for these sites, a more concerted effort will need to be made if they are to be saved from the sands of time.
References
1The Lost Sun Temple of Multan, Vikas Vaibhav) (Buddhist Records of the Western World (Ta-T’ang-Si-Yu-Ki) by Hieun Tsiang)(Tarikhu’l-Hind, Abu Rihan Muhammad bin Ahmad al-Biruni al-Khwarizmi)
The book under review presents the results of a joint inter-disciplinary University of Pennsylvania and Peshawar University research project carried out over a decade (from 1991 to 2001), which included both art historical and archaeological components. The project involved documentation and study of early medieval temples located in the Khisor range of hills on the west bank of the river Indus and those on the escarpments, and plateau of the Salt Range between the Indus and the Jhelum rivers. Two seasons of excavations were undertaken in the fort at north Kafirkot above the Indus on the west bank, and further fieldwork was done in the Salt Range from 1996 to 1998. Michael W. Meister has put together the present volume based on data generated on temples, while the report on the archaeological excavations is being compiled by Abdur Rehman of Peshawar University.
The Salt Range temples have been known since Alexander Cunningham visited them in 1875 during his first field tour of the region. He dated them to the latter half of the ninth century. Aurel Stein visited Kafirkot in 1903 and was able to conduct an extended survey as a result of which he discovered many new temples. They were placed on the List of Protected Monuments in 1904 and continued to be visited by officers of the Frontier Circle of the Archaeological Survey of India. With their fluted pillars and peculiar trefoil arches, early scholars considered them as characteristic examples of the Kashmir style of temple architecture and were often assigned to the 9th- to 10th-century CE. In the 1960s and 1970s, F.A. Khan and Abdur Rehman contributed to a renewed interest in the temples of Pakistan. In addition, Abdur Rehman also documented a number of inscriptions and other evidence for the Shahi period of architecture in the Peshawar valley and Swat.
Michael W. Meister: Temples of the Indus: Studies in the Hindu Architecture of Ancient Pakistan.
(Brill’s Indological Library.) xv, 85 pp., 88 plates. Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2010. €93. ISBN 978 9004 18617 0.
Michell G.
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. 2011;74(3):506-508. doi:10.1017/S0041977X11000589
TEMPLES, RITUAL, AND COSMIC SYMBOLISM IN THE ANCIENT WORLD
edited by
DEENA RAGAVAN
with contributions by
Claus Ambos, John Baines, Gary Beckman, Matthew Canepa, Davíd Carrasco, Elizabeth Frood, Uri Gabbay, Susanne Görke, Ömür Harmanşah, Julia A. B. Hegewald, Clemente Marconi, Michael W. Meister, Tracy Miller, Richard Neer, Deena Ragavan, Betsey A. Robinson, Yorke M. Rowan, and Karl Taube
Papers from the Oriental Institute Seminar Heaven on Earth Held at the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago 2–3 March 2012
Oriental Institute Seminars 9 Chicago: The Oriental Institute, 2013 ISBN-13: 978-1-885923-96-7 Pp. viii+463; 174 illustrations
The work presented here advances a hypothetical reconstruction of the planning and programming of the building site, the executive process, the construction and decoration, and ultimately the deconsecration and abandonment of an ancient Buddhist stupa. The chronological context is that of the mid-first to the early fourth century CE. The geographical context is the fertile and rich Swat valley, at the foot of the Karakoram-Hindukush, to the north of the ancient region of Gandhara (today in Pakistan). The study is based on archaeological excavation data conducted over several seasons, including the most recent seasons from 2011 to 2014. During the latter excavations, conducted by the Author, new data that allowed additions to be made to Domenico Faccenna’s previous studies were brought to light. Among these new insights, there are some of great importance that indicate the existence of a large central niche at the top of the stupa’s upper staircase, the key to the stupa’s figurative frieze. This frieze, which represents one of the highest moments of Gandharan Buddhist art, still imitated centuries later by celebrated artists in inner Asia (at Miran), is the product of a sculptural school guided with a sure hand by an anonymous Master, to whom the responsibility for the entire project should be attributed, architect, master builder and workshop master all in one. The existence of this so-called ‘Master of Saidu’, admirably intuited and elaborated by Faccenna, finds in this volume, if possible, further support, demonstrating the capacity of the archaeological school inaugurated by Faccenna himself to answer with ongoing excavation data the many questions that the enigma of Gandhara art still poses to scholars all over the world.
This book is the first volume of a new book series, Marco Polo: Studies in Global Europe-Asia Connections.
The book series, sponsored by the Department of Asian and North African Studies through the Marco Polo Research Centre for Global Europe-Asia Connections, is designed to publish up-to-date research that is supported by the Centre. In dialogue with the intellectual tradition of the Centre, our research interests are vast, spanning manifold spaces (from Japan to the Mediterranean Sea), times (from Neolithic times to today, and possibly the future), and themes (from modern geopolitics to religious identities to climate change to archaeological sites), with particular attention to trans-Eurasian interactions. This emphasis on intercultural contact and exchange, especially at the crossroads of the ostensible European-Asian divide, is evoked through the title of the series: indeed, Marco Polo travelled all the way from Venice to Beijing at the end of the 13th century, engaging with many different political contexts, nations, and civilisations along the land and sea routes later jointly known as the Silk Road (or, better, Silk Roads). This concept, with its underlying reference to the exchange of things and ideas across societies, is a historical phenomenon of great significance associated with a distant past; however, the spectre of the Silk Road(s) has never rested. The People’s Republic of China announced the ‘Silk Road Economic Belt’ (now known as the ‘Belt and Road Initiative’) in 2013. In other words, the distant historical traditions of the Silk Road(s) continue to penetrate discursive reality in our own day and age. Globalisation – with its various and contradictory connotations – is an overarching motif that links the Silk Roads of the past and the present. Inspired by the famous Venetian merchant, our book series prioritises studies that are inquisitive, bold, and dynamic, with a preference for transcultural and interdisciplinary studies. We welcome manuscripts that are grounded in rigorous scholarship and speak to international academic conversations within and across diverse disciplines, including history, international relations, economics, environmental studies, literature, languages, archaeology, art history, philosophy, religion, anthropology, geography, music, social sciences, and the digital humanities. The books in this series will focus on specific research topics but will range from single-authored monographs to edited volumes with multiple authors, each contributing a chapter to an organically conceived whole.
Buddhist Architecture in the Swat Valley, Pakistan. Stupas, Viharas, a Dwelling Unit Domenico Faccenna, Piero Spagnesi
(BraDypUS Communicating Cultural Heritage, Bologna 2015)
The volume reports an accurate survey of the sacred Buddhist Gandharan architecture in the Swat Valley, carryed out by one of the main experts in the past culture of that territory, Domenico Faccenna, in association with Piero Spagnesi.
The work presents typological classification (stupas, viharas, columns, minor complementary structures) and accurate description of the monuments, and the various complexes to which they belong (sacred areas, monasteries, groups of dwelling units for monks, water supply and defence systems). The analysis is intended to touch upon numerous aspects: construction techniques, materials, measures, plasters, proportions, pictorial decorations and gilding, taking into consideration the architecture as a whole, in its spaces, volumes and relative design themes.
Buddhist Architecture in the Swat Valley, Pakistan. Stupas, Viharas, a Dwelling Unit, by Domenico Faccenna and Piero Spagnesi, with the collaboration of Luca M. Olivieri and foreword by Marco Mancini and Adriano Rossi. ACT-FIELD SCHOOL PROJECT Reports and Memoirs (series), special volume.
2nd digital edition, originally published in 2014 in Pakistan (Sang e-Meel). The content remains unvaried.
This stupa was located in Saidu Sharif, Pakistan and is among a unique group of Gandharan stupas that boasts an impressive visual arts programme. Given the wealthy Greco-Bactrian artistic tradition in the region, it is important to note that this stupa represents one of the earliest attestations of the stupa with columns (Filigenzi, 130). This canonical type was amalgamated into Buddhist architectural forms through the “mandalic concept of ritual space” (Filigenzi,130). Overall, this stupa superstructure consisted of “five tiers with the first a square plinth, the second a circular plinth, the third and four the two circular drums, and the fifth a dome; it is surmounted by a solid harmika and an exceedingly tall multi-tiered yasti-chattra.” (Le, 175) Attuned to the Hellenistic connection, it is likely that the two circular drums were decorated with both Corinthian pilasters and narrative reliefs panels that depicted scenes from the Buddha’s life (Filigenzi, 113). In contrast to traditional Indian stupas, it appears that here the Gandharan architects have “consciously proportioned their harmikas to be of an equal height as the stupa body” (Le, 175). All together the stupa’s total height measured approximately 27m. The building material are believed to be soapstone ashlar and in line with Gandharan building practice, the stupa was coated in fine plaster to “shield it from water penetration and give it a smooth appearance” (Le, 175) What is noticeable at Saidu Sharif is the emergence of the square-based stupa. This type was originally remarked upon at Piprahwa, as we have seen earlier, however the additions of columns, the emphasis on verticality and the reduction in size of the dome are all indicative of Asokan, Mathuran and Greco-Roman architectural features. (Le, 176). Overall, Saidu Sharif is an example of the early Gandharan stupa type.
Le, Huu Phuoc. Buddhist architecture. Lakeville, MN: Grafikol, 2010. Print.
“Orientalised Hellenism versus Hellenised Orient:Reversing the Perspective on Gandharan Art Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia,”
The cultural context in which the term “Gandhāra” is used initially refers to Vedic geography and then to the administrative limits of the homonymous Achaemenid satrapy.
The most reliable information referring to the Middle Holocene period, in which the Gandhāran region must have met a climatically optimal phase during which domesticated rice was introduced to Kashmir and Swat through the trans-Himalayan corridors (early 2nd millennium BCE or earlier). Toward the end of the 2nd millennium, northern Gandhāra features a rather coherent settlement phenomenon marked by large graveyards, mainly with inhumations, which were labeled by previous scholarship as the “Gandhāra Grave Culture” (1200–900 BCE). In this phase among the major cultural markers, the introduction of iron technology is noteworthy.
The historic phases in Gandhāra are marked by an initial urban phase in Gandhāra (500–150 BCE), sometimes referred to as a “second urbanization,” on the evidence mainly from Peshawar, Charsadda I, Barikot, and Bhir Mound (Taxila I). Mature urban phases (150 BCE–350 CE) are defined based on the restructuring of old cities, and new urban foundations during the phases of contact historically defined by the Indo-Greek and Śaka dynasties, followed by the Kushans (Peshawar, Charsadda II, Barikot, Sirkap, or Taxila III). The artistic phenomenon known as the Buddhist “art of Gandhāra” started toward the end of the 1st century BCE and lasted until the 4th century CE. The beginning of this art is best attested in that period in Swat, where schist of exceptional quality is largely available. At the beginning of the 1st century CE, the iconic and figurative symbols of Indian Buddhism acquire a narrative form, which is the major feature of the Buddhist art of Gandhāra. The subsequent art and architecture of Buddhist Gandhāra feature large sanctuaries richly decorated, and monasteries, documented in several “provinces” of Gandhāra throughout the Kushan period, from the late 1st century CE to mid/end-3rd century CE. In this period Buddhist sanctuaries and urban centers developed together, as proved both in Peshawar valley, in Swat, and at Taxila.
After the urban crisis (post-300 CE)—which went hand in hand with the crisis of the centralized Kushan rule—stratigraphic excavations have so far registered a significant thinning of the archaeological deposits, with a few exceptions. Besides coins deposited in coeval phases of Buddhist sanctuaries and literary and epigraphic sources, archaeological evidence for the so-called Hunnic or “Huna” phases (c. 5th–7th century CE) are very scarce.
Around the mid-6th century, Buddhist monasteries entered a period of crisis, the effects of which were dramatically visible in the first half of the 7th century, especially in the northern regions of Gandhāra. It is after this phase (early 7th century) that literary sources and archaeology report the existence of several Brahmanical temples in and around Gandhāra. These temples were first supported by the Turki-Śāhi (whose capital was in Kabulistan; end-7th/early 8th century) and then by the Hindu-Śāhi (9th–10th century).
The Spatial Composition of Buddhist Temples in Central Asia, Part 1: The Transformation of Stupas
Yuuka Nakamura1 and Shigeyuki Okazaki1
1 Department of Architecture, Mukogawa Women’s University, Nishinomiya, Japan Corresponding author: Yuuka Nakamura, Department of Architecture, Mukogawa Women’s University, 1-13 Tozaki-cho,
Garab Dorje (1st century), founder of Dzogchen (Great Perfection) tradition.
Kumāralāta (3rd century), Kumāralāta was the founder of Sautrāntika school of Buddhism.
Vasubandhu (4th century), Vasubandhu is considered one of the most influential thinkers in the Gandharan Buddhist philosophical tradition. In Jōdo Shinshū, he is considered the Second Patriarch; in Chan Buddhism, he is the 21st Patriarch. His Abhidharmakośakārikā(“Commentary on the Treasury of the Abhidharma”) is widely used in Tibetan and East Asian Buddhism.
Asaṅga (4th century), he was “one of the most important spiritual figures” of Mahayana Buddhism and the “founder of the Yogacharaschool”.
Padmasambhāva (8th century), he is considered the Second Buddha by the Nyingma school, the oldest Buddhist school in Tibet known as “the ancient one”.
This revelatory exhibition of Buddhist art from Gandhara—an ancient kingdom whose center was the present-day Peshawar valley in northwest Pakistan—nearly didn’t happen. Slated to open at New York’s Asia Society last spring, the show was delayed for six months when loans from museums in Karachi and Lahore were jeopardized by (among other things) a flood, the dissolution of the Pakistani Ministry of Culture by constitutional amendment, and deteriorating diplomatic relations between the U.S. and Pakistan. That it opened at all was a testament to the persistence and vision of Asia Society’s director, Melissa Chiu, and her counterparts and associates in Pakistan.
Gandhara, which is was first mentioned as a geographic region in the Rig Veda, around the ninth century B.C.E. was of considerable strategic and commercial importance in the ancient world. Its fertile valleys, warm climate, and above all, its central position on the busy trade routes between Asia and the Mediterranean made it valuable property. As a consequence, it suffered numerous conquests, coming under the rule of the Persians with the reign of Darius I in the sixth century B.C.E., the Greeks under Alexander the Great, and the Indian Mauryans, who introduced Buddhism to the region in the middle of the third century B.C.E. Subsequent invaders included Graeco-Bactrians from Afghanistan, Scythians from central Asia, and Parthians from Iran. Each conqueror left an imprint on the culture; the result was a cosmopolitan, multiethnic society with a sculptural tradition that mixed local styles and subjects with borrowings from Indian, Persian, and Hellenistic art.
In the mid-first century C.E., the Kushans, a nomadic tribe from Central Asia, gained control of Gandhara. Kanishka I, the third emperor of the Kushan dynasty, was a strong supporter of Buddhism who ruled from centers in Gandhara and Mathura in northern India. Buddhist art flourished in both places for the next several centuries—in Mathura, as streamlined, Indian-influenced carvings in pink sandstone; in Gandhara, as cruder, but more stylistically varied sculptures in hard gray schist or terracotta.
The first part of the exhibition traced some of the cultural influences at work in Gandharan art through a selection of sculptures incorporating Indian and Greco-Roman motifs. The earliest of these are marked by startling disjunctions and surprise appearances. The curling acanthus leaves on a Roman-style Corinthian capital shelter a tiny, seated buddha. Along the edge of a stele—pillar—carved with chapters from the Buddha’s career (including an episode in which he sternly reminds a barking dog of its previous life) are numerous pairs of cavorting Greek erotes—love gods. And a half column, used to demarcate a scene on a narrative relief, is similar to a type found in Iran, while the buxom female figure leaning against it is an Indianyakshini, or tree spirit.
The Kushan period saw several extraordinary developments in Buddhist iconography, including the depiction of the Buddha in human form (before that he was represented by symbols such as a footprint), as well as a renewed interest in stories of his life and the appearance of an ever-expanding cast of buddhas, bodhisattvas, and celestial deities. These artistic innovations coincided with, and reflected, the evolution of Mahayana Buddhist ideas, among them the emphasis on forging an individual relationship with the deity, the concept of the bodhisattva who reaches enlightenment but foregoes nirvana in order to help others, and the notion of multiple here-and now buddhas accessible to the practitioner through meditation and visualization.
As in India, the earliest figural images of the Buddha in Gandharan art most often appeared as part of the carved decorations on stupas—Buddhist reliquaries—and the next section of the show features a variety of architectural details from such monuments. Here, in lively reliefs depicting popular scenes from the life of the Buddha, the Gandharan artists can be seen beginning to consolidate their various influences.
In one particularly charming image Maya, Prince Siddhartha’s mother, smiles as she dreams of her unborn son in the form of an elephant encircled by a halo. Another relief depicts a phalanx of hair-raisingly realistic demons sent by Mara to distract Siddhartha from his meditations. Through such pictures, practitioners could follow the story of the Buddha and his spiritual journey and, by adhering to the same path of renunciation, meditation, and wisdom, likewise achieve enlightenment.
A range of types populates the show’s third section, which is devoted to images of buddhas and bodhisattvas. A muscular second-century bodhisattva in one corner conforms to western ideals of masculine beauty, while across the room, a less buff but dashingly bejeweled and mustached Maitreya, the future Buddha, represents the full flowering of the Gandharan figural style, in which idealized, film starlooks are allied with a naturalistic treatment of the body and its enveloping draperies.
A highlight of the show is the so-called Mohammed Nari stele, which depicts a buddha sitting on a huge lotus surrounded by smaller bodhisattvas and worshippers. It may represent the Sukhavati paradise of Amitabha Buddha, or an unidentified buddha giving a teaching. In either case, as a representation of an enlightened being and his sphere of influence, it reflects a growing emphasis on the Mahayana doctrine of a transcendent buddhanature.
In Gandharan Buddhist art, dating is uncertain, messages are mixed, influences come and go, and works range from clumsy to sublime and from suave to kitschy. Looking at this show, which is full of gaps and cross-pollination, can be a little like trying to listen to a garbled radio transmission. But the overall impression is of vivid life and of a system of thought in development—one that would demand new visual languages and find one of them in Gandhara’s syncretic art.
Anne Doran is a writer and editor for the visual arts. She lives in New York City.
Early Gandhāran art: artists and working processes at Saidu Sharif I
Luca M. Olivieri
DOI: 10.32028/9781803274737-05
In Gandhāran Art in Its Buddhist Context (Archaeopress 2023): 60–76
Gandhara: Tecnologia, produzione e conservazione. Indagini preliminari su sculture in pietra e in stucco del Museo Nazionale d’Arte Orientale ‘Giuseppe Tucci’.
Authors Simona Pannuzi, Paola Biocca, Maurizio Coladonato, Barbara Di Odoardo, Stefano Ferrari, Laura Giuliano, Giuseppe Guida, Giovanna Iacono, Tommaso Leti Messina, Edoardo Loliva, Bruno Mazzone, Luca Maria Olivieri, Maria Gigliola Patrizi, Maurizio Pellegrini, Maurizio Piersanti, Paolo Salonia, Giancarlo Sidoti, Fabio Talarico, Mauro Torre, Massimo Vidale, Gianluca Vignaroli
THE DEVELOPMENT OF BUDDHIST STUPA ARCHITECTURE: RITUAL AND REPRESENTATION
This online exhibition seeks to showcase the development of the stupa throughout India, Gandhara and Indonesia. Historically, the stupa was a “Buddhist monument…generally of a pyramidal or dome-like form and [was] erected over sacred relics of the great Buddha or on spots consecrated as the scene of his acts” (Goswamy, 1) The purpose of the structure itself was twofold: it was meant to express metaphysical notions and perform a votive function. As such, the combination of the architectural form in addition to the stupa’s decorative programme was meant to work in tandem to satisfy physical and metaphysical indigence (Snodgrass, 2-3). This came from the traditional Indian conceptualization of architecture and formed the basis from which the stupa began to embody symbolic meaning (Snodgrass,1) Although the stupa took its canonical shape in India, many stupas in neighbouring countries borrowed from its classical form. Yet, instead of repeating what had been established in India, they each adapted a unique and nuanced style that reflected their singular conceptualizations of Buddhist stylistic traditions. Overall, scholars have noticed that the “architectural evolution of the Buddhist stupa in India and Asian countries…reflected the sectarian development in Buddhism itself” (Le, 141). As such, in this exhibition I have aimed to analyze a myriad of stupas and contextualize their plan and architectural features within the larger corpus of Buddhist stupa architecture.
This exhibition is comprised of five Indian stupas, one Indonesian stupa and four Gandharan Stupas. Piphrawa, Sanchi and Bharhut act as the foundational blocks of the exhibition as they provide a traditional overview of the early Indian stupa. This is followed by an analysis of Amaravati and Kesariya. By showcasing the origins and the architectural developments produced under various phases of Buddhism, a clearer picture begins to emerge that underlines the stylistic tendencies that punctuated the construction of later stupas. Overall, it is notable that Piprahwa, Sanchi, Bharhut and Amaravati seemed to have originally existed as tumuli and were later enlarged with bricks or slabs of stone (Pant, 85). These four Indian stupas were all “built on a solid stone base” (Pant,84) and “possessed a hemispherical dome of moderate height having a truncated top with a harmika and a parasol fitted in a post in the middle of the Harmika.” (Pant, 84). However, as I aim to showcase, it is evident that the format of the “stupa itself was in a process of structural evolution” (Pant, 86). Although these structures share an indissoluble lineage, each architect based their work off of the foundation of his predecessors in order to develop and refine their own structural creations. Yet, this was not the only factor that contributed to the development of the structure. Scholars have noticed that particular phases of Buddhism had a large amount of influence on the stylistic and architectural tendencies of these structures. Whereas the Hinayana phase of Buddhism (circa 300 BCE to circa 100 CE) was overtly interested in the “eight-fold path for the laity” and the subsequent “achievement of Nirvana” (Pant, 81) it was nevertheless characterized by a staunch opposition to image worship. As such, Indian stupas erected or renovated amidst this period (Piphrawa, Sanchi, Bharhut) were salient indications of this phenomenon. Conversely, stupas such as Amaravati became embodiments of the Mahayanist influence. This type of Buddhism emerged in the 1st century CE and became popular as a result of its greater appeal to common people (Pant,83). Under Mahayana Buddhism, Buddhist art and ornamentation developed significantly (Pant, 83). As such “sculptural technique and forms bec[ame] more pronounced.” (Pant, 81) and this played an important role in assessing the difference between earlier and later stupas.
Between the 4th Century BCE and the 7th Century CE “the circular base [of the stupa] became square in plan, the drum was elongated and the low hemisphere of the age of Asoka was transformed into a lofty ornamental tower, decorated with mouldings and figures” (Pant, 86-87). This was sustained until Buddhism noticed a considerable decline in the 7th century CE. From this point on, the stupa shared striking resemblance and architectural proportion to the later temple. (Pant, 87). This exhibition has worked to highlight the notable steps of this gradual transition. Whereas Piphrawa has been described as rather archaic, Bhamala and Kanishka are overt indications of the movement towards elongation that has been punctuated by the presence of the four cardinal points. More than this, the Gandharan stupas highlighted in this exhibition work together to showcase the fascinating cross-cultural influences that manifested themselves as stylistic features on the stupas at Taxila and Saidu Sharif. The architectural proportions showcased in Gandhara were informed by both the Indian architectural tradition and Greco-Persian stylistic practices. At Gandhara, we notice acanthus leaf carvings, narrative relief panels along with Bodhisattva and the Buddha figures. (Pant, 91).
Although the gradual development of the stupa appears throughout this project as a rather linear process, we cannot neglect the degree of nuance that ran its course in each construction. The specific architectural detailings and stylistic programmes that showcase the development of stupa architecture over this period was likely the result of “social, economic, political, religious, philosophical and external influences” (Pant, 160). Buddhist philosophy was paramount to the observable stylistic nuances seen on these structures and this was likely compounded by regional and folk traditions. (Pant, 92). In one of the most poignant summations of this process, S. K. Saraswai contends that stupas were “driven by a tendency towards height and elongation, the Stupa ultimately attained a spire-like shape, in which the original hemispherical dome loses its importance, being reduced to insignificance between the lofty basement and the drum on the one hand, and on the other, the tapering series of the Chatravali transformed into a high and conical architecture motif” (Pant, 92). As this exhibition aims to show, the stupas at Kesariya, Dharmarajika, Borobodur, Saidu Sharif, Kanishka and others outlined in this exhibition, are salient exemplars of the gradual evolution from the architectural structures erected at Piphrawa and Sanchi. This was informed by an array of sectarian and social influences.
Works Cited
Goswamy, Brijinder Nath. “The Stupa – Some Uninformed Questions about Terminological Equivalents.” The Stupa: Its Religious, Historical and Architectural Significance . Wiesbaden: Frank Steiner Verlag, 1980. 1-12. Print.
Le, Huu Phuoc. Buddhist architecture. Lakeville: Grafikol, 2010.
Pant, Sushila. The Origins and Development of Stupa Architecture in India. Varanasi: harata Manisha, 1976.
Snodgrass, Adrian. The symbolism of the stupa. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1992. Print.
Further Reading
Faccenna, Domenico. “Columns at Dharmarajika (Taxila).” East and West, vol. 57, no. 1/4, 2007, pp. 127–173., http://www.jstor.org/stable/29757726.
Filigenzi, Anna, “Orientalised Hellenism versus Hellenised Orient:Reversing the Perspective on Gandharan Art Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia,” 18, 111-141 (2012), DOI:https://doi.org/10.1163/157005712X638663
FOGELIN, LARS. “Ritual and Presentation in Early Buddhist Religious Architecture.” Asian Perspectives, vol. 42, no. 1, 2003, pp. 129–154., http://www.jstor.org/stable/42929208.
Lawler, A. “Huge statue suggests early rise for Buddhism.” Science Vol 353.No. 6297 (2016): 336. JSTOR. Web. 10 Apr. 2017.
Macdonell, A. A. “THE BUDDHIST AND HINDU ARCHITECTURE OF INDIA.” Journal of the Royal Society of Arts, vol. 57, no. 2938, 1909, pp. 363–364., http://www.jstor.org/stable/41338530.
Srivastava, K. M. ” Archaeological Excavations at Piprahwa and Ganwaria and the Identification of Kapilavastu,.” The Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies Vol. 3.No.1 (1980): 103-11. Web. 10 Apr. 2017.
Stratton, Eric. The Evolution of Indian Stupa Architecture in East Asia. New Delhi: Vedams, 2002. Print.
Trainor, Kevin. Relics, ritual, and representation in Buddhism: rematerialising the Sri Lankan Theravada tradition. Cambridge: Cambridge U Press, 2007. Print.
The Saidu Sharif Stupa, known as Saidu Sharif I during excavations, holds great significance as a Buddhist sacred site situated near the city of Saidu Sharif in the Swat District of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. It is nestled at the foothills that separate the Saidu River valley from the Jambil River valley. The sacred area encompasses two terraces constructed on the hill’s slope, accessed through a rock cut on the northern side. These terraces include a prominent stupa, surrounded by smaller monuments, as well as a monastery.
The Italian Archaeological Mission initiated excavations at the site in 1963, with the project spanning until 1982, interrupted between 1966 and 1977. The initial excavation campaign focused on the lower terrace, uncovering the main stupa, while the second campaign revealed the upper terrace, housing the monastery.
The lower terrace, referred to as the “Terrace of the Stupas,” features a larger main stupa, encompassed by various minor monuments such as stupas, viharas, and columns. The structure of the main stupa, with its square base and a stairway on the northern side, has been preserved up to the first cylindrical body. Fragments of the harmikā (the square railing around the stupa’s dome) and the umbrellas that once adorned the stupa have been found near the site. One of the cylindrical bodies of the stupa was adorned with a frieze carved in green schist, while the top corners of the rectangular body were adorned with four columns on pedestals, each topped with a crouched lion figure.
Archaeologists have divided the lifespan of the Saidu Sharif I sanctuary into three periods. In the first period, from approximately 25 BCE to the end of the 1st century CE, the monuments were arranged symmetrically. Over time, the Terrace of the Stupas became more crowded, leading to its expansion during the second and third periods, which occurred between the 2nd-3rd century CE and 4th-5th century CE, respectively. These three construction periods are also evident on the upper terrace, where the monastery underwent expansions followed by a reduction to its original dimensions during the third period, indicating the decline of the entire sacred area.
2,000-Year-Old Buddhist Temple Unearthed in Pakistan The structure is one of the oldest of its kind in the Gandhara region
Ruins of a 2,000-year-old Buddhist temple, one of the oldest discovered in Pakistan’s Gandhara region.Missione Archeologica italiana in Pakistan ISMEO/UNIVERSITA’ CA’ FOSCARI VENEZIA
Archaeologists in northwest Pakistan’s Swat Valley have unearthed a roughly 2,000-year-old Buddhist temple that could be one of the oldest in the country, reports the Hindustan Times.
Located in the town of Barikot, the structure likely dates to the second century B.C.E., according to a statement. It was built atop an earlier Buddhist temple dated to as early as the third century B.C.E.—within a few hundred years of the death of Buddhism’s founder, Siddhartha Gautama, between 563 and 483B.C.E., reports Tom Metcalfe for Live Science.
Luca Maria Olivieri, an archaeologist at Ca’ Foscari University in Venice, led the dig in partnership with the International Association for Mediterranean and Oriental Studies (ISMEO). The excavation site is in the historical region of Gandhara, which Encyclopedia Britannica describes as “a trade crossroads and cultural meeting place between India, Central Asia and the Middle East.” Hindu, Buddhist and Indo-Greek rulers seized control of Gandhara at different points throughout the first millennium B.C.E., notes Deutsche Presse-Agentur (DPA).
The temple’s ruins stand around ten feet tall; they consist of a ceremonial platform that was once topped by a stupa, or dome often found on Buddhist shrines. At its peak, the temple boasted a smaller stupa at the front, a room or cell for monks, the podium of a column or pillar, a staircase, vestibule rooms, and a public courtyard that overlooked a road.
“The discovery of a great religious monument created at the time of the Indo-Greek kingdom testifies that this was an important and ancient center for cult and pilgrimage,” says Olivieri in the statement. “At that time, Swat already was a sacred land for Buddhism.”
The acropolis in Barikot, Pakistan, where archaeologists began digging last year. Missione Archeologica italiana in Pakistan ISMEO/UNIVERSITA’ CA’ FOSCARI VENEZIA
In addition to the temple, the team unearthed coins, jewelry, statues, seals, pottery fragments and other ancient artifacts. Per the statement, the temple was likely abandoned in the third century C.E. following an earthquake.
Barikot appears in classical Greek and Latin texts as “Bazira” or “Beira.” Previous research suggests the town was active as early as 327 B.C.E., around the time that Alexander the Greatinvaded modern-day Pakistan and India. Because Barikot’s microclimate supports the harvest of grain and rice twice each year, the Macedonian leader relied on the town as a “breadbasket” of sorts, according to the statement.
Shortly after his death in 323, Alexander’s conquered territories were divided up among his generals. Around this time, Gandhara reverted back to Indian rule under the Mauryan Empire, which lasted from about 321 to 185 B.C.E.
Italian archaeologists have been digging in the Swat Valley since 1955. Since then, excavations in Barikot have revealed two other Buddhist sanctuaries along a road that connected the city center to the gates. The finds led the researchers to speculate that that they’d found a “street of temples,” the statement notes.
According to Live Science, Buddhism had gained traction in Gandhara by the reign of Menander I, around 150 B.C.E., but may have been practiced solely by the elite. Swat eventually emerged as a sacred Buddhist center under the Kushan Empire (30 to 400 C.E.), which stretched from Afghanistan to Pakistan and into northern India. At the time, Gandhara was known for its Greco-Buddhiststyle of art, which rendered Buddhist subjects with Greek techniques.
Shingardar Stupa Swat — A Buddhist Marvel of the Ancient Gandhara Civilization
Once rising almost as high as the Pantheon in Rome, the large stupa of Amluk Dara in the Swat valley, Pakistan, is still an imposing building. Yet it is was only one among many such Buddhist structures built in Udyāna, a garden kingdom of the Silk Road.
Owing to its position connecting North India through mountainous Central Asia with the kingdoms and empires beyond, this was a strategic area. It often formed the borders of larger empires, with rulers based in India failing to expand north from here over the mountains and rulers from north of the mountains failing to expand further south from here into the Indian plains. However, one of the early invaders came from much further afield. Alexander the Great (r. 336–323 BC) fought famous battles here during his central Asian campaigns. His army marched east from Alexander on the Caucasus (Bagram)—the city he had founded in the kingdom of Kapisa—and fought many battles to gain control of the region. Some of these were in the Swat valley and culminated with Alexander’s successful siege of Aornos, a seemingly impregnable steep-sided mountain with a flat top watered by a spring where locals had taken refuge. Identifying the site of this ancient battle has occupied scholars for well over a century, but two places stand out as the most probable candidates. Pir Sar, a mountain rising west of the Indus valley, was selected by the archaeologist Aurel Stein (1862–1943) after his survey of the region in 1926. However, although this is not rejected by all, the consensus now veers toward Mount Ilam, the summit of which is a day’s walk from the Amluk Dara Stupa (Stein 1929; Rienjang 2012; Olivieri 2015).
Legend tells of a serpent king, the Apalala, who lived in a lake high in the peaks of the Hindu Kush. Every year he demanded an annual offering of grain from the people living in the valley of the Swat river, which flowed from the lake. The valley was fertile, hence its name — Udyāna, the garden. But one year the people refused to give the offering and Apalala flooded their lands in revenge. The people duly asked help of Buddha. He came to the valley, converted Apalala and left his footprint on a rock as a sign of his visit.
The footprint survives (now in the local museum), the Swat River still floods, and for many centuries the valley kingdom remained a centre of Buddhism. The location of Amluk Dara and its central stupa was dependent on the landscape. The fecundity of the Swat valley is well captured by the description of the Aurel Stein: “The deep-cut lane along which we travelled was lined with fine hedges showing primrose-like flowers in full bloom, and the trees hanging low with their branches, though still bare of leaves, helped someone to recall Devon lanes. Bluebell-like flowers and other messengers of spring, spread brightness over the little terraced fields.” (Stein 1919: 32-5) And the Italian archaeologists working there since 1956 have noted that “the entire complex blended in with the surrounding nature. From this it drew its charm, importance and beauty—all elements that are believed to have been taken into consideration both in the original plans and subsequent extension.” (Faccenna and Spagnesi 2014: 550)
Gregory Schopen has argued that monasteries were very closely linked to the Indian ideal of a garden containing an arbor or pleasure grove, evidenced by the shared lexicon in the first century AD. He writes that “Buddhist monks . . . attempted to assimilate their establishments to the garden, or actually saw them as belonging to that cultural category.” (Schopen 2006: 489). The framing of views from within the garden or monastery was an important element in its siting, a point noted by many later travelers. So Stein writes of another site in the Lower Swat that it “proved a pleasing example of the care in which these old Buddhist monks knew how to select sacred spots and place their monastic establishments by them. A glorious view down the fertile valley to Thāna, picturesque rocky spurs around, clumps of firs and cedars higher up, and the rare boon of a spring close by—all combined to give charm to the spot. Even those who do not seek future bliss in Nirvāṇa could fully enjoy it.” (Stein 1929: 17-18). Rock-cut or other seats were often placed at points giving a particular view.
During its heyday, monks and merchants carried news of Udyāna’s Buddhist sights and temples along the Silk Road to China and the mountain valley became part of the itinerary for pilgrim monks en route to India. The first to leave a record was Faxian, who arrived in about 403. He stayed for several months visiting the Buddha footprint along with the rock on which he dried his clothes, and the place where he converted ‘the wicked serpent.’ He noted that there were 400 Buddhist monasteries.
Other pilgrims followed, including Xuanzang in 630 and the Korean monk, Hyecho, around 727. By their time Buddhism was in decline in the plains below Swat, but the valley provided an enclave. Indeed, recent archaeological work by Dr Luca Olivieri and his colleagues of the Italian Archaeological Mission has shown that rebuilding of Buddhist shrines and temples continued into the tenth centuries, long after Buddhism had disappeared in its Indian homeland.
Thanks to Luca Olivieri for his generous responses to my many queries and ready supply of excellent photographs for the book.
References and Further Reading Faccenna, Domenico, and Piero Spagnesi. 2014. Buddhist Architecture in the Swat Valley, Pakistan: Stupas, Viharas, a Dwelling Unit. Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications. Olivieri, Luca M. 1996. “Notes on the Problematic Sequence of Alexander’s Itinerary in Swat. A Geo-Historical Approach.” East and West 46.1-2:45–78. ———. 2014. The Last Phases of the Urban Site of bir-Kot-Ghwandai (Barikot): The Buddhist Sites of Gumbat and Amluk-Dara (Barikot). Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications. ———. 2015. “‘Frontier Archaeology’: Sir Aurel Stein, Swat and the Indian Aornus.” South Asian Studies 31 (1): 58–70. Olivieri, L. M. and Vidale, M. 2006. “Archaeology and Settlement History in a Test Area of the Swat Valley. Preliminary Report on the AMSV Project (1st Phase). East and West 54.1–3”73–150. Rienjang, Wannaporn. 2012. “Aurel Stein’s Work in the North-West Frontier Province, Pakistan.” In H. Wang ed. Sir Aurel Stein: Colleagues and Collections.British Museum Research Publication 194. London: British Museum: 1–10. . Schopen, Gregory. 2006. “The Buddhist ‘Monastery’ and the Indian Garden: Aesthetics, Assimilations, and the Siting of Monastic Establishments.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 126 (4): 487–505. Stein, M. Aurel. 1929. On Alexander’s Track to the Indus: Personal Narrative of Explorations on the North-West Frontier of India. London: Macmillan. http://archive.org/stream/onalexanderstrac035425mbp/onalexanderstrac035425mbp_djvu.txt.
“Aspects of the Architecture of the Buddhist Sacred Areas in Swat.”
Jambil River, a tributary of the Swat River, meanders through a picturesque valley rich in natural landscapes. This valley is not only a treat for the eyes but also holds significant historical importance, with numerous Buddhist remains and carvings discovered in the past. On the eastern side of the Jambil River, an excavation at Panr has unveiled a stupa and monastery dating back to the 1st to 5th century AD.
Brief Description of the Structure:
The site at Panr spans three distinct terraces, each offering a unique glimpse into the past.
On the lower terrace, the remnants of a monastery have been found. This area was divided into a dining hall and living quarters, though only the foundations of the base platforms remain visible today.
The middle terrace, often referred to as the “Sacred Area,” is home to the remains of the main stupa. This stupa, with its square base and a mound that once topped the drum, stands as a testament to the architectural prowess of its time. On all four sides of the main stupa, one can observe the foundations of standalone columns. Additionally, scattered throughout this terrace, one can find the foundations of small votive stupas.
Unfortunately, the main stupa has suffered significant damage due to the illegal excavations carried out by treasure hunters. Despite the damage, the site still exudes a sense of grandeur and provides valuable insights into ancient Buddhist architecture.
Moving to the upper terrace, one encounters the remains of the monks’ cells. These cells, constructed with walls made of small diaper masonry, offer a glimpse into the early Kushan period, dating back to the 1st to 2nd century AD.
List of Architectural Spatial Components:
The monastery and stupa at Panr showcase various architectural spatial components that highlight the ingenuity of the builders:
Square Base: The main stupa sits atop a square base, providing a stable foundation for the structure.
Mound: The stupa features a mound on top of the drum, adding height and prominence to the monument.
Drum: The drum of the stupa serves as a transition between the base and the mound, often adorned with intricate carvings or designs.
Stairway: A stairway, leading to the top of the podium or the base of the stupa, allows access for religious rituals and circumambulation.
Free-standing Columns: Standalone columns, positioned around the main stupa, serve as decorative elements and symbolize architectural elegance.
Bastion: A bastion, strategically placed within the structure, offers additional support and stability to the stupa.
Square Pillar: Square pillars can be seen within the monastery and stupa complex, providing architectural variety.
Octagonal Plan: Some elements of the structure, such as the base or the drum, may follow an octagonal plan, adding geometric beauty to the design.
Corridor and Double Corridor: Corridors, both single and double, create pathways within the monastery complex, facilitating movement and providing a tranquil ambiance.
Overall, the stupa and monastery at Panr offer a captivating glimpse into the architectural brilliance and spiritual heritage of the region, inviting visitors and scholars to delve deeper into its history and cultural significance.
On the front remains of Main Stupa, on a lower terrace monastery in the background Jumbail Valley
Google Earth Image
Religious Architecture of Gandhara – Pakistan, Buddhist Stupas and Monasteries
Khan, Ansar Zahid. Pakistan Historical Society.
Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society; Karachi Vol. 62, Iss. 4, (Oct-Dec 2014): 111-112.
The Global Connections of Gandhāran Art: Proceedings of the Third International Workshop of the Gandhāra Connections Project, University of Oxford, 18th-19th March, 2019
Archaeopress archaeology
Editors Wannaporn Rienjang, Peter Stewart Edition illustrated Publisher Classical Art Research Centre, 2020 ISBN 1789696968, 9781789696967 Length 264 pages
De-fragmenting Gandhāran art: advancing analysis through digital imaging and visualization
Ian Haynes, Iwan Peverett, Wannaporn Rienjang with contributions by Luca M. Olivieri
Buddhism in Pakistan took root some 2,300 years ago under the Mauryan king Ashoka who sent missionaries to the Kashmira-Gandhara region of North West Pakistan extending into Afghanistan, following the Third Buddhist council in Pataliputra (modern India).
Majjhantika, a monk from Varanasi was the first Buddhist to preach in Kashmir and Gandhara.
Buddhist sites in Sindh are numerous but ill preserved in various stages of deterioration.
Sites at Brahmanabad (Mansura Sanghar district) include a Buddhist stupa at Mohenjo-daro; Sirah-ji-takri near Rohri, Sukkur, Kahu-Jo-Daro at Mirpur Khas, Nawabshah, Sudheran-Jo-Thul near Hyderabad, Thul Mir Rukan stupa, Thul Hairo Khan Stupa, Bhaleel-Shah-Thul square stupas (5th-7th century A.D) at Dadu, and Kot-Bambhan-Thul buddhist tower near Tando Muhammad Khan.
List of Buddhist Stupas in Pakistan
This is a list of historical Buddhist Stupas in Pakistan.
Sikri stupa
The Sikri stupa is a work of Buddhist art dated to 3rd-4th century from the Kushan period in Gandahara, consisting of 13 narrative panels that tell the story of Buddha. Modern restoration accounts for their order in the Lahore Museum. The restoration began while Harold Arthur Deane was still assigned to the North-West Frontier Province in what was then British India. Three photos taken around 1890 show the order of the panels in the earliest restoration.
Amluk-Dara stupa
Amluk-Dara stupa is located in Swat valley of Pakistan. It is a part of Gandhara civilization at Amluk-Dara. The stupa is believed to have been built in the third century. The stupa was first discovered by a Hungarian-British archaeologist Sir Aurel Stein in 1926. It was later studied by Domenico Faccena in the 60s and 70s.
Mohra Muradu
Mohra Muradu is the place of an ancient Buddhist stupa and monastery near the ruins of Taxila built by the Kushans. The ancient monastery is located in a valley and has views of the surrounding mountains. The monks could meditate in all stillness at this place but were near enough to the city of Sirsukh to go for begging as it is only around 1.5 km away.
Thul Hairo Khan
The Thul Hairo Khan is a Buddhist Stupa, built possibly between the 5th to 7th century CE near the modern-day town of Johi, in Sindh, Pakistan. It is constructed with baked and unbaked bricks fixed with a material made from mud mixed water. The stupa is 50 feet high and 30 feet wide in size. The stair from the north side of stupa leads to its top. The stupa has an arched tunnel at ground level which crosses from north to south. It is believed that stupas like Hairo Khan were built in Sindh between 5th to 7th centuries CE. Thul of Hairo Khan appears to be series of discovered in other regions of Sindh.
Sudheran-Jo-Thul
Sudheran-Jo-Thul is a Buddhist stupa which is situated near Tando Muhammad Khan city of Tando Muhammad Khan District, Sindh, Pakistan. The stupa is close to Badin city as well. This Buddhist monument in Sindh is located at the mound which shows the remains of an ancient big city. It is located towards South of Hyderabad city. Locally it is famous as Tower of Sudheran. According to some accounts this stupa is believed to be cinerary.
Sphola Stupa
Sphola Stupa is a Buddhist monument located in the Khyber Pass, Federally Administered Tribal Areas of Pakistan. The monument located about 25 kilometers from Jamrūd is on a high rocky ledge and consists of a stone mound supported by a tiered base. Large sections of the stone have fallen away, particularly to the right of the mound. A man is standing on the top of the mound, and another man is standing on a pile of rubble to the right. There is a valley beyond with steep mountains rising behind it.
Nemogram stupa is located 45 km west of Saidu Sharif and 22 km from Birkot, on the right bank of Swat river in Pakistan.This site was discovered in 1966 and excavated in 1967–68.Swat is rich in historical landmarks as well as natural beauty. In every direction, these are tangled in the wide valley. Aurel Stein, a British archaeologist, and Tucci, who was followed by other Italians, worked tirelessly to document and preserve these monuments.
Mankiala stupa
The Mankiala Stupa is a 2nd-century Buddhist stupa near the village of Tope Mankiala, in Pakistan’s Punjab province. The stupa was built by the Kushans and is said to commemorate the spot, where according to the Jataka tales, an incarnation of the Buddha called Prince Sattva sacrificed himself to feed seven hungry tiger cubs.
Barikot
Barikot is a town located in the middle course of the Swat River in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. It is located about 20 km (12 mi) away from Mingora and the Butkara Stupa. It is the entrance town to the central Swat Valley with a population of approximately 25,000 people. Barikot is the location of an ancient citadel captured by Alexander the Great, with Chalcolithic remains dating back to c. 1700 BCE, and an early-historic period town dating back to c. 500 BCE. The Italian Archaeological Mission founded by Giuseppe Tucci has been excavating ruins of the ancient town of Bazira under Barikot since 1984.
Mankiala
Mankiala is a village in the Potohar plateau, Punjab near Rawalpindi, Pakistan, known for the nearby Mankiala stupa – a Buddhist stupa located at the site where, according to legend, Buddha sacrificed some of his body parts to feed seven hungry tiger cubs.
Kunala Stupa
Kunala Stupa is a Kushan-era Buddhist stupa and monastery complex to the south-east of Taxila, on a hill about 200 meters just south of Sirkap, Punjab, Pakistan, thought to date to the 2nd century CE. It is located on a hill overlooking the ancient Indo-Greek city of Sirkap.
Kanishka Stupa
The Kanishka Stupa was a monumental stupa established by the Kushan king Kanishka during the 2nd century CE in today’s Shaji-ki-Dheri on the outskirts of Peshawar, Pakistan.
Kalawan
Kalawan is the name of an archaeological site in the area of Taxila in Pakistan, where it is one of the largest Buddhist establishment. It is located about 2 km from the Dharmarajika stupa.
Gumbat Stupa
Gumbat Stupa is a 2nd-century Buddhist stupa located in Swat valley in Pakistan. It is situated about 9 kilometres south of Birkot in the Kandag Valley of Gandhara.
Dharmarajika Stupa
The Dharmarajika Stupa, also referred to as the Great Stupa of Taxila, is a Buddhist stupa near Taxila, Pakistan. It dates from the 2nd century CE, and was built by the Kushans to house small bone fragments of the Buddha. The stupa, along with the large monastic complex that later developed around it, forms part of the Ruins of Taxila – which were inscribed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 1980.
Butkara Stupa
The Butkara Stupa is an important Buddhist stupa near Mingora, in the area of Swat, Pakistan. It may have been built by the Mauryan emperor Ashoka, but it is generally dated slightly later to the 2nd century BCE.
Thul Mir Rukan
The Thul Mir Rukan is a Buddhist stupa, built possibly between the 6th to 11th century CE, near the modern cities of Kazi Ahmed and Daulatpur in the Sindh province of Pakistan. This monument has domed ceiling and it is 60 feet high, constructed with baked bricks. Details indicate the site being a religious Buddhist center since antiquity. Many evidences were explored from this site are related to Gautama Buddha.
The Origin and Development of Cross-planned Stupa: New Perceptions based on Recent Discoveries from Bhamala
December 2017 Authors: Shakirullah Khan Hazara University Abdul Hameed Hazara University Abdul Samad Veterinary Research Institute, Pakistan Jonathan Mark Kenoyer University of Wisconsin–Madison
An Infinity of Stupas: Design and Architecture of Chinese Buddhist Temples and Pagodas
Key Terms
Mount Wutai in Shanxi province was recognized as the earthly abode of the bodhisattva Mañjusri
Gates
Palaces
Halls
Pillars
Pagodas
Stupa
Bilateral Symmetry
Cosmograms
Chinese Cosmology
Heaven and Earth
futu 浮圖, fotu 佛圖, or ta 塔
11 Headed Guanyin
Square and Circle
Yin and Yang
Horizontal and Vertical
Nan Wang
Research of Chinese Buddhist Temples Space Design
Source: Research of Chinese Buddhist Temples Space Design
Source: Research of Chinese Buddhist Temples Space Design
Source: Research of Chinese Buddhist Temples Space Design
Source: Research of Chinese Buddhist Temples Space Design
Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Research on Order Aesthetics of Traditional Chinese Architecture from the Perspective of Design Geometry
Source: Research on Order Aesthetics of Traditional Chinese Architecture from the Perspective of Design Geometry
Source: Research on Order Aesthetics of Traditional Chinese Architecture from the Perspective of Design Geometry
Source: Research on Order Aesthetics of Traditional Chinese Architecture from the Perspective of Design Geometry
Source: Research on Order Aesthetics of Traditional Chinese Architecture from the Perspective of Design Geometry
Source: Research on Order Aesthetics of Traditional Chinese Architecture from the Perspective of Design Geometry
Source: Research on Order Aesthetics of Traditional Chinese Architecture from the Perspective of Design Geometry
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GEOMETRY AND ARCHITECTURAL REPRESENTATION IN PREMODERN CHINA
By XIUYUAN WU A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2020
Modernization of traditional Chinese Buddhist temples
by Rui Wang A thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfilment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Master of Architecture Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, 2019
The Chinese Buddhist monastery or temple is fashioned after the imperial palaces and bears very little resemblance to the temples in India or other Buddhist countries. Generally there are three groups of buildings separated by courtyards. The monastery, like other Chinese structures, normally faces south.[ Phor Kark See Monastery Ordination Hall, Singapore ]Entering the front hall, one is confronted by four huge images, usually made from wood, two on each side. These are the Four Heavenly Kings or Devas, the Guardians of the Four Directions and the hall is named after them as the ‘Si-Tien Wang Tien’. In this hall, one is greeted at the entrance, by the lovable and kindly Buddha-to-be, Maitreya Buddha, known to the Chinese as the ‘Laughing Buddha’ or ‘Ta-pao Mi-Lei-Fwo, with his fat paunch, looking joyously towards the entrance. Directly behind Mi-Lei-Fwo, often separated by a wall, is the great deva Wei-to, the Projector of Buddhist temples and the Faith. He is depicted clad in full armour and holding either a gnarled staff or a sceptre-shaped weapon resting on the ground. Wei-To, who is a general under the Four Heavenly Kings, is also accorded the title of ‘Protector of Buddhist Books’. He is always facing the Great Hall known as the ‘Ta-Hung-Pau-Tien’ which is separated from the front hall by a wall or a courtyard.
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In the Great Hall the main altar is found and on it is the image of Sakyamuni Buddha and his twoforemost disciples, Mahakasyapa and Ananda, or other Buddhas of the past eras. The arrangment and choice of personages in this altar varies from temple to temple. Most of the time Sakyamuni Buddha is depicted in an attitude of comtemplation with his disciples flanking him. Temples dedicated to Amitabha Buddha have his image at the centre, Sakyamuni Buddha and Bahaisajyagura, better known to the Chinese as ‘Yao-Shih-Fwo’, are each accompanied by two disciples. To the right and left of the main altar one usually finds the two Great Bodhisattvas, Manjusri (Wen-Shu-Shih-Li) and Samantabhadra (Pu-Hsien). The placement of personage are not really fixed so that one may often find Sakyamuni Buddha being flanked by Amitabha (O-Mi-Two-Fwo) and Yao-Shin-Fwo (Medicine Buddha), the two great Buddhas of past eras. At other times a single Buddha is seen seated between his two Bodhisattvas, Sakyamuni (Shih-Jia-Mo-Ni-Fwo) between Manjusri and Samantabhadra or Amitabha Buddha with Avalokitesvara (Kuan Yin) and Mahasthamaprata (Ta-Shih-Chih). Temples dedicated to Kuan Shih Yin P’usa will have her flanked by Wen-shu-Shih-Li and P’u-Hsien.On the east and west walls of this Great Hall are often arranged the figures of the Eighteen Arhats (Lohas) who are represented as possessing various kinds of supernatural powers. Along the north wall can be found the images of Jan-teng Fwo or Dipankara, the ancient Buddha who predicted Sakyamuni’s Buddhahood, and popular Bodhisattvas such as Kun Yin, Wen-shu, Pu-Hsien and Ti-stsang (Ksi-tigarbha), or other Bodhisattvas. Very often, an image of Kuan Ti, the Protector of Buddhism, can also be found in this hall. It is here at the Ta-Hung-Pau-Tien that devout Buddhist offer their prayers and offerings of flowers, fruits and other gifts which are placed on the table in front of the main altar. Very often, behind the central images of this hall and facing northwards, is placed the images of Kuan-Yin P’usa. The third, of Back Hall, is usually divided into several smaller halls (Tien) or rooms. The central hall is generally the altar of a Buddha or a Bodhisattva, the right housing the funerary tablet of the temple founder, while the left may be the Teaching or Meditation Hall. On the side or behind these main buildings are the living quarters, the dining area and the kitchen.
Mount Wutai: Visions of a Sacred Buddhist Mountain,
WEN-SHING CHOU,
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2018. 240 pp. $65. ISBN 9780691178646
Building a sacred mountain: The buddhist architecture of China’s Mount Wutai
The development of Chinese Buddhist architecture can be traced back to the introduction of Buddhism. The main Buddhist architectural items include temples, pagodas, and grottos. Buddhist architecture is regarded as a great art treasure where Chinese calligraphy, sculpture and Chinese painting combine. Being the spiritual symbols of Buddhism, they are not only monastic holy places, but also serve as sacred land that can purify souls.
The Buddhist temple is the holy place where Buddhist doctrine is maintained. Differing from other religions’ temples, Chinese Buddhist temples have many characteristics of their own. For example, similar to Chinese palaces and dwelling houses, they are comprised of a number of small yards. The oldest temple in China – White Horse Temple is a typical example of this.
The architectural styles of Buddhist temples in China were mainly formed in three periods: Han Dynasty (206BC-220), Northern and Southern Dynasties (386-589), and Tang Dynasty (618-907). The first period sees the retention of Indian styles. In the second period, wooden framework was added to the original styles. In the third period, the styles of Buddhist temples were totally Sinicized and the pavilion-like pagoda, which is unique to China, became popular.
Pagoda
As the symbol of Buddhism where people climb to have a bird’s-eye-view, it is often erected in temples. Pagodas can be made of stone, wood, colored glaze or metal. Pagodas have an odd number of layers. Seven-layer and Nine-layer pagodas are commonly built. The shape of cross-section is rectangular, eight-sided or even circular. Initially, the pagoda served as the central axis alongside which rows of halls and monks’ rooms spread out. Later, pagodas were built near the main palace hall.
It is another type of Buddhist architecture, which is often chiseled into cliffs. In the 3rd century, Chinese Buddhists began to build grottoes and Xinjiang is the first area where grottoes were hewn. Grottoes are decorated with painted sculptures, carvings and frescos. Craftsmen revealed real life pictures and their understanding of society in these art works, which gave them great historical and cultural value. The four famous grottoes in China are: Mogao Caves, Longmen Grottoes, Yungang Grottoes and Maiji Caves. They are well preserved and attract many visitors from home and abroad.
1. Feihong Pagoda in Hongdong County Shanxi Province 2. Songyue Pagoda in Dengfeng City 3. Qianxun Pagoda in Dali City 4. Yingxian Wooden Pagoda in Shanxi Province 5. Big Wild Goose Pagoda in Xi’an City 6. Leifeng Pagoda in Hangzhou City 7. Tiger Hill Pagoda in Suzhou City 8. Six Harmonies Pagoda in Hangzhou City 9. Bao’en Temple Pagoda in Suzhou City 10. Iron Pagoda in Kaifeng City
“The Creation of “Sacred Place” through the “Sense of Place” of the Daci’en Wooden Buddhist Temple, Xi’an, China”
As the earliest full-size towering pagoda extant in China, the pagoda at Songyuesi 嵩岳寺 in Dengfeng, Henan (ca. 523 CE) is one of the most important objects we have for understanding the creation of Buddhist sacred space in Asia. Yet the plan of this structure, incorporating both dodecagon and octagon, is mysterious in its complexity－doubly so because it may be the only surviving example of its kind. By focusing on the geometry used in its creation, in this paper describe one possibility for determining the interior and exterior dimensions of the Songyuesi Pagoda plan, effectively encoding the structure with the potential for replication and regeneration important in the Buddhist sūtras as well as Indic temple designs of the period. I also show how the same technique could have been used to create cosmological diagrams prior to the influence of Buddhist theology on Chinese society. Thus, similarities in the use of geometry to describe the structure of, and potentially control, the cosmos in South and East Asia the may have facilitated the rapid spread of Buddhism across this vast region.
LIGHT IN SACRED ARCHITECTURE: BUDDHIST AND HINDU TEMPLES
ZHANG Dongxu1, a, LIU Daping2,b, WEI Xinru 3,d and XIAO Meng 4,c 1 Department of Architecture, NEU, Shenyang, Liaoning, 110004, China 2 School of Architecture, HIT, Harbin, Heilongjiang, 150006, China 3 Liaoning Urban and Rural Construction and Planning Design Institute, LURDI, Shenyang, Liaoning, 110004, China 4 School of Management, SUT, Shenyang, Liaoning, 110178, China aDongxu75@163.com, bldp_abc@sina.com, c1090923309@qq.com,dxiaototo80@163.com
Buddhism was introduced into China mainly during Eastern Han Dynasty (25 – 220) via the South China Sea and Western Region. The Buddhist temple was adapted to Chinese tastes when it arrived in China. Its general layout follows Chinese traditional type – courtyard with dome-shaped structure called a stupa as its principal part. A lecture hall, refectory, sutra depository and monks’ rooms are distributed along the central axis. Unlike the paintings and decorations in Christian churches which present a heavenly afterlife, Chinese Buddhist temples reveal an atmosphere closer to worldly life.
Figures of Buddha and the bones of Buddha’s relics are worshipped in the temples which were called Futu, Lanruo, Chanlin, Daochang, Jialan and Zhaoti in different dialects of Chinese.
The general development of Chinese Buddhist temples went through the following periods:
Eastern Han Dynasty – Eastern Jin Dynasty (317 – 420): Buddhism was introduced to China during this period. The early Chinese Buddhist temples followed Indian style, which set the stupa as its center. They once had a traditional Chinese name – Ci (ancestral temple) and the number was very limited. White Horse Temple in Luoyang is a typical example of this period.
Northern and Southern Dynasties (386 – 589) to Five Dynasties (907 – 960): Buddhism was at its height of splendor and power during this period. In the Tang Dynasty (618 – 907), a lot of Buddhist doctrines were translated and the main Buddhist sects were formed and developed. Many more Buddhist temples were built with larger dimensions. Walls of the courtyard were decorated with exquisite embossment. A niche was placed in the middle of the north wall. A Buddhist pylon stood in the centre of the temple. The Big Wild Goose Pagoda in Xi’an was built in this period.
Song Dynasty (960 – 1279) – late Qing Dynasty (1644 – 1911): The social position of Buddhism overall was weakened in the Song Dynasty but Zen, a major sect of Chinese Buddhism, began to flourish in this period. The layout of temples changed little by little. Xiangguo Temple in Kaifeng City is an example of this period.
Temple Layout
The layout of Buddhist temples has been long established. Generally speaking, the mountain gate (front gate) is the entrance part. The Bell Tower and Drum Tower stand on the two sides inside the mountain gate. The Hall of Heavenly Kings, where sculptures of Four Heavenly Kings stand on the two sides with two in a group and Maitreya (the fat laughing Buddha) laid in the middle altar, is the first main hall. Next follows the Grand Hall where the sculpture of Sakyamuni sits.
Bodhisattva Hall worships the main Bodhisattva of a temple, the enlightened being who seeks to enlighten others, is located behind. Next is the lecture hall, the place where Buddhist doctrines are delivered. Sutra Depository, where Buddhist books, sutras and scriptures are stored is situated at the back. Refectories, monks’ rooms and other attached architecture are distributed along the central axis. Buddhism advocates that people act with leniency. An area where captive animals are freed to show the charity of human souls and to accumulate merit for the afterlife can be found in most Buddhist temples. Generally speaking, this is the common layout of Chinese Buddhist temples.
Buddhism is a religion that respects the environment. Most Buddhists aim to transcend worldly, material desires and establish a close relationship with nature. Disciples could establish and sustain a calm and joyful mind, especially during the Buddha’s lifetime when they frequently resided in very primary and unfinished thatched homes. They were at ease wherever they lived, whether in a suburban neighbourhood, a forest, by the water, in a chilly cave, or under a tree. However, as the number of Buddhist adherents increased, King Bimbisara and a follower of Sudatta suggested that a monastery be constructed, allowing practitioners to congregate in one location and engage in a more organized practice. The Buddha approved for followers to donate to monasteries after giving the idea careful thought and subsequent wholehearted agreement. The Megara-matr-Prasada Lecture Hall, the Bamboo Grove, and the Jetavana Monastery—all of which bear the donor’s Sanskrit name—were built as a result. This marked the start of Indian Buddhist architecture.
The hub of cultural activities is frequently a Buddhist temple. From a contemporary perspective, temples can be compared to museums because they house priceless and unique works of art and are, in and of themselves, stunning works of art. They combine architecture, sculpture, painting, and calligraphy-like art museums do. One can find peace and tranquillity in temples because they provide a harmonious environment and a spiritual atmosphere. They are helpful locations for people in distress to unload their burdens, calm their minds, and find peace.
Stupas were the primary type of architectural construction in early China. The hall (or shrine) started to take centre stage in the Sui and Tang dynasties. A stupa, also known as a pagoda, is sometimes referred to as the “high rise” of Buddhist architecture because of its tall, narrow shape that extends upward, sometimes with enormous height. India is where the idea and physical form of the Chinese stupa was developed. A stupa serves as a shrine for the Buddha’s relics, where visitors can then make offerings to the Buddha. The stupa has undergone significant changes in China, where it originally had a relatively straightforward design. These changes and advancements show off the nation’s artistic and architectural prowess. Stupas are built in different sizes, proportions, colours, and imaginative designs while retaining a generally recognizable shape. Although stupas can be found near water, in cities, mountains, or the countryside, they were all built to blend in with and enhance their surroundings. One of the most well-liked styles of architecture in China is the stupa.
Every region’s Buddhist architecture has a distinctive personality due to its varied cultural and natural environments. India and Ceylon share a close architectural resemblance. Similar architecture can be found in Burma, Thailand, and Cambodia, where wood is incorporated into the design of the buildings. The stupas in Java are similar to those in Tibet, which are made of stone and symbolize the nine-layered Mandala (a symbolical circular figure representing the universe and the divine cosmology of various religions: used in meditation and rituals). Large monasteries in Tibet are frequently built on hillsides and resemble European architecture in terms of how the structures are linked to one another to create a kind of street-style arrangement.
It is common practice in China to construct Buddhist temples in the emperor’s palace style, known as “palace architecture.” The main gate and main hall are in the centre, and other facilities, such as the celestial and the abbot’s quarters, are lined up on either side. This layout was created with symmetry in mind. There is a ceremonial bell on one side and a ceremonial drum on the other. A guesthousefor lay visitors and the Yun Shui Hall, where staying monastics can be accommodated, will be located behind this symmetrical line of buildings.
Wood and tile, with the roof tiles painted a particular colour, were used to construct the temple’s ancillary buildings. China has very few palace-style temples that have survived from the early ages because wood is a complex material to preserve over long periods. However, it is a blessing that the Tang-era wooden construction of Fo Guang Temple is still standing. Fo Guang Temple’s main palace-style hall is still remarkably sturdy and pristine, giving us an impression of the era’s opulence. This still-standing temple still features exquisite Tang Dynasty artwork, which includes sculpture, paintings, and murals. This allows us to realize that this period was the pinnacle of Chinese artistic expression. This temple, designated a national treasure, serves as a reminder of China’s glorious period of art and architecture.
The modifications of structure, decoration, and construction techniques that change and evolve through various eras can be seen in Fo Guang Temple and the other temples that have endured through the years—although there are not many. Additionally, they act as the tangible visual memory of a particular time and place, enabling us to study the architectural and cultural history of the area. Despite China’s 5,000-year history, very little of its architecture has been preserved, as was already mentioned. The reason we do not have more standing temples from the early ages to study today is not just because they were built with wood, which is highly flammable and prone to decay. There are other explanations for why there are not many temples left. For instance, some dynasties that gained power around the 16th century mandated the destruction of the essential structures built by the previous dynasty. Alternatively, temples were damaged or even destroyed during various wars and acts of aggression. Regardless of the building materials employed — wood, stone, clay, etc. – Human rivalry made it almost impossible for many temples to endure. Buddhist cave temples, fortunately, were largely safe from human vandalism and weather damage. They are well-preserved and enable the viewing of conventional architecture and historical art. It is common for contemporary Buddhist temples to copy older designs. For instance, the main shrines of Taiwan’s Fo Guang Shan, the Hsi Lai Temple in the United States, and the Nan Tien Temple in Australia were all modelled after early Chinese architectural styles. The Chinese culture has been introduced and disseminated throughout the world by several Buddhist temples today, in addition to honouring and preserving it.
The rock cave, or cave temple, and all of the art it contains is the most critical link in Chinese Buddhist art and architecture history. A cave temple is a chamber of varying sizes carved out of a single block of rock, sometimes right up against a cliff face. Many are rather large. Ornate statues, sculptures, and vibrant paintings of the Buddha, bodhisattvas, arhats, and sutras can be found inside the rock caves. 366 C.E. saw the beginning of this artistic practice. E. until the 15th century, it was started by a monk by the name of Le Zun. In some places, enormous carved statues and countless cave temples cover mountainsides. The Dung Huang cave is the most well-known for its magnificent and opulent mural among the numerous cave temples. Longmen Caves in Luoyang, Yungang Caves in Datong, and the Thousand Buddhas Cave in Jinang are a few other well-known caves in China. Due to its enormous size, Yungang Cave is particularly well-known.
The construction of cave temples took place over a long period, spanning several dynasties. Unlike wooden temples, which deteriorate due to exposure to the elements, cave temples are protected by solid rock and thus continue to stand as impressive and imposing reminders of how Buddhism once flourished throughout China. The world has been awed by the beauty and grandeur of the Buddhist artwork found in the caves, which has managed to capture the essence and specifics of the teachings for the enjoyment of all who visit. In the opinion of both artists and archaeologists, this kind of Buddhist architecture is particularly vibrant, lovely, and indicative of how Buddhist art has changed and evolved. They are priceless works of art that have an important place in China’s history of culture, art, and architecture.
The design of secular buildings, especially imperial palaces, has long influenced Chinese temple architecture. This custom is upheld in Nan Tien by the structures and colours used throughout. From a distance, grandiose roofs signify status: the higher the rank, the higher the height and slope. Consequently, the Main Shrine has the tallest and most impressive roof. The emperor in dynastic China only wore yellow items. The yellow temple walls and terracotta roof tiles are significant symbols. Traditional fire protection measures include small mythical creatures lining the roof hips. Back when the entire building would have been made of wood, the fire was a real threat. Even though the roof framing on Nan Tien is mainly made of steel, the painted end beams that extend under the eaves give the impression that the building is made of wood.
Associated with the emperor is the colour red, which is also considered lucky. It was applied to imperial columns, beams, and lintels like at Nan Tien. Palace balustrades were typically made of white marble carved; Nan Tien’s concretebalustrades are made similarly and are painted white.
The prominently raised podium for Buddha or Bodhisattva statues found at the back of each shrine is another feature reminiscent of imperial architecture; it is similar to the throne that the emperor was seated upon in royal audience halls.
As in conventional palace design, Nan Tien’s courtyard plan of less important buildings rising to the most important is directed by axial geometry reflecting an established hierarchy. The Main Shrine serves as the head, the surrounding buildings serve as the arms, and the courtyard serves as the lap in a seated Buddha’s arrangement in the courtyard.
A Buddhist’s journey along the Middle Path to enlightenment is analogous to the progression through the complex, which includes climbing stairs to the Front Shrine, more stairs to the courtyard, and continuing along a central walk to a final set of stairs before the Main Shrine.
Temple compounds typically include a meditation hall, sutra library, and lodging for monks in addition to the shrines dedicated to specific Buddhas or Bodhisattvas. In addition to these, Nan Tien includes other amenities required for day-to-day operation: a museum, a conference room with cutting-edge technology for conferences and simultaneous translation, an auditorium that is well-equipped for large gatherings, a dining hall that serves the general public vegetarian buffet lunches, and Pilgrim Lodge, which provides lodging for both visitors and participants in retreats or celebrations held at Nan Tien.
Buddhism is a religion that honours nature. Most Buddhist practitioners seek to transcend worldly, material desires, and try to develop a close kindship with nature. Especially during the time of the Buddha, disciples often lived in very simple and crude thatched houses, and were able to develop and maintain a peaceful and joyful mind. Whether dwelling in a suburban area, a forest, by the waterside, in a freezing cave, or under a tree, they were always comfortable in their living situation. However, as Buddhist disciples grew in number, it was proposed by King Bimbisara and a follower named Sudatta that a monastery be built that would allow practitioners to gather in a common place and practice in a more organised manner. After the Buddha deeply considered and then wholeheartedly agreed with this idea, he gave his assent for devotees to make donations of monasteries. As a result, the Jetavana Monastery, the Bamboo Grove, and the Mrgara-matr-prasada (Sanskrit name of the donor) Lecture Hall were constructed. This was the beginning of Buddhist architecture in India.
In China, in 67 C.E., there was debate between Taoists and two Buddhist monks from India named Ksayapa-matanga and Gobharana. Due to this lively dialogue, the emperor’s interest and belief in Buddhism was ignited. Although Taoism was quite popular at this time, the emperor accepted and honoured Buddhism, ordering the construction of a monastery outside the city for Bhiksus (monk: male member of the Sangha), and a monastery inside the city for Bhiksunis (nun: female member of the Sangha). This was the birth of Chinese Buddhist architecture.
b) Types and Styles of Buddhist Architecture
Buddhist temples are often the center of cultural activities. From a modern viewpoint, temples can be compared to museums, for they contain precious and spectacular art forms, and in fact, are beautiful art forms themselves. Like art museums, they are a combination of architecture, sculpture, painting, and calligraphy. Temples offer a harmonised environment and a spiritual atmosphere that allows one to become serene and tranquil. They are valuable places for distressed persons to lay down their burdens, soothe their minds, and achieve a sense of calm.
In the early period of China, stupas were the main architectural structures being built. It was not until the Sui and Tang Dynasties that the hall (or shrine) became the focus. A stupa, sometimes referred to as a pagoda, can be considered the “high rise” of Buddhist architecture due to its tall, narrow shape that reaches toward the sky – sometimes with immense height. The concept and form of the Chinese stupa originated in India. The purpose of a stupa is to provide a place to enshrine the Buddha’s relics, where people can then come and make offerings to the Buddha. Beginning with a relatively simple style, the stupa has been transformed in China, with improvements and innovations that demonstrate the country’s artistic and architectural abilities. While maintaining a relatively consistent shape, stupas are constructed in a variety of sizes, proportions, colours, and creative designs. Although you can find stupas by waterfronts, in the cities, in the mountains, or in the country, they are all constructed to harmonise with and beautify the environment. The stupa is indeed one of the most popular types of architecture in China.
The Buddhist architecture of every region has its own unique character due to differing cultural and environmental factors. Close in proximity, Ceylon’s architecture is similar to India’s architecture. Burma, Thailand, and Cambodia also share a similar style, with structures that incorporate the use of wood into their design. Java’s stupas resemble those of Tibet, which are made of stone and represent the nine-layered Mandala (symbolic circular figure that represents the universe and the divine cosmology of various religions: used in meditation and rituals). Tibet’s large monasteries are typically constructed on hillsides and are similar in style to European architecture in which the buildings are connected to each other, forming a type of street-style arrangement.
Buddhist temples in China are commonly built in the emperor’s palace style, categorising them as “palace architecture.” This layout is designed with symmetry in mind, with the main gate and main hall in the center, and other facilities – including the celestial and the abbot’s quarters – lined up on either side. On one side a ceremonial drum is placed, and on the other, a ceremonial bell. Behind this symmetrical line of structures will be a guesthouse for lay visitors and the Yun Shui Hall for visiting monastics to reside during their stay.
The materials used in constructing the temples associated facilities include wood and tile, with the roof tiles painted a certain colour. Because wood is a difficult material to preserve over long periods of time, China has very few palace-style temples that have survived from the early ages. We are fortunate, however, that Fo Guang Temple, built out of wood during the Tang Dynasty, still stands. The main palace-style hall of Fo Guang Temple is still relatively pristine in appearance and sturdiness, and gives us a sense of the grandeur of this time. The exquisite art of the Tang Dynasty, including sculpture, paintings, and murals, is still displayed today in this surviving temple, and allows us to understand that this era was China’s high point of artistic expression. This temple became a national treasure and reminds us of China’s golden age of art and architecture.
Fo Guang Temple and the other temples that have persevered through the passage of time – although there are not very many – reveal the modifications of structure, decoration, and construction methods that change and evolve through different eras. They also serve as the visual, material memory of a certain age and area, helping us to study the region’s architectural and cultural history. However, as mentioned above, despite the fact that China has 5,000 years of history, preserved architecture is very limited. It is not simply due to the use of wood, which is highly susceptible to fire and decay, that prevents us from having more standing temples from the early ages to study today. Other reasons exist for the rarity of remaining temples. For instance, around the 16th century, some dynasties that rose to power ordered the demolition of the previous dynasty’s major architecture. Or, temples were harmed or even destroyed in various bouts of war and aggression. Regardless of the materials used in construction – wood, stone, clay, etc. – it was nearly impossible for an abundance of temples to survive due to human rivalry. Fortunately, Buddhist cave temples were relatively immune to weather destruction, and for the most part they also escaped human desecration. They are well preserved and make it possible to witness traditional architecture and ancient art.
Modern Buddhist temples often imitate ancient architecture. For example, the main shrines of Taiwan’s Fo Guang Shan, the United State’s Hsi Lai Temple, and Australia’s Nan Tien Temple are all designed based on Chinese architecture from the early ages. Many Buddhist temples today not only honour and preserve the Chinese culture, they have introduced and spread Chinese culture around the globe.
c) Cave Temples
In the history of Chinese Buddhist art and architecture, the most important link is the rock cave, or cave temple, and all of the art contained within. Cave temples are cavities of various sizes that are chiseled directly out of solid rock, sometimes directly on the face of sheer cliffs. Many are quite enormous. Within the rock caves, there are ornately carved statues, sculptures, and colourful paintings of the Buddha, bodhisattvas, arhats, and sutras. This artistic practice was started in 366 C.E. by a monastic named Le Zun, and continued until the 15th century. In some places, entire mountainsides are decorated with innumerable cave temples and gigantic carved statues. Among these countless cave temples, Dung Huang cave is the most famous for its impressive and grandiose mural. Other well-known caves in China include Longmen Caves in Louyang, Yungang Caves in Datong, and the Thousand Buddhas Cave in Jinang. Yungang Cave is especially well known for its grand size.
The creation of cave temples occurred over thousands of years, spanning several dynasties, and, unlike wooden temples that suffer dilapidation from the elements, are sheltered by massive rock and therefore remain standing as remarkable and majestic testimonials to Buddhism flourishing throughout China. The magnificence and grandeur of Buddhist art within the caves has awed the world and has captured the essence and detail of the teachings for all visitors to behold. In the eyes of artists and archaeologists, this type of Buddhist architecture is especially full of life, beauty, and evidence of the transformation and evolution of Buddhist art throughout time. They are treasures that hold an important place in China’s cultural, artistic, and architectural history.
-From the booklet, Building Connections: Buddhism & Architecture published by Buddha’s Light International Association, Hacienda Heights, USA.
Significance of architectural elements and layout of Nan Tien Temple
Chinese temple architecture has long been influenced by secular building design, especially that of imperial palaces. Structures and colours used throughout Nan Tien perpetuate this tradition. Grandiose roofs, visible from afar, indicate status: The greater the height and slope, the higher the rank. The Main Shrine thus has the most lofty and impressive roof. In dynastic China the colour yellow was used exclusively by the emperor. Hence, terracotta yellow roof tiles are symbols of importance, as are the yellow temple walls. Small mythical creatures lining the roof hips are traditional guardians against fire, a real danger in the days when the entire structure would have been built of wood. While much of Nan Tien’s roof framing is largely made of steel, it mimics timber construction with painted end beams extending under the eaves.
Red is another auspicious colour associated with the emperor. It was used to cover imperial columns, beams, and lintels, as is also the case at Nan Tien. Palace balustrades were typically carved white marble; Nan Tien’s concrete balustrades are fashioned in a similar manner and painted white.
Another element reminiscent of imperial design is the prominent raised podium used for Buddha or Bodhisattva statuary located at the rear of each shrine; it is akin to that upon which the emperor was enthroned in royal audience halls.
As in traditional palace layout, axial geometry reflecting an established hierarchy directs Nan Tien’s courtyard plan of lesser buildings leading up to the most significant. The courtyard arrangement furthermore implies a seated Buddha with the Main Shrine as the head, the surrounding buildings as the arms, and the courtyard as the lap.
The path of progression through the complex – ascending stairs to the Front Shrine, more stairs to the courtyard, continuing along a central walk to a final set of stairs before the Main Shrine – is similar to a Buddhist’s journey along the Middle Path to enlightenment.
In addition to the shrines dedicated to particular Buddhas or Bodhisattvas, temple compounds usually include a meditation hall, sutra library, and residence for monastics. Nan Tien incorporates these plus other facilities necessary for day-to-day function: A museum, conference room with advanced technology for conferences and simultaneous translation, auditorium which is well equipped for large gatherings, dining hall which provides vegetarian buffet lunches to the public and Pilgrim Lodge which offers accommodation for visitors as well as participants for retreats or celebrations held at Nan Tien.
-From the book, Entry Into the Profound: a first step to understanding Buddhism published by International Buddhist Association of Australia Incorporated.
Top 10 Buddhist Temples and Monasteries in China 2024
The Buddhism was introduced to China during the Christian era, gaining a foothold during the Western Han and Eastern Han Dynasties (202 BC – 220 AD). Rooted in the teachings of Siddhartha Gautama, this profound philosophy found resonance across diverse realms of Chinese society. As Buddhism flourished, it became a pervasive influence, leaving an indelible mark on Chinese philosophy, literature, art, politics, medicine, and material culture.
Geographically, Buddhism is traditionally categorized into Han Buddhism, Tibetan Buddhism, and Theravada Buddhism. Doctrinally, Buddhism is classified into Mahayana Buddhism and Theravada Buddhism. In terms of practice, Buddhism is further divided into Exoteric Buddhism (Mahayana) and Esoteric Buddhism (Vajrayana or Tantric Buddhism). Within Exoteric Buddhism, there are ten major schools including Chan (Zen), Pure Land, Tiantai, and Huayan.
The subsequent centuries witnessed the construction of numerous temples and monasteries, becoming sanctuaries where Buddhist teachings thrived with spiritual messages. Thus, to explore the top 10 Buddhist temples and monasteries in China becomes a journey through time. Also, more Buddhist destinations have been devotees’ top choices such as Top 10 Buddhist Grottoes & Caves in China and Four Sacred Buddhist Mountains in China ,etc.
1. Shaolin Temple (Zhengzhou) – China’s Premier Monastery and Birthplace of Martial Arts Mastery
Type: Chinese Buddhist Temple, Zen Buddhist Temple, UNESCO Cultural Heritage
History: over 1500 years
Recommended Visiting Time: 3~4 hours
Location: Songshan Mountain, Dengfeng, Zhengzhou
Highlights: Arhat Hall, Forest of Steles, Tripitaka Sutra Pavilion, Kungfu Show
Originally established in 495 during the Northern Wei Dynasty, Shaolin Temple perches majestically on Wuru Peak of Mount Songshan. Commissioned by Xiaowen Emperor to house the revered Indian monk Buddhabhadra, this sacred site became a cradle of spiritual wisdom. Just 32 years later, the venerable Indian monk Bodhidharma arrived, bringing with him the teachings of Zen Buddhism. Bodhidharma, now revered as the ancestor court of Zen Buddhism, transformed Shaolin Temple into the ancestral haven of Zen. This tale of spiritual evolution intertwines seamlessly with the roots of Chinese Martial Arts, as Shaolin Temple emerged as the birthplace of Chinese Martial. Spanning over 1500 years, Shaolin Temple has evolved into a globally renowned Buddhist sanctuary. Its architectural gems include the grand Daxiong Hall, the tranquil Chuzu Temple—home to the oldest wooden structure in Henan Province—and the revered Arhat Hall, where enlightened monks find eternal peace.
Venture into the Forest of Steles, where 248 brick pagodas stand sentinel, housing the ashes of eminent monks. This sacred grove represents the largest surviving collection of steles in China, a testament to the profound spiritual legacy of Shaolin Temple. Amidst this historical backdrop, the temple’s dazzling Kung Fu Show has become a magnet for visitors worldwide, adding a vibrant chapter to Shaolin’s narrative that echoes through the ages. After immersing themselves in the serene aura of the Shaolin Temple, many visitors often choose to extend their exploration to iconic sites like the Longmen Grottoes and White Horse Temple. This seamless transition allows them to delve even deeper into the rich tapestry of Buddhist culture, unlocking a more multifaceted experience.
2. White Horse Temple (Luoyang) – Trailblazing Sanctum of Chinese Buddhism’s Genesis
In the year 64 AD during the Han Dynasty, a captivating tale unfolded that would shape the destiny of White Horse Temple . Legend has it that the emperor, in a visionary slumber, witnessed a golden figure believed to be Buddha soaring to his palace. Fueled by this celestial encounter, the emperor dispatched envoys on a three-year odyssey to the enigmatic western regions in pursuit of sacred Buddhist scriptures. The culmination of this journey saw the arrival of two revered Indian monks, Kasyapamatanga and Dharmaratna, astride white horses laden with precious Buddhist statues and scriptures. In 68 AD, inspired by a fervor for Buddhism, the emperor conceived the idea of a temple dedicated to the teachings of the enlightened one. Thus, White Horse Temple emerged—the inaugural beacon of Chinese Buddhism. Within its sacred precincts, the two monks embarked on the monumental task of translating the Forty-two Chapters Buddhist Sutras, giving birth to the first Chinese Buddhist scripture. A pilgrimage of western monks followed, converging upon White Horse Temple to impart sermons and translate scriptures. In the next 150 years, 395 scriptures were translated to Chinese. As a result, the temple became the first Ashram for translating scripture.
Stepping into the temple, one encounters the architectural symmetry typical of Chinese tradition. Amidst the echoes of bygone eras, remnants of precious statues bear witness to the temple’s resilience through times of destruction. Guarding the entrance are stone horses, silent sentinels to the tales that unfold within. Traverse the halls in sequence, and you’ll stumble upon the tombs of the pioneering Indian monks. The journey culminates in the Cool and Clear Terrace—an erstwhile palace of translating scriptures, resonating with the wisdom of ages. Outside the temple is tiered with Qiyun Pagoda (oldest pagoda in China) and foreign temple, including Indian Temple, Thailand Temple and Burmese Temple, showing the cultural exchange and harmonious interplay between China and the world. Following a visit to the White Horse Temple, many travelers opt for an enriching detour to the legendary Shaolin Temple . Here, they can immerse themselves in the authentic world of Chinese martial arts.
3. Jokhang Temple (Lhasa) – Spiritual Center of Tibetan Buddhism Enshrining Shakyamuni Buddha’s Presence
Type: Tibetan Buddhist Temple, UNESCO Cultural Heritage
Highlights: Life-size Statue of Sakyamuni, Gold Roof
Jokhang Temple stands as the beating spiritual heart of Tibet, a hallowed pilgrimage site for devoted Buddhists. Its origins weave a tale back to the 7th century when the visionary Tibetan King Songtsan Gampo issued a decree to construct the temple, a sanctuary intended to cradle the sacred statue of Shakyamuni, a precious gift from Nepal. Initially dubbed Rasa, it is whispered that the name Lhasa itself found its inspiration in this revered artifact. Soon after, the enchanting saga expanded as the Wencheng Princess journeyed from China, gracing Jokhang with a life-sized statue of the 12-year-old Jowa Sakyamuni. This gift not only bestowed the temple with its identity, Jokhang, meaning the “house of Buddha,” but also infused it with an unparalleled spiritual vigor.
The architectural symphony of Jokhang Temple resonates with the sacred geometry of the Manda, a design that captivates the beholder from the very first glance. The crowning jewel is the resplendent Gold Roof, a beacon that guides one’s gaze to the panoramic vistas of Barkhor Street and the majestic Potala Palace. Venture within, and you’ll encounter a celestial congregation of Buddha statues, each cradled within its own chapel. The ethereal allure extends to the hanging Thangkas, inviting admiration from all who behold them. Beyond the temple’s confines, Jokhang Temple Square pulses with an unceasing rhythm of devout pilgrims, who prostrate themselves day and night. These fervent seekers traverse vast distances, arriving from the far reaches of the countryside annually, driven by an unwavering belief that their sincere devotion will usher happiness, safety, and well-being into the lives of their cherished families. Many travelers are drawn to embark on a classic journey through Lhasa. The spiritual ambiance of the sacred site sets the perfect tone for an immersive experience, making it a natural segue into the enchanting wonders that await in the heart of Tibet’s capital.
4. Lingyin Temple (Hangzhou) – Tranquil Retreat Amidst Lush Forests Eminent in Southeastern China
Highlights: Hall of Heavenly Kings, Palace of Medicine Buddha, Statues in the Grand Hall, Feilai Peak
Lingyin Temple, founded in 326 AD by an Indian monk enchanted by the ethereal peaks of Hangzhou, unveils a rich tapestry of history and spirituality. Picture this: an awe-inspiring temple nestled between the foliage-draped Feilai Peak and the majestic Begao Peak, aptly named “Linyin,” translating to the soul’s retreat. During the Northern and Southern Dynasty, the temple flourished, its growth fueled by the benevolence of Liangwu Emperor, endowing it with vast lands. At its zenith, Lingyin Temple was a vibrant community, boasting a staggering population of 3,000 monks. In the Song Dynasty, the revered Feilai Peak earned acclaim as one of the five Jiangnan Zen Buddhist Mountains in Jiangnan, a testament to Lingyin Temple‘s esteemed status.
Embarking on a journey to this ancient sanctuary, one unravels a tapestry of natural wonders and cultural marvels. Picture the Hall of Heavenly Kings, standing proudly as the first structure along Lingyin Temple’s axis, housing the divine Future Buddha. Within the Grand Hall of Great Sage, a captivating statue of Sakyamuni, perched on a lotus flower, emanates a palpable energy. Behind this masterful creation, a cluster of tridimensional statues, featuring Bodhisattva and 150 smaller figures, awaits discovery. The Palace of Medicine Buddha beckons worshipers seeking solace from ailments, a revered sanctuary for healing. And who could overlook the mesmerizing Feilai Peak? Venture into the grottoes within, and a treasure trove of Buddhist carvings unfolds, each chiseled masterpiece narrating tales of devotion and artistry. Following Lingyin Temple, tourists often opt to explore the allure of Hangzhou’s West Lake and Wuzhen Water Town, immersing themselves in the cultural wonders of Jiangnan (江南).
5. Dacien Monastery (Xi’an) – Boasting Great Wild Goose Pagoda and the Pinnacle of Xuanzang’s Legacy
Type: Ancient Buddhist Marvel, Tang Dynasty Legacy, UNESCO Cultural Heritage
Embark on a journey through time in the heart of Xi’an, where the Great Ci’en Temple stands as a living testament to over 1300 years of captivating history. Picture the scene during the Tang Dynasty, when this cultural oasis was brought to life, now revered as a UNESCO Cultural Heritage site that whispers tales of ancient Buddhist wonders.
The towering Giant Wild Goose Pagoda, a majestic silhouette against the Xi’an skyline, is the crown jewel of the temple. Imagine the celestial aura surrounding this architectural marvel, a tangible link to the spiritual legacy of the Tang Dynasty. Venture into the pagoda’s embrace, conceived to safeguard the sacred Buddhist scriptures that traversed the vast expanse from India with the fearless Xuanzang. Delve into the narrative of Xuanzang’s extraordinary odyssey as relics and artifacts unfold the chapters of his incredible journey. Traverse the temple grounds, where the echoes of Tang Dynasty architecture whisper secrets of a bygone era. As the sun sets, surrender to the allure of nightly cultural performances that weave a spellbinding tapestry, transforming the temple into an ethereal realm resonating with the spiritual essence of its ancient Buddhist origins. Following a visit to the majestic Giant Wild Goose Pagoda, it’s common for tourists to venture towards the globally acclaimed Terracotta Army and the ancient city walls. This natural progression allows them to delve further into history, seamlessly connecting the tranquility of the temple to the historical wonders.
6. Famen Temple (Baoji) – Custodian of Buddha’s Relics and Global Center of Spiritual Confluence
@法门寺 (famensi.com)
Type: Chinese Buddhist Temple, Imperial Temple
History: over 1700 years
Recommended Visiting Time: 2~4 hours
Location: Famen Town, Fufeng County, Baoji
Highlights: Sarira of Sakyamuni, Underground Palace, Famen Museum
Step into the captivating tale of Famen Temple, a sacred sanctuary with roots tracing back to the end of the Eastern Han Dynasty. Imagine the ebb and flow of its history as it stood resilient through reconstruction, evolving into an imperial templeduring the grandeur of the Tang Dynasty. Yet, the winds of change blew after the Ming and Qing Dynasties, casting a shadow over this once-majestic temple.
Fast forward to 1987, a pivotal year that unveiled the hidden treasures of Famen Temple’s Underground Palace. Picture the moment when over 2000 cultural relics, adorned with the splendor of the Tang Dynasty, emerged into the light. Buddha’s relics, glistening gold and silver artifacts, vibrant colored glaze, delicate ceramics, silk weaving tales of antiquity, and the enigmatic Finger Sarira of Sakyamuni – a discovery that resonated with the divine. Among the findings were four sarira, three deemed as duplicate relics, standing as guardians to the true relic – the sacred finger bone of Sakyamuni. This revelation transformed Famen Temple into a revered pilgrimage site, earning UNESCO’s acclaim as the ninth wonder of the world. Today, Famen Temple unfolds its narrative across three chapters – the Old Famen Pagoda, the Namaste Dagoba, and the Famen Temple Museum. Picture the ancient secrets housed within the Old Famen Pagoda, where the Underground Palace cradles the cherished duplicate relics. The Namaste Dagoba, a modern marvel shaped like folding hands, designed by the renowned architect Mr. Li Zuyuan, cradles the revered sarira of Sakyamuni since its construction in 2009. As you venture into the Famen Temple Museum, immerse yourself in valuable treasures, from the resplendent Gilded Bronze Buddha to the intricate Mystic Color Ceramics.
Tips : The Finger Sarira of Sakyamuni was only displayed in weekends, the lunar 1 st and 15th day of every month, and some special festivals usually. If you want to pay homage to the sarira, make sure you visit in the right day.
7. South Puto Temple (Xiamen) – Globally Revered Buddhist Academy, Nurturing Devotees and Facilitating Cross-Cultural Exchange
Type: Chinese Buddhist Temple, Buddhist Academy, Cultural Heritage Site
History: over 1000 years
Recommended Visiting Time: 2~3 hours
Location: Xiamen, Fujian Province
Highlights: Grand Hall of Buddha, Lotus Pond, Buddhist Scriptures Repository, Cultural Exchange Center
Established more than a millennium ago, South Puto Temple stands as a beacon of Buddhist spirituality, nestled in the coastal city of Xiamen, Fujian Province. The temple’s origins trace back to the Tang Dynasty, making it a venerable site of over 1000 years.The heart of South Puto Temple lies in its Grand Hall of Buddha, an architectural masterpiece that echoes with ancient chants and serenity. Adorned with intricate carvings and vibrant murals, the hall houses majestic statues of Buddhist deities, creating a sacred atmosphere for worship and meditation. As you stroll through the temple grounds, you’ll encounter the tranquil Lotus Pond, where delicate lotus flowers bloom in a serene aquatic dance. This scenic spot provides a perfect setting for contemplation and spiritual reflection
South Puto Temple takes pride in its Buddhist Scriptures Repository, a treasure trove of ancient texts and teachings. The repository is a testament to the temple’s commitment to preserving and disseminating Buddhist knowledge, attracting scholars and devotees alike. The temple serves as a hub for cultural exchange, welcoming visitors from around the world to explore the richness of Chinese Buddhism. The Cultural Exchange Center within the temple premises offers programs and activities that promote understanding and harmony among diverse communities. South Puto Temple, with its rich history and cultural significance, has garnered recognition as a prominent Buddhist academy. It continues to be a magnet for overseas followers seeking spiritual enlightenment and a deeper understanding of Buddhist teachings. The temple’s reputation extends far beyond its physical boundaries, making it a revered destination for those in search of tranquility and wisdom. After a serene visit to the South Putuo Temple, many travelers choose to extend their journey to the enchanting Tulou with its mesmerizing nightscapes and the charming island of Gulangyu for both cultural and scenic delights.
8. Hanging Temple (Datong) – Architectural Marvel Perched on a Cliff, an Enchanting Fusion of Three Religions
Type: Chinese Buddhist Temple, Taoist Temple, Confucian Temple
History: over 1500 years
Recommended Visiting Time: 2~4 hours 2 ~ 3 hours
Location: Hengshan Mountain, Hunyuan County, Datong
Highlights: Southern Pavilion, Northern Pavilion and Changxian Bridge
Perched daringly on a cliff, Hanging Temple lives up to its name, suspended a jaw-dropping 50 meters above the ground. Imagine the audacity of a temple clinging to the rock face without any visible crutches, a marvel that even earned it a spot on Time magazine’s list of the world’s top ten most bizarrely precarious structures. The temple’s saga unfolds like a gripping tale – a fearless feat of construction, defying gravity and leaving visitors awe-struck. Delve into the secrets of the Hanging Temple, where architectural ingenuity meets ancient mysticism. It was constructed without any supportive structures, Which adds an element of suspense to the narrative, eventually leading to the incorporation of pillars as a testament to the collective hesitation of those daring to step into this cliffside sanctuary. Behind the scenes, hidden upholders within the bedrock reveal a dance with mechanics, turning the temple into a masterpiece of engineering artistry. As the story unfolds, it becomes evident that the Hanging Temple is not merely a physical marvel but a harmonious convergence of China’s three venerable traditions – Buddhism, Taoism and Confucianism.
Navigate the intricacies of the Hanging Temple’s main structures – the Southern Pavilion, Northern Pavilion, and Changxian Bridge – each telling a unique chapter in this cliffside chronicle. Picture the Southern Pavilion, a three-story spectacle housing Chunyang Palace, Sanguan Hall, Sangong Palace, and Leiyin Hall. In the grandeur of Sangong Palace, witness the temple’s largest hall, while the towering sculpture within Sanguan Hall stands as a silent guardian of its history. Traverse to the Northern Pavilion, where Wufo Hall, Guanyin Hall, and Sanjiao Hall unfold their tales. Here, statues of the founders of three religions – Shakyamuni, Laozi, and Confucius – find a sacred abode in the venerable Sanjiao Hall. Adorned with intricate carvings and a myriad of statues, the Hanging Temple invites explorers to unravel its rich tapestry of stories, where the line between architectural marvel and spiritual pilgrimage blurs into a captivating narrative.
Highlights: Five Halls, Dhammapala Weituo’s Statue, Teahouse, Vegetarian Restaurant
Embark on a journey through time at Wenshu Monastery, a spiritual haven that traces its roots back to the Sui Dynasty (605 ~ 617). With long history and strong Buddhist influence, Wenshu Monastery is one of the Four Chinese Zen Buddhist Monasteries. Though it located in the busy downtown area of Chengdu, Wenshu Monastery enjoys a tranquil atmosphere fabulously. Initially a modest courtyard, the monastery underwent a captivating transformation during the Song Dynasty, when it donned the name Xinxiang Temple, only to face the ravages of war. In a mystical twist during the Qing Dynasty, whispers of the Manjusri Bodhisattva’s ethereal presence, cloaked in red light, sparked a resurrection. The temple, now reborn, earned the name Wenshu Monastery, paying homage to the revered Manjusri.
Nestled amidst the hustle and bustle of Chengdu‘s downtown, Wenshu Monastery defies its urban surroundings, cocooning visitors in a serenity that feels almost otherworldly. Picture the main structures, traditional Chinese palaces adorned with the elegance of the Qing Dynasty, their upturned eaves reaching towards the heavens. Here, the axis from gate to Sutra Mansionunfolds like a sacred thread weaving through the tapestry of history. Within these ancient walls, a treasure trove of Buddhist scriptures, paintings, and calligraphy awaits, whispering stories of enlightenment to those who listen.
Beyond the quiet contemplation, Wenshu Monastery reveals itself as a haven for the soul. The revered Teahouse, a bastion of old-school charm, beckons with the aroma of Chinese tea and the allure of traditional folk shows. Step into the nearby Vegetarian Restaurant, where culinary excellence fuses with spirituality, offering a feast of delectable vegetarian dishes. Take a leisurely stroll through the monastery’s hallowed grounds, where every step unveils a chapter of the past. After immersing in the cultural ambiance, visitors often embark on a classic Chengdu tour, exploring attractions like the Panda Base. Moreover, they may opt for a deeper Sichuan experience, venturing to renowned sites such as the Leshan Giant Buddha, Mount Emei, and Jiuzhaigou. This flexible transition caters to diverse preferences, ensuring an enriching journey through the cultural and natural wonders of the region.
10. Foding Palace (Nanjing) – Reverent Abode of Buddha’s Relics with Architectural Grandeur
@牛首山风景区 (niushoushan.net)
Type: Fodin Temple – Ming Dynasty’s Architectural Marvel
History: Over 1200 years
Recommended Visiting Time: 3~4 hours
Location: Nanjing, Jiangsu Province
Highlights: Buddha’s Relic Pagoda, Hall of Heavenly Kings’ Majesty, Ming Dynasty Architectural Splendor, Linggu Pagoda’s Towering Presence
Step into the enchanting tapestry of Nanjing‘s Foding Temple, a resilient architectural masterpiece that has weathered the sands of time for over 1200 years. Here, the grandeur of the Ming Dynasty unfolds like a captivating saga, each stone whispering tales of an era long past. Picture the Buddha’s Relic Pagoda, a sacred space where the air itself seems to shimmer with the divine presence of relics. Immerse yourself in the hallowed ambiance, where the convergence of the sacred and architectural beauty dances through the corridors of time.
As you traverse the temple grounds, be transported to the majestic Hall of Heavenly Kings, where colossal statues stand as sentinels guarding the spiritual sanctuary. It’s not just a hall; it’s a living tableau of devotion and reverence, where the echo of centuries-old prayers reverberates through the air. The temple, a living embodiment of Ming Dynasty opulence, invites exploration into its labyrinth of intricate designs and historical significance. But the journey doesn’t end there; adjacent to the temple rises the towering Linggu Pagoda, a stoic symbol of endurance that pierces the sky, a silent witness to the passage of centuries. Foding Temple beckons you into a time-traveling odyssey, where the legacy of the Ming Dynasty isn’t confined to dusty history books but resonates through the very stones that have stood witness to centuries of stories. Having explored the serenity of Foding Temple, many travelers opt for more highlights of Nanjing including the Confucius Temple Nanjing, the picturesque Qinhuai River. This curated experience allows visitors to feel the essence of “misty rain in the south of the Yangtze”(烟雨江南).
Secular Dimensions of the Ashoka Stupa from the Changgan Monastery of the Song Dynasty.
Of Palaces and Pagodas: Palatial Symbolism in the Buddhist Architecture of Early Medieval China
Tracy Miller
Front. Hist. China 2015, 10(2): 222–263 DOI 10.3868/s020-004-015-0014-1
“Naturalizing Buddhist Cosmology in the Temple Architecture of China: The Case of the Yicihui Pillar,”
Tracy Miller,
In The University of Chicago Oriental Institute Seminars, no. 9,
edited by Deena Ragavan, 17−39. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2013.
“The Mapping of Sacred Space: Images of Buddhist Cosmographies in Medieval China.”
Wong, Dorothy.
In The Journey of Maps and Images on the Silk Road, edited by Philippe Forêt and Andreas Kaplony, 51–79. Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2008.
Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda.
The sum of the rules, squares and circles of heaven and earth: a study on the compositional proportions of ancient Chinese capitals, building groups and individual buildings
(text version, illustration version)
Wang Nan’s book on the history and theory of ancient architecture, planning, design and protection of ancient buildings
Heaven and Earth in Early Han Thought: Chapters Three, Four, and Five of the Huainanzi
SUNY series in Chinese philosophy and culture Author John S. Major Edition illustrated Publisher SUNY Press, 1993 ISBN 0791415856, 9780791415856 Length 388 pages
Revisiting the Squinch: From Squaring the Circle to Circling the Square.
“Squaring the circle,” constructing a square that has the same area in a given circle using compass and straightedge, has long been a subject for intellectual investigations among mathematicians and philosophers from antiquity to the pre-modern era. The search for this unattainable ideal articulation found its way into Persian architecture with a different approach: circling the square. This architectonic approach, complementing the philosophical view, started from the square at hand, the chamber, to the circle of the vault. The transformation of the cubic to the domical space is mediated through the squinch, intermediary structural element that unifies the two structures. The two seemingly opposite directions of transforming of one form to another (i.e., square to circle or vice versa) allude to the metaphysical and material attributes involved in this process. This paper discusses the mutual relationship between the intellectual and material transformations and the intermediary role of the squinch.
References
Al–Būzjānī, Abū’l–Wafā Muhammad. 1971. The Arithmetic of Abu Al-Wafa’ al-Buzjani. Introduction and Commentary by A. S. Saidan. Amman: Jamiyat Umal al-Matabi al-Taawinia. (In Arabic)
Ardalan N., Bakhtiar L. (1973) The Sense of Unity: The Sufi Tradition in Persian Architecture. University of Chicago Press, ChicagoGoogle Scholar
Ashrafi, A. and M. R. Ahmadi, M. R. 2005. Al-Kashi’s Method for Calculations of Arches. Ayeneh Miras 3: 61-77.
Blunt W. (1966) Isfahan: Pearl of Persia. Paul Elck Productions, New YorkGoogle Scholar
Buzurgmihri, Z. 1992. Hindisa dar Mimari (Geometry in Persian Architecture). Tehran: Iranian Cultural Heritage Organization. (In Farsi)
Dold-Samplonius, Yvonne. 2002. Calculation of Arches and Domes in 15th Century Samarkand. Nexus II: Architecture and Mathematics, Kim Williams, ed. Pisa: Pacini Editore.
Galdieri, E. 1984. Masgid-i Gum’a. Vol 3, Research and Restoration Activites, 1973-1978, New Observations, 1979-1982. Rome: IsMeo.
Grabar, O. 1990. The Great Mosque of Isfahan. London: I B Tauris & Co. Ltd.
Haji Ghasemi, K. 2001. Ganjnameh, Masajid-i Isfahan. Tehran: Shahid Beheshti University Press and Rowzaneh Press.
Jabal Ameli A. (1995) Esfehan Masgid-I Gum’a. Iranian Cultural Heritage Organization, IsfahanGoogle Scholar
Jazbi, A. 1987. Risāleh Tāq va Ajaz. Tehran: Soroush Publications. (Partial Translation of Miftah al-hisab).
Jazbi, A. 2005. Persian Geometry: Applied Geometry Abul-Wafa Muhammad Buzjani. Tehran: Soroush Publications. (Persian translation with additions)
Necipoßlu, G. 1995. The Topkapi Scroll. Geometry and Ornament in Islamic Architecture. Los Angeles: Getty Center Publication.
We examine how three authors, Dante Alighieri, Margaret Cavendish, and James Joyce, employed allusions to the classical problem of squaring the circle, i.e., using only a compass and a straightedge to construct a square whose area equals that of a given circle. These discussions will be against the background of what was known mathematically about solving the problem when they wrote—respectively, in the fourteenth, seventeenth, and twentieth centuries. We will also discuss, as best as can be determined, what each author believed, knew, or could have known about the mathematical status of the problem and what this reveals about their use of the construction in their writings.
“From Pagoda to Pavilion: The Transition of Spatial Logic and Visual Experience of Multi-Story Buddhist Buildings in Medieval China”
Ancient Chinese architecture boasts a rich variety of styles and high levels of construction. There were residences, official buildings, palaces, temples, altars, gardens, bridges, city walls and so on. Construction took the form of lou (multistoryed buildings), tai (terraces), ting (pavilions), ge (two-storey pavilions), xuan (verandas with windows), xie (pavilions or houses on terraces), wu (rooms along roofed corridors), etc. All these architectural forms were recorded in early documents of Chinese history. Pagodas, however, appeared relatively late in China. A Chinese term for pagoda did not exist until the first century. The reason is that this new form of architecture was introduced to China only when Buddhism spread to the country.
The origin of pagodas, like that of Buddhism, can be traced to India. The relation between Buddhism and pagodas is explained in Buddhist literature, which says that pagodas were originally built for the purpose of preserving the remains of Sakyamuni, the founder of Buddhism. According to Buddhist scripture, when Sakyamuni’s body was cremated after his death, his disciples discovered that his remains crystallized into unbreakable shiny beads. They were called sarira, or Buddhist relics, as were his hair, teeth and bones. Later, the remains of other Buddhist monks of high reputation were also called sarira. Since more often than not, no such precious shiny beads could be found in the ashes of cremated Buddhist monks, other things, such as gold, silver and crystal objects or precious stones, were used instead.In Sanskrit pagoda (or stupa) meant tomb. Before the pagoda was introduced to China, it had already had a considerable period of development in India. Beside serving as tombs, pagodas were built in grottoes or temples for offering sacrifices to people’s ancestors. When the Indian word for pagoda was first translated into Chinese, there were some twenty different versions. A renowned scholar of the Qing Dynasty, Ruan Yuan (1764-1849), summarized the history of the pagoda’s development in China in his essay “On the Characteristics of Pagodas” included in his Yan Jing Shi Ji (Collection of Essays from Yan Jing Studio). He said that during the Eastern Han Dynasty (25-220) both the doctrine and preachers of Sakyamuni’s religion were called futu. Their residence and the object of their worship was a building of seven or nine storeys, each surrounded by banisters.
In Sanskrit this kind of building was called a stupa. From the Jin Dynasty to the Southern and Northern Dynasties (265-589), when the Buddhist scriptures were translated into Chinese, there was no equivalent for the Hindu word for pagoda in the Chinese language, nor was there anything in China similar to the peculiar structure. Therefore, a new Chinese character was created to stand for the Buddhist tower, or pagoda. The new character was ta, which first appeared in Zi Yuan(Essays on Chinese Characters) by Ge Hong (284-364), a scholar of the Eastern Jin Dynasty.
Ta is a much better translation than many other versions, such as futuor fotu, because it contains the radical meaning earth or soil, so it can be understood as an indication of a tomb. Some scholars believed that the character ta could be interpreted as an earthen tomb in which Buddha was buried, so it was a satisfactory equivalent for the word pagoda.
Buddhism spread in China not only because of its doctrines but also because of its concrete images, such as the religious sculptures and pagodas. It became a popular religion after the White Horse Temple was built near Luoyang, Henan Province, during the reign (58-75) of Emperor Ming of the Eastern Han Dynasty. Legend has it that the emperor once dreamed of a golden man more than three meters tall with a halo over his head flying around his imperial palace. The next day the emperor called his ministers to court and asked them to interpret his dream. One of his ministers, Fu Yi, said, “In the West there is a god called Buddha. The golden man Your Majesty saw in your dream looked like him.” So the emperor dispatched officials, Cai Yin, Qin Jing, Wang Zun and others, to India, Sri Lanka and Pakistan to learn the doctrine of Buddhism. When they reached Central Asia, they met two Buddhist masters from India and acquired from them Buddhist scriptures and a statue of Buddha. They also invited the Indian Buddhists to China to lecture on Buddhism.
When the Indian Buddhists arrived in Luoyang, then the capital of the Eastern Han Dynasty, Emperor Ming gave them a warm welcome and built a temple for them to live in the suburbs of Luoyang.
Originally, the Chinese character si, meaning temple, stood for an official building that, in ancient China, ranked second only to the emperor’s imperial palace. To show his respect for Buddhism, the emperor ordered that the residence of the Indian Buddhists be called a si, and ever since, Buddhist temples have been called that.
If pagodas were brought to China from India, what did the pagodas in India look like?
There used to be two kinds of pagodas in India: those used as tombs for Buddhist relics were called stupas; those serving as shrines or monuments were called temples. No relics were buried in the latter in most cases. Both kinds of pagodas underwent great changes in style after being introduced to China and became integrated with China’s traditional architecture and culture.
The latter pagoda was also called caitya in Sanskrit. In India they were originally grottoes dug out of stone cliffs. Religious sculptures were placed inside the caves and small pagodas were built at the back as memorials. Usually space was cleared in front of the pagoda for religious ceremonies. After being introduced to China, this kind of structure developed into the so-called grotto temple. Typical Chinese grottoes were much smaller than their Indian counterparts, so no religious ceremonies could be held inside. Usually a separate temple was built in front of or beside the grottoes to house Buddhist monks and for assemblies as well. The pagoda placed at the back of an Indian grotto changed into an ornamental pillar either at the back or in the middle of the grotto. In fact, the Chinese temple was different from its Indian counterpart in both form and function. In India there was once a kind of special grotto called vihara in which Buddhist monks lived. In the middle of such a grotto a square or rectangular platform was built for Buddhist preachers, to sit on to give lectures on Buddhism. At the back of the grotto a small pagoda sculpture was erected in front of a small niche, serving as a place for praying. Along the front and side walls of the grotto many tiny rooms were dug out, each big enough for only one monk to sleep in. Since each of the rooms was merely one square zhang (about ten square meters) in size, later the bedrooms of the abbots and monks in a Buddhist monastery were called fangzhang(meaning one square zhang) in Chinese. Of course, most Buddhist abbots actually lived in much bigger rooms. Such grotto temples, popular in the early development of Buddhism in India, were found in very few places in China. In fact, the Dunhuang Grottoes in Gansu Province may be the only place where remnants of similar structures can be found today.
For instance, Caves No.267 to 271 at Dunhuang, dug during the Northern Liang period (397-439), used to be a group of related caves, with Cave No. 268 as the center, to which Caves No. 267 and 270 on the southern wall and Caves No. 269 and 271 on the northern wall were attached. In fact, all four attached caves were merely recesses big enough for only one person to sit with bent knee. It is believed that they were dug for the monks to sit in meditation, not for them to live in. Cave No. 285, dug during the Western Wei period (535-556), also contains four such recesses in its southern and northern walls, less than a square meter. On the ceiling of the main cave there is a painting of thirty-five monks sitting in meditation in some remote mountain caves. From their size, the recesses as a place of meditation were only symbolic.
The characteristics of these caves show that the so-called vihara underwent great changes after they were introduced to China from India.
We have learned that the pagodas designed as tombs for Buddhist relics were soon integrated with China’s traditional architecture and culture and assumed Chinese characteristics after they were introduced to China from India. Most ancient pagodas still existing today in China are the so-called temple pagodas of Chinese style. Though they are called sarira pagodas, sometimes Buddhist relics are not inside.
Few stupas believed to hold any relics of Sakyamuni have survived even in India or they have been destroyed and reconstructed repeatedly over the years retaining little of their original features. Among the earliest of such stupas is one built around the first century. It resembles a tomb with a domelike top in the middle. A pole with a dish-shaped object was erected on the top, and a platform surrounded by a balustrade served as the base. Stairs in front lead up to the platform. Four gateways face in four directions. On each side of the front gate is an ornamental column with exquisite relief sculptures of lions. They are similar to the ornamental columns erected in front of ancient tombs in China.
Another stupa featuring an inverted-bowl-shaped body is located forty-five kilometers from the town of Gorakopa in northern India. It is believed to be the place where a famous Indian Buddhist monk attained nirvana. Though it has been destroyed and reconstructed several times, it still resembles the style of the great stupa mentioned earlier, which looks like a big tomb. The Lamaist dagobas in China have inherited this style.
Great changes have also taken place in the structure of Indian pagodas. At Buddh Gaya in Gaya County, Bihar State, there is a pagoda where Sakyamuni is believed to have awakened to the truth of Buddhism. Behind the pagoda there is a bodhi tree and under the tree is a solid rock seat, called vajrasana. Legend has it that Sakyamuni attained his Buddhahood while sitting on this seat. The structure of the pagoda, therefore, is called the vajrasana style, which is completely different from that of the stupas described earlier. Pagodas of the vajrasana style also appeared in China. The earliest images of this kind of pagoda are in a mural in Cave No. 285 of the Mogao Grottoes at Dunhuang, a work of the Northern Zhou Dynasty (557-581), and a small stone sculpture preserved in Chongfu Temple in Shuoxian County, Shanxi Province, believed to have been made in 454. The Dunhuang mural shows a square platform on which stand five pagodas; the one in the middle is much bigger and more spectacular than the ones at the four comers. Each of the five pagodas has seven storeys with a precious bead on top. Another small stone sculpture, made in 455 and found at the old site of Chongfu Temple, and a similar one made during the Tang Dynasty (618-907) and found in Nanchan Temple on Mount Wutai also bear this style, but the Vajrasana in the mural at Dunhuang more closely resembles existing structures than the small stone sculptures at Chongfu Temple.
4 Types of Chinese Architecture That You Need to Know
The Chinese have used the same architectural model for their imperial and religious buildings for more than two thousand years. It consists of three elements: a platform, a framework of pillars and beams, and non-load-bearing walls.
The buildings usually incorporate the main gate, rectangular enclosures or courtyards, and a series of pavilions arranged in a line and facing north. Almost all buildings were constructed of wood, but due to vulnerability to fire very few survive; the oldest date from the Tang period. Here are some representative Chinese architectures.
Pavilions
The structure of the pavilions is always the same. They consist of a platform of rammed earth or stone and a grid of wooden pillars. The front part always incorporates an odd number of intercolumns. The meeting of pillars and beams is fixed with brackets (dougong), which support the structure and allow for overhanging roofs. The wood is lacquered in intense tones, and the roofs are curved, of tile or thatch.
Plant building and plant pavilion
Even before pagodas, multi-storey buildings (lou) were built in China, ranging from two-storey private residences to towering gazebos. The plant pavilions (ge) were used for storage and had only doors and windows at the front. These buildings incorporated the usual three elements: base, pillars, and non-load-bearing walls. Plant pavilions were used to store important items, such as libraries of Buddhist sutras or colossal statues like Puning Si in Chengde.
Pagoda
The pagoda or ta is inspired by the Indian stupa and began to develop with the advent of Buddhism in the 1st century AD. Pagodas, with their multiple storeys, were often erected in Buddhist temple complexes (later built outside of them), with the purpose of housing a religious statue.
They were made of brick, stone or wood. The pagoda, an archetypal element of Chinese architecture, originated as a concept and form in India from the Buddhist stupa. But Chinese architectural traditions and styles were soon incorporated into pagodas as well, as can be seen in the pillar pagodas of the Yungang caves, with their multiple heights. Over 1,500 years, pagodas developed an incredible variety of forms, from pillars to flattened tombs to tall multi-story towers.
They were built of stone, brick, or wood and could be square or multi-sided. When they became typical Chinese buildings, their function changed slightly. Their central role in the temple was taken over by the much more functional pavilion. The feng shui provided the construction of pagodas without temples in the mountains on the outskirts of the cities or next to the rivers, to bring good luck or to avoid floods. The Hindu stupa was a symbolic tomb and receptacle for Buddhist relics that inspired the birth of the Chinese pagoda. But the stupa did not gain strength until the 13th century, when the Yuan imported Tibetan Buddhist stupas (also known as dagobas) and made this architecture popular for later dynasties.
The Dali pagoda is a beautiful example of a pagoda with closely spaced stone eaves. It is square in plan and has a top in the shape of a lotus flower bud. The wooden pagoda of the Fogong Si of Yingxian is one of the most delicate remains. This octagonal building dates from 1056 and is called Sakyamuni pagoda.
Ornamental arch
The pailou or paifang is an arch of wood, brick or stone, sometimes tiled with glazed tiles. It is often inscribed with information about its construction. Pailou were erected at crossroads, temples, bridges, government offices, parks, and tombs.
Defensive walls
The first walls were made of earth, which was crushed and hardened with mallets or moistened to obtain mud and pressed against reed mats. Later brick was used. City walls were usually square, with the main gate to the south. The word for city, cheng, also means wall. Pingyao wall, made of rammed earth and brick and 10 meters high, towers and rampart provided an effective defense. It dates from the Ming period, but part of it has collapsed recently.
Architectural details
The interpretation of detail in Chinese architecture is very interesting. The use of yellow tiles, for example, was reserved for the emperor. The Nine Dragons, present in the Forbidden City and elsewhere, are also imperial: the dragon is a symbol of yang, the masculine principle, and by extension, the emperor.
The chiwen, a bird capable of extinguishing fire with water, appears on the ends of the roofs as protection against fire. The bracket (dougong) transmits the weight of the roof to the pillar. It is a complex constructive and ornamental element that does not carry nails. It fixes the structure of tall buildings, such as the Yellow Crane Pavilion in Wuhan.
More on cities and architecture in China:
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Pagoda, originally meant tomb in Sanskrit, refers to the place where the ashes of ancient Indian monks were buried after their death. It originated in India and was brought into China along with Buddhism in the Han Dynasty. Nowadays, such ancient architecture is still widely respected by the Buddhist disciples and praised as an outstanding architectural form from ancient China.
Origin of Chinese Pagoda
Around the 1st century, the Indian stupa was introduced into China. To better suit the Chinese aesthetics, ancient Chinese people integrated the original stupa styles with the traditional pavilions and attics, creating the pagoda with multiple floors and a nine-layer tower spire.
Chinese Pagoda vs. Indian Pagoda
Like the Chinese, the Indians also believed in the idea of a round heaven and square ground.
Therefore, the semi-circular stupa represented the Buddhist cosmology. When the stupa was brought into China, ancient Chinese people created the round top with square-shaped attics at the bottom functioning as supporters. Not only that, but Chinese people also imposed the humanized content on Buddhism. They built temples together with pagodas. Therefore, where there is a pagoda, there is a temple. Inside the temple, divine halls were built to offer sacrifices to Buddhas along with the pagoda. For instance, the Big Wild Goose Pagoda became an elegant building that attracted numerous scholars to visit. The Six Harmonious Pagoda nearby the Qiantang River has become the beacon for the riverboat at night. While the pagoda inside the Kaiyuan Temple in Hebei province also served as a spot for military observation. The Guojie Tower of Juyongguan Great Wall also functions as a pedestrian passway. In some places, pagodas were built to drive away evil spirits. In various ways, Chinese people changed the mysterious and untouchable Indian stupas to something practical. Therefore, the Chinese pagoda is a human building.
Number Culture of Pagoda
One of the outstanding characteristics of Chinese pagoda is the pagoda roof.
No matter the Dense-eave Pagodas, Pavilion Style Pagodas, or the Fengshui Pagodas, the floors of the pagodas are in an odd number, like one layer, three layers, five layers, or more. It’s sporadic to have a pagoda that has an even number of layers in its roof. In contrast, the pagoda level can be in square, hexagon, octagon, or dodecagon. There is no pagoda level with odd-numbered sides. Besides the structural reasons, such design was meant to echo the traditional cosmology of Yin and Yang. Ancient Chinese people granted the numbers with philosophical significance, like the odd numbers represent heaven, and they are Yang, and the even numbers represent the ground, and they are Yin. Heaven is round and high; therefore, odd numbers must be used. While the ground is square and low, even numbers must be used.
From the perspective of Buddhism interpretation, the four sides of the pagoda symbolize the Four Noble Truths, the six sides represent the Cycle Through the Six Worlds, eight sides symbolize the Eight Phases of Enlightenment, and the twelve sides mean the Twelve-linked Causal Formula. While the odd numbers of layers represent the innocence and sublimity in Buddhism.
The Big Wild Goose Pagoda was first built in 652 AD to store the
scriptures brought back by monk Xuan Zang from India. With a height of 64 meters and seven stories, the pagoda is a wood-and-brick structure without cement. Inside the pagoda, there are stairs from which people can climb to the top of the pagoda and have a bird’s eye view of the surroundings. There are four stone doors on all sides at the bottom of the pagoda and exquisitely engraved Buddha statues on the door lintels. In contrast, the Dharma Preaching Paintings on the western lintel contain the temple buildings in the Tang Dynasty, which became an essential material for studying architecture at that time.
2.Yingxian Wooden Pagoda in Shanxi
The Wooden Pagoda in Yingxian, Shanxi, is the oldest and largest
wooden pagoda in the world. Built in 1056 (Liao Dynasty), the pagoda is 67.13m in height, 30m in diameter at the bottom, and has five layers and six eaves. The pagoda plane is octagonal. The whole pagoda was applied with 54 different kinds of brackets, which makes it the representative pavilion-style pagoda with the most brackets. These brackets are so firm that the pagoda has stood upright for 900 years and survived multiple times of earthquakes.
3.Six Harmonious Pagoda in Hangzhou, Zhejiang
Situated in Yuelun Mountain by the Qiantang River in Hangzhou,
the Six Harmonious Pagoda is a Song-era pagoda. It’s an octagonal pagoda with 59.89m in height. The exterior of the pagoda has 13 floors, while the interior has seven floors. There are stairs inside so people can walk to the pagoda top. The exquisite images of brick carvings on the Sumeru seat like the flying fairies, musicians, sea pomegranates, lotus, phoenixes, lions, unicorns, and cloud patterns are valuable materials in studying the decorations from the Southern Song Dynasty.
4.Three Pagodas of Chongsheng Temple in Dali, Yunnan
Located in front of the Chongsheng Temple in Dali, Yunnan,
the Three Pagodas are standing in a triangle shape. The big pagoda in the middle is named the Qianxun Pagoda; it’s a hollow brick pagoda in dense-eave style. The entire pagoda is 69.13m and has 16 floors. Each floor is carved with stone Buddha statues. The smaller pagodas on both sides of the big pagoda are 42.19m in height, and both of them are 10-layer octagonal solid brick pagodas with a layer of white mudskin on the pagoda body. Inside the pagodas, there are over 600 pieces of relics from Nanzhao (738 – 902) and Dali States (937-1094) Periods.
5.Iron Tower in Kaifeng, Henan
Formerly known as Kaibao Temple Tower, the Iron Tower is built in 1049 (northern Song Dynasty). It’s famous for its outstanding use of traditional wooden structures. The whole tower is 55.88 meters in height and covered with colorful glazed bricks, on which a dozen kinds of patterns and images are carved. Meanwhile, the exterior glazed bricks are all in brown color, and they are very solid. Therefore, people call the tower the Iron Tower.
6.Tiger Hill Pagoda in Suzhou, Zhejiang
Tiger Hill Pagoda is first built in 601 (Sui Dynasty) and restored in the early Song Dynasty. It’s 47.5 meters high, about 6000t in weight. There are seven floors, and the pagoda plane is octangular. Due to the foundation problems, the Tiger Hill Pagoda has been titled northwest for 2°40′ degrees since the Ming Dynasty (1368 – 1644). Therefore, the Tiger Hill Pagoda is regarded as the oriental Leaning Tower of Pisa.
7.Songyue Temple Pagoda
First built in 523 (Northern Wei Dynasty), Songyue Temple Pagoda is the earliest brick pagoda in existence and the only dodecagonal pagoda in China. The pagoda plane is almost circular, and the pagoda body is divided into upper and lower parts, which is very similar to the Indian stupa. Therefore, the Songyue Temple Pagoda is regarded as a representation of the early dense-eave pagoda. The whole pagoda is made from small thin bricks and mud. It’s quite a miracle that the pagoda can stand upright for 1400 years.
8.Zhenfeng Pagoda in Anqing, Anhui
Standing inside the Yingjiang Temple nearby the Yangtze River,
the Zhenfeng Pagoda is built in Ming Dynasty (1368 – 1644). It’s a pavilion-style octagonal pagoda in a masonry structure. The entire pagoda is 60.86m in height, and it has seven floors. It’s said that the pagoda was built to rejuvenate the literary culture in Anqing. Before the Ming Dynasty, there were no famous scholars from Anqing. After observing the geography in Anqing, some astrologists believed that the lack of scholars lies in the nearby Yangtze River. A pagoda must be built to control it and retain scholars. The story itself is absurd; what interesting was that after the building of Zhenfeng Pagoda, some famous ministers and scholars like Fang Yizhi, Zhang Ying, Zhang Tingyu, Zhao Wenkai, and others did emerge in Ming and Qing Dynasties.
9.Leifeng Pagoda in Hangzhou, Zhejiang
Located on the Xizhao Mountain on the south bank of the West Lake,
the Leifeng Pagoda was built by the King Zhongyi of Wuyue State (907-978); his concubine had a son. It’s an octagonal pagoda in pavilion style and has five floors. According to the folklore Tale of the White Snake, this pagoda used to contain the Madam White Snake after she was defeated by the monk Fahai until the pagoda fell. Therefore, some people believed that Leifeng Pagoda has the power to control supernatural things. The fact is that the old Leifeng Pagoda collapsed in 1924. The one people see today is a replica of the original pagoda.
10.Lingguang Pagoda in Changbai, Jilin
Lingguang Pagoda is located on the southwest side of Changbai County,
Jilin. Built in Bohai State (698 – 926) of the Tang Dynasty, the pagoda is the oldest brick pagoda in northeast China and a representative relic from Bohai State. The whole pagoda is in pavilion style, and it is 12.86m in height and has five layers. The decorative bricks, the characteristic windows, and the underground palaces are valuable materials for studying the relationship between Bohai State (698-926) and Tang Dynasty (618-907).
Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Round Heaven and Square Earth, Unity of Pagoda and Statuary— A Study on the Geometric Proportions of Space and Statues inside the Timber Pagoda in Ying County[J].
Nan Wang received his Bachelor of Architecture at the School of Architecture, Tsinghua University in 2001 and his Ph.D. in the School of Architecture, Tsinghua University in 2008, studying under Professor Wu Liangyong. Since 2009, he has been a lecturer at Tsinghua University, teaching architectural and urban design courses. He has been a Visiting Professor at the Institute of The Forbidden City in Beijing since 2019. His main research interests are the history and proportions of traditional Chinese architecture. His most important academic books are Rules of Square and Circle, Harmony of Heaven and Earth: A Research on the Proportions of Chinese Traditional Capital Cities and Architectures (2018), The Traditional Architecture of Beijing (2016), and Ancient Capital City Beijing (2012). Since 2013, Nan Wang has published nine volumes of the series of “Epic of Architecture” in Duku, a famous Chinese magazine on arts and humanities, including “The Pantheon,” “Tombs of Han Dynasty,” “Pagodas and Grottoes Coming to the East, “Stone Remains of the Six Dynasties, “Golden Heaven, “Dreams back to Tang Dynasty,” “Sacred Monasteries,” ”Mysterious Book of Ying Zao,” and “Structure of Wood and Spirit of Zen.”
Nan Wang 王南 received his Bachelor of Architecture at the School of Architecture, Tsinghua University in 2001 and his Ph.D. in the School of Architecture, Tsinghua University in 2008, studying under Professor Wu Liangyong. Since 2009, he has been a lecturer at Tsinghua University, teaching architectural and urban design courses. He has been a Visiting Professor at the Institute of The Forbidden City in Beijing since 2019. His main research interests are the history and proportions of traditional Chinese architecture. His most important academic books are 《規矩方圓天地之和 – 中國古代都城，建築群與單體建築之構圖比例研究》 (Rules of Square and Circle, Harmony of Heaven and Earth: A Research on the Proportions of Chinese Traditional Capital Cities and Architectures), 2018, 《北京古建築地圖》 (The Traditional Architecture of Beijing), 2016, and 《古都北京》 (Ancient Capital City Beijing), 2012. Since 2013, Nan Wang has published nine volumes of the series of 建築史詩 (Epic of Architecture) in Duku, a famous Chinese magazine on arts and humanities, including 《萬神殿堂》 (The Pantheon), 《漢家陵闕》(Tombs of Han Dynasty), 《塔窟東來》(Pagodas and Grottoes Coming to the East), 《六朝遺石》(Stone Remains of the Six Dynasties), 《金色天國》 (Golden Heaven), 《夢迴唐朝》 (Dreams back to Tang Dynasty), 《修道聖所》(Sacred Monasteries), 《營造天書》(Mysterious Book of Ying Zao), and 《木骨禪心》(Structure of Wood and Spirit of Zen).
An Infinity of Stupas: Types of Chinese Buddhist Pagodas
浮图万千：中国古代佛塔三讲
#1 Multi-storied 独上高楼 #2 Multi-eaved and Flower-shaped 密檐如华 #3 Bottle-shaped and Vajra-based 梵藏壇城
WANG Nan 王南 Ph.D., Lecturer School of Architecture, Tsinghua University, Beijing Visiting Professor Institute of The Forbidden City, Beijing Visiting Scholar Department of History of Art and Architecture, Harvard University
Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture
Key Terms
China
Korea
Japan
Architecture
Buddhism
Buddhist Architecture
Stupas
Pagodas
Palaces
Pavalion
Pillars
Ancient
Art
History
Religion
Zhoubi Suanshu (周髀算經) [The Arithmetical Classic of the Gnomon and the Circular Paths of Heaven]
Zhou bi suan jing (The Arithmetic Classic of the Gnomon and the Circular Paths of Heaven), which is sometimes written as Chou Pei Suan Ching
Jiuzhang Suanshu (九章算術) [The Nine Chapters on the Mathematical Art]
‘Jiuzhang Suanshu’ and ‘Zhoubi Suanjing’
Chiu chang suan shi (The Nine Chapters on the Mathematical Art), which is sometimes written as Jiu zhang suan shu
Tianyuan difang (Heaven is round and Earth is square)
Xiangtianfadi Guijufangyuan
Guijufangyuan Futuwanqian
Guijufangyuan Fuzhijusuo
Guijufangyuan Duxianggouwu
Jinchenggongque Taiziyuanfang
Guijufangyuan Tiandezhongzhou
Yingzao Fashi 營造法式 (Treatise on Architectural Methods, 1103 CE)
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Source: Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Source: Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Source: Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Source: Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Source: Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Source: Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Source: Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Source: Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Source: Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Source: Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Source: Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Source: Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Source: Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Source: Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
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Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture
“Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Ritual architecture, or lizhi jianzhu 禮制建築, is a unique category in traditional Chinese architecture. Compared to other traditional Chinese architectural types-for instance, Buddhist architecture 佛教建築, palace architecture 宮殿建築, or mausoleum architecture 陵墓建築-ritual architecture is not as clearly defined and contains a much broader range of buildings with a variety of functions.1 Ritual architecture originally refered to structures built to fulfill the Confucian ideals. However, since Confucianism as a religious practice is not as specifically defined as Buddhism or Daoism, structures for worship, ritual sacrifice, or memorial function that cannot be fitted into Buddhism or Daoism are all grouped under the category of ritual architecture, including such diverse building types as the memorial archways for chaste women, shrines dedicated to gods of the five sacred peaks, Confucian temples, and the Altars of Heaven. The complicated nature of ritual architecture originates from the diversity of local beliefs in traditional Chinese society, which cannot be simplified as merely “Confucian.” Tracy Miller’s book The Divine Nature of Power: Chinese Ritual Architecture at the Sacred Site of Jinci takes up the challenge and makes a fine contribution to our understanding of the complexity of both ritual practices in ancient China and the physical environment that was created by and for such diverse and often contradictory practices. The main argument of the book is that the original source of divinity at the site of modern day Jinci is neither the founder of the Jin state, Shu Yu of the Zhou Dynasty, nor his mother, Yi Jiang, as is widely assumed,2 but the life-giving water as represented by the local water goddess-the Spirit of the Jin Springs (pp. 10, 178). Such a conclusion is supported by recent archaeological discoveries (p. 177), a closer examination of historical documents (p. 178), and the extant buildings, sculptures, and paintings in and the general layout of the Jinci complex (pp. 12-13, 179-184). What led to the confusion and opposition about the identity of the main deity worshiped at Jinci are the competing local patronages, whose wills were materialized in various documents and folklores as well as art and architectural forms (pp. 13-14, 181-183). Such a thesis and reasoning procedure are clearly delineated in the introduction and conclusion of the book. Like other ritual architecture throughout China, Jinci is a collection of shrines and temples dedicated to a variety of deities. The most important ones and at the same time the most relevant to the thesis of the book are the Sage Mother Hall 聖母殿 and the Shu Yu of Tang Shrine Complex 唐叔虞祠, on which most of the chapters of this book focus. Chapter 2 discusses the ambiguous meaning of the name “Jinci 晉祠” and its potential for different interpretations on the identity of main deities. The author argues that the term “Jinci” allows the site to be interpreted as either dedicated to the rulers of Jin State or the Spirit of the Jin Springs. It also provides a general introduction of the present physical layout of the complex in the beginning section. Chapters 3 and 4 focus on the changing significance of Shu Yu across time and the impact that had on the shrine complex built for him. Chapter 3 also discusses the significance of the Taiyuan city, where Jinci is located, as a seat of local power, and suggests that this might be the reason why it was misunderstood as the place where the Jin State was originally founded. In chapter 4, based on historical documents from official dynastic histories to stele inscriptions, the author tries to delineate a picture of both an idealized Shu Yu shrine and the evolvement of the cult of Shu Yu as a state founder. Chapters 5 and 6 turn to the worship of the Spirit of the Jin Springs. Chapter 5 focuses on the textual study of the importance of the spring water to the local agrarian community and the purpose for building a temple at the site of the Jin Springs-to provide shelter for human encounters with the nature spirits that reside there. Chapter 6 offers the most in-depth stylistic analysis of the art and architecture of the Sage Mother Hall in this book, including a…
佛寺設計：空間•結構•場所 The Design of Chinese Monasteries: Space, Structure, and Place Online Symposium on Buddhist Architecture
Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Ten-story Stone Pagoda from Gyeongcheonsa Temple Site
Exhibition Name Ten-story Stone Pagoda of Gyeongcheonsa Temple Nationality/Period Goryeo Dynasty Provenance Gyeonggi-do Materials Stone Category religion – Buddhism – adoration – pagoda Dimensions H. 1,350.0cm Designation National Treasure 86 Accession Number Bongwan 6753 Location Path to History
Pagodas were first erected in East Asia after the arrival of Buddhism. Chinese Buddhists usually built brick pagodas, while those in Japan and Korea erected wooden and stone pagodas, respectively. Most Korean stone pagodas were made from granite, but this massive ten-story pagoda is the first one known to be made from marble. It once stood on the grounds of Gyeongcheonsa Temple, located at the foot of Mt. Buso in Gwangdeok-myeon, Gaepung-gun, Gyeonggi-do Province. This pagoda is also extraordinary in terms of its form, which is much more complex than most other pagodas. Its shape is very unusual, with a three-tier base, a complex polygonal shape for the lower part (from the first to the third tier), and a square upper part. The base and the main body are elaborately decorated with carvings of Buddhas, bodhisattvas, and floral designs, and there is an inscription engraved on the body of the first story, stating that the pagoda was built in 1348 (4th year of Goryeo King Chungmok). The eaves of the roof stones reflect the influence of Goryeo wooden architecture, which would later also influence the Ten-story Stone Pagoda at the Wongaksa Temple Site (National Treasure No.2), built during the Joseon Dynasty. This pagoda was taken from its original site and smuggled to Japan in 1907 by Tanaka Mitsuaki, the Japanese Minister of Imperial Household Affairs. It was eventually recovered with the help of two Western journalists, Ernest T. Bethell from England and Homer Hulbert from America, who launched an international press campaign denouncing the theft. The pagoda was reconstructed at Gyeongbokgung Palace in 1960, where it remained until 1995, when it was dismantled to repair serious damage from weathering and acid rain. The exhaustive conservation treatment project took ten years, and in 2005 the restored pagoda was reconstructed at its current location, prominently displayed on the “Path to History” inside the National Museum of Korea.
Pagodas of Bulguksa Temple
Feb 17, 2014
Bulguksa Temple’s two most famous features are the Dabotap Pagoda, the Pagoda of Many Treasures or of Multiple Jewels, and the Seokgatap Pagoda, the Sakyamuni Buddha Pagoda. They stand within the central courtyard in front of the historic main hall, dedicated to the Sakyamuni, one of the Buddha’s titles. When the Royal Asiatic Society brings visitors on its annual Gyeongju Tour, these are the most impressive monuments that we see.
Pagodas evolved from the ancient Hindu and Buddhist stupa funerary-monuments of northern India as the new faith spread along the Silk Road into China almost two millennia ago, becoming wooden and brick towers. In Korea, this architectural tradition evolved into solid granite pagodas, usually about three to seven meters tall, with hollow spaces in one of their lower stories to contain holy relics such as sarira crystals or sutra scriptures.
More than 1,000 of these remain extant today, especially common in the southern regions of Korea. However, the Dabotap Pagoda and the SeokgatapPagoda tower over all the others as being the most excellent specimens for their complex ingenious architecture, profound philosophical depth and aesthetic charm. They are considered to be an inseparable and opposite-but-complimentary eum-yang pair, a yin-yang pair, standing together in view of the Buddha, offering all those who look upon them a lesson in monumental stone.
According to this view, the Dabotap Pagoda represents the eum characteristics of being female, dark, cold, of energy moving downward and inward, and of the transformation of heavenly principles into the myriad physical forms we enjoy on this earth. In contrast, the Seokgatap Pagoda represents the yang characteristics of being male, bright, hot, of energy moving upward and outward and of the spiritual aspirations of humankind.
Another classical way of looking at their polarities is to interpret the SeokgatapPagoda as the historical Buddha himself when he was teaching the Lotus Sutra, and the Dabotap Pagoda as his disciples listening to him. This is symbolized by the Dabo, or the Prabhutaratna Buddha-icon, which is said to manifest itself whenever and wherever the sutra is taught. The disciples are enlightened by the Buddha’s teachings and become beings who shine like precious jewels.
The Dabotap Pagoda or Many Treasures Pagoda is considered one of the most remarkable traditional structures in East Asia. Koreans are very proud of it and they depict it on their 10-won coin. Some 10.4 meters tall, this highly decorative pagoda’s fame comes from its extremely complex and delicate philosophically-based design. At the base are four sets of steps, which lead to four lion guards, symbolizing wisdom in Buddhism. Above the lions are a number of well-fitted granite blocks. The pillars stand on an elevated platform approached by four staircases, each with ten steps signifying the Ten Perfections or Virtues, the paramitas, of Buddhist thought.
This pagoda has had an unfortunate modern history. It was disassembled by the Japanese for repair in 1924 when Korea was under colonial rule. As this grand-scale project was underway, the lack of thorough protection resulted in its inner sarira caskets and three of the original stone lions being stolen, and they have never been recovered.
The Seokgatap Pagoda, or Sakyamuni Buddha Pagoda, stands 8.2 meters tall and is the finest example of a typical Korean Buddhist pagoda, being the cumulative apogee of all the earlier tradition and the prototype for many subsequent constructions. It is also called the Muyeongtap Pagoda, or Pagoda Without a Reflection, denoting the sad legend of the Baekje stonemason, Asadal, who built these pagodas. An old myth says that his wife, Asanyeo, traveled from afar to be with him because she missed him so much, but he was not allowed to see her until the work was finished due to ritual-taboo restrictions. She waited by a pond across the valley, waiting for the top of this pagoda to appear above the temple walls in the reflection on the water, but when no such reflection came after many months, she threw herself into the pond in despair. Unfortunately, the Seokgatap Pagoda has been under repair since early 2013, so you cannot see it these days, just as poor Asanyeo was not able to witness its beauty.
It is universally admired for its perfect proportions and its simple, graceful style. It has three main stories, like many of the pagodas from the Silla era, “three” being a sacred number in Buddhism and in many other spiritual traditions. In Buddhism, “three” symbolizes various triads, such as the Three Jewels of the Buddha himself, his Dharma teachings and the Sangha community of monks, or the corresponding division of Buddhist scriptures into sutras, sastras and vinaya, or the Cheon-Ji-In Trinity, the Heaven, Earth and Humanity Trinity, at the foundation of all Northeast Asian religious culture.
The Seokgatap Pagoda was first dismantled for repair in 1977. At that time, a collection of precious treasures was found inside, including a set of reliquary for sarira crystals and a paper scroll of the “True Words of Pure and Clean Light Scripture.” Scholars determined that this sutra was printed between 706 and 751, thus being the world’s oldest extant xylographic publication.
These Buddhist pagodas are a symbolic expression of doctrine. The ideological underpinnings of the Dabotap Pagoda and the Seokgatap Pagoda are said to be based on the centrally-important Lotus and Flower-Garland Sutras, scriptures emphasizing that sentient beings undergoing suffering in their lives on earth need to cultivate themselves both spiritually and physically to attain enlightened liberation. Their prominent location in the very center of Bulguksa Temple shows that 8th-century Koreans valued these Buddhist teachings very highly.
By David A. Mason A Professor of Korean Cultural Tourism at Nam-Seoul University
Discover Korea with the RAS [The Royal Asiatic Society Korea Branch, founded in 1900, is an association of people, Koreans and non-Koreans alike, who wish to deepen their knowledge of Korean life, culture and history, and share that knowledge with others in English. http://www.raskb.com/ ]
The cultural heritage authorities of South Korea today officially unveiled the country’s oldest stone Buddhist pagoda following a record restoration effort that stretched over almost two decades—the longest is the country’s history. The Iksan Mireuksaji Stone Pagoda (익산 미륵사지 석탑) at the ancient Mireuksa temple complex in southern North Jeolla Province is the oldest extant stone pagoda in South Korea, constructed during the influential Baekje kingdom (18 BCE–660 CE).
Standing 14.5 meters high, 12.5 meters wide, and weighing some 1,830 tons, the restored pagoda, designated as National Treasure No.11 and standing in the west of the Mireuksa temple complex, now has only six tiers, but historians believe it originally had nine, matching Mireuksa’s 27.67-meter, nine-level eastern pagoda, which was completely reconstructed in 1993 in accordance with historical records. The pagoda is believed to have lost its upper levels sometime in the 16th century during the Kingdom of Great Joseon (1392–1897), which favored Confucianism over Buddhism.
The National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage, which has led the lengthy project, noted that a full report would soon be published detailing the restoration process, which cost an estimated US$20.3 million, including the dismantling and reconstruction of the Buddhist monument.
“We made special efforts to secure the ingenuity and the structural stability of the stone tower of Mireuk Temple,” an institute official was quoted as saying. “We plan to publish a report outlining the result and the process of the restoration work by the end of this year.” (Yonhap News Agency)
Established during the Baekje kingdom and located in the modern city of Iksan, Mireuksa temple was founded late in the reign of King Mu (r. 600–641). The restored pagoda is one of only two Baekje pagodas that have survived to the present day. It was designated a national treasure in 1962 and was added to UNESCO’s World Heritage list in July 2015 as part of the Baekje Historic Areas World Heritage Site.
Mireuksa was the largest temple in the ancient kingdom of Baekje, which is notable for being instrumental in introducing and propagating Buddhism on the Korean Peninsula, and is now considered an example of the most advanced architectural skills of the Baekje, Goguryeo, and Silla kingdoms, which co-existed on the peninsula. The temple is also renowned for its ancient four-meter stone flagpole supports, which date to the Later Silla (660–935).
An initial makeshift attempt to restore the stone pagoda was undertaken with concrete in 1915, during the Japanese occupation of Korea, after which the monument stood untouched until the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage initiated the current restoration effort.
An inscribed gold plate was discovered during the restoration process, detailing the pagoda’s origin. From wikipedia.org
In 1999, the institute concluded that the pagoda was in serious need of repair, and the restoration project began in earnest in 2001, becoming Korea’s longest restoration initiative for a single cultural heritage item—the restoration team spent 10 of those years carefully dismantling the pagoda. According to reports, about 185 tons of concrete was removed and new locally sourced granite blocks were commissioned and added to the tower, making up about 35 per cent of the restored structure, which is now composed of 1,627 stone blocks.
In 2009, during the painstaking process to dismantle the pagoda, an engraved gold sheet was discovered shedding new light on the history of the pagoda. The inscription indicates that the monument was commissioned in 639 CE by the second wife of King Mu of Baekje (r. 600–641).
As of 2018, South Korea has 13 listed World Heritage sites,** many of which stand in testament to the country’s long and influential Buddhist heritage, including Seokguram Grotto and Bulguksa Temple in North Gyeongsang Province, the Baekje Historic Areas in South Chungcheong and North Jeolla, the Gyeongju Historic Areas in North Gyeongsang, and the mountain fortress city of Namhansanseong in Gyeonggi.
The tower before restoration. From wikipedia.org
According to data from the 2015 national census, the majority of South Korea’s population—56.1 per cent—holds no religious affiliation. Christians make up the largest religious segment of the population at 27.6 per cent, while Buddhists account for 15.5 per cent.
Kim Bongryol PhD, Professor of Architecture, Korea National University of Arts
A Buddhist Temple Is a Complex of Buildings
Buddhism was introduced to China from India and Central Asia, and it was already prevalent in China by the fourth century when the religion was first introduced to the Korean peninsula. At that time, the peninsula was divided into three separate kingdoms: Goguryeo 高句麗 (37 BCE–668 CE), Baekje 百濟 (18 BCE–660 CE), and Silla 新羅 (57 BCE–935 CE). Buddhism was welcomed by the royal houses of the Three Kingdoms, which pursued Buddhism competitively. The royal houses took the principal initiative for its spread, and Buddhism flourished in uniquely Korean forms, which came to characterize the architecture of Buddhist temples.
Following the introduction of Buddhism, the royal houses of the Three Kingdoms constructed huge temples in the heart of their capital cities. Goguryeo built Jeongneungsa 定陵寺 in Pyeongyang 平壤 to manage the royal tombs. Baekje constructed Mireuksa 彌勒寺 in Iksan 益山, a new city to which the capital of Baekje later moved. Silla constructed Hwangnyongsa 皇龍寺 in the heart of Gyeongju 慶州. The early seventh-century Mireuksa was built on a huge site on which three temples were placed in juxtaposition according to the Buddhist doctrine stating that Maitreya (Mireuk in Korean), the Future Buddha, would come to the world to save all living beings through three sermons. It is said that Mireuksa covered a land area of 165,000 square meters and was home to as many as three thousand monks. Hwangnyongsa was founded in 570 CE and covered an area of 80,000 square meters. A nine-story wooden pagoda was built at its center. This wooden pagoda rose 80 meters and had stairs inside that led to the top floor. It served as an observatory to view the city. Construction of temples by the royal houses drove the development of technology and improved the quality of Korean architecture overall, not to mention advancing Buddhist architecture.
According to Mahayana Buddhism, which is the mainstream of Korean Buddhism, the whole universe consists of three thousand worlds, which means near infinity, and one Buddha presides over each of these three thousand worlds. Buddhism has expanded from the belief in the one and only Buddha Shakyamuni to the belief in three thousand Buddhas. In particular, Mahayana doctrine emphasizes the “Path of the bodhisattva,” a key teaching of Mahayana ethics, which says “Seek enlightenment above, transform sentient beings below.” Countless bodhisattvas such as Avalokiteshvara, Manjushri, and Samantabhadra became popular and were venerated as second only to Buddha Shakyamuni. Also, in Central Asia and China, indigenous deities were added to the Buddhist pantheon, and these native gods became objects of worship in Korea as well. As a result, Central Asian Luminous Kings, the Daoist gods of the Big Dipper’s seven stars, and the Korean Mountain Spirit, not to mention many other Buddhist deities, all became objects of worship in Korea.
Buddhist temples in Korea necessarily included image halls for multiple Buddhas, bodhisattvas, and other deities. According to the principle of “One World, One Buddha,” or the existence of one Buddha at a time, a single building should enshrine only one object of worship, requiring that a temple have various buildings for worship. During the Joseon 朝鮮 period (1392–1910), when Confucianism was espoused by the ruling class and the elite literati-bureaucrats severely suppressed Buddhism, the Buddhist community in an effort to ensure its own survival unified all beliefs in different Buddhas and bodhisattvas. The distinctions between Buddhist sects were removed, and buildings for a number of Buddhas, bodhisattvas, and other deities were built on the premises of one single temple.
Located in the southern part of the Korean peninsula, Tongdosa 通度寺 has sixteen buildings in total for worship: five separate buildings for five Buddhas including Shakyamuni, Amitabha, Bhaishajyaguru, Vairochana, and Maitreya; four buildings for bodhisattvas and arhats including Avalokiteshvara, Kshitigarbha, and the Arhats; and six building for other deities including Chilseong 七星 (the Daoist Gods of the Seven Stars of the Big Dipper), Dokseong 獨聖 (Hermit Sage), Sansin 山神 (Mountain Spirit), the Four Heavenly Kings, and more.
Korean Buddhism prohibited the marriage of monks and established an obligation to live an austere, celibate life. Although a Buddhist sect that permits the marriage of monks came into being in the twentieth century, celibate monks still dominate the Buddhist community in Korea and are considered morally superior among laypeople. Temples, therefore, are monasteries where monks who renounced the world reside, study, and meditate.
The basic rule at a temple is “one room, one monk.” For this reason, a temple needs as many rooms as the number of monks residing there in addition to facilities like a kitchen, dining hall, bathing area, and toilets. A number of buildings for common use are also required, including a lecture hall to study and discuss sutras, a prayer hall for all monks to chant together, and a hall to practice Seon 禪 (Ch. Chan, Jp. Zen) or meditation. It has been general practice in traditional Korean architecture to assign one function to each building. As the residences for monks, dining hall, lecture hall, prayer hall, and meditation hall were each separately constructed as independent buildings, the area for monks alone could include some ten buildings. Korean Buddhist architecture was bigger and more dignified than secular architecture. In fact, monasteries were in no way inferior to royal palaces in leading contemporaneous architecture. Numerous Buddhist temples were built during the Joseon period even in the face of the heavy political and economic suppression of Buddhism. The tradition of large scale, ornamented buildings, which was established in the early stage when Buddhism was first introduced to Korea, still continues today.
A temple is a unified premises consisting of a prayer section for laypeople and a monastic section for resident monks. According to Mahayana tradition, the prayer section requires a number of buildings for various objects of worship (Buddhas, bodhisattvas, and other deities), and under the tradition of ascetic living, the monastic quarters need multiple buildings, some for eating and sleeping and others for practicing the faith. This is the reason Korean Buddhist temples consist of so many independent buildings. Accordingly, although it is important to make each building impressive, the relationship between buildings within a temple complex has even great significance. Architectural concerns such as the integration and separation of the prayer and monastic sections, the hierarchical distinctions between buildings dedicated to Buddhas and those for subordinate deities, and the association between the interior spaces within buildings and outside spaces between buildings are truly complex issues that are governed by the religious and sectarian tradition of each temple.
Buildings and Structural Elements
Contrary to the European tradition in which materials and building techniques clearly differed between religious and secular structures, Korean Buddhist architecture is not significantly different from that of administrative buildings or common residences. Ancient temples in Egypt and medieval churches in Europe are exquisite, imposing stone edifices, which contrast with ordinary residences made of wood. Korean Buddhist structures, on the other hand, were wooden buildings just like ordinary houses. Construction techniques that were developed for Buddhist architecture were also applied to secular buildings and the technological gap between the two remained narrow. Accordingly, in the Korean architectural tradition, the plan and construction of Buddhist architecture represent characteristics of Korean architecture in general.
The main parts of a building are the stone base, the timber column-and-beam skeleton, and the heavy pitched roof with overhanging eaves. Once a site is selected, the ground is rammed hard and the stone foundation is laid. This platform functions as the support for a row of columns and keeps the wooden structure from rotting due to infiltration of ground moisture into the wooden structure. The corners of the foundation are reinforced with stones, bricks, or tiles. Such stone bases with elaborate facings were generally used for Buddhist structures.
The wooden structure of Korean buildings is composed of framing with vertical columns and horizontal beams. The heavy weight of the roof is transmitted to the beams which in turn distribute the load to the columns and the ground. The columns are connected by lintels which together frame the walls. Spaces within the framework are filled with clay or wood to form a wall or are fitted with windows or doors to provide light and access. For windows and doors of Buddhist structures, a wooden frame decorated with carved floral patterns is covered with translucent Korean paper. Such windows and doors function as barriers that allows air to pass while reducing the effects of cold and heat from outside.
Brackets—supporting elements that are both functional and decorative—are placed on top of the column heads below the eaves. On the brackets are small columns that form a frame for the roof. Rafters of about ten centimeters in diameter are densely laid on the roof-frame to make a sloping roof. The roof is finished by laying tiles on its inclined surfaces. The roof tiles are a type of fired earthenware that make the entire building structurally stable by compressing the frame with their heavy weight while also protecting the building from rain and snow. Korean roof tiles come in convex and concave pairs. Concave tiles are shaped like a quarter cylinder and convex tiles are semicircular in profile. Concave tiles are laid first while convex tiles are placed across the joints between the concave tiles, affording perfect waterproofing for the roof. Specially manufactured roof tile ends are used along the edge of the eaves. Concave and convex roof tile ends are all attached with angled sides so that rainwater can be channeled away from the building. The angled sides of the roof tile ends are decorated. On Buddhist structures, decorative designs that symbolize Buddhism, such as the lotus and phoenix, were stamped on the angled sides. On the peak of the roof, large ornamental tiles called chimi 鴟尾 in Korean crowned the ends of the main roof ridge. This special type of roof tile resembles the tail of an imaginary fish or wings of a bird.
Korean wooden structures were extremely vulnerable to fire. Most were destroyed during war or by accidental fires. Although some buildings have been rebuilt, it is difficult to restore them to their original state. Once they catch fire, major structural components such as columns and beams burn quickly and the whole building collapses. Only the foundation and its stone or clay facing remain along with the roof tiles. Much of the original structure of many European buildings ruined in wars or by fire remain standing for extraordinarily long periods of time because they were made of stone, but the remains of ruined Korean structures are flattened, as can be witnessed at many historic sites. Most artifacts excavated from such ruins are roof tiles, which are fire-resistant. Roof tile ends decorated with exquisitely impressed designs have been discovered in large numbers and displayed in museums.
Unlike wooden buildings in Europe, Korean wooden buildings have long extended eaves in delicately curved lines, which are very impressive. These cantilevered eaves project out from the beams that support the rafters. A special system called gongpo 栱包 (wooden bracket system used to support the heavy tiled roofs at the ends of the eaves) was devised to make the eaves extend in a beautifully curved line. Placed between the heads of the columns and the roof frame, the gongpo disperses the weight to the beams and columns by transmitting the vertical load from the rafters. Elaborate multi-cluster wooden brackets on the heads of the columns create a single structure themselves, which is the most characteristic of all exterior components of Korean structures. Gongpo are also important ornamental components often bearing carved lotus and cloud designs.
At the center of the interior space, Buddhist images are enshrined on top of a wooden altar. This altar is also called the sumidan 須彌壇 as it symbolizes Mount Sumeru, which is regarded as the center of the Buddhist universe. On the ceiling directly above the sumidan hangs a separate house-shaped canopy called a datjip 닫집 in Korean, which serves as a roof for the Buddhist statues enshrined on the altar. The interior of the datjip is filled with sculptures in the shape of a dragon, phoenix, and clouds to represent Buddhist heaven. Buddhist architecture does not divide the interior of a building into compartments but treats it as a single space.
The walls and ceiling are adorned with painted images of Buddha, heavenly beings, and various symbolic motifs such as lotuses. This was meant by the Koreans to create a splendid and magnificent Buddhist paradise. The five basic colors used in Korean architecture are red, yellow, blue, black, and white. The coloring technique is systematic and follows a specific set of rules. In addition to serving as interior and exterior decoration, applied paint protects the wooden building against rotting.
Relationship between Image Halls and Pagodas
Cave temples and stupas are archetypes of early Buddhist architecture. Caves were natural places for monks who had entered the Buddhist priesthood to practice austerity, and stupas were places for lay devotees to pray. Originally, the stupa, which means “burial mound for enlightened beings” in Sanskrit, was a mound that enshrined relics of the Buddha Shakyamuni and was worshiped as the symbol of the Buddha. China received the tradition of the stupa in the form of the high-storied building from India through Central Asia. Chinese pagodas were mainly built with bricks, but in Korea stone was the preferred material for constructing pagodas. Although both wooden and brick pagodas were also constructed in Korea, most Korean pagodas were built from stone and represent an architectural type distinguishable from the Chinese brick pagodas and Japanese counterparts made of wood.
Cave temples were developed on the Deccan Plateau in India. The earliest examples were created by cutting into sandstone rock to create spaces for Buddhist monks to stay. As visits to monks by lay devotees increased over time, caves for worship were also created, promoting the development of cave temple complexes. In regions where Buddhism spread, constructing a cave temple was regarded as the greatest way of accumulating merit. It soon created an international boom for hollowing out cave temples. This architectural form developed in Ajanta and Nashik in India, spread through Bamiyan and Kizil in Central Asia, and traveled to China, where the cave temples of Dunhuang 敦煌 and Yungang 雲崗 were built. Korea, too, aspired to construct cave temples after Buddhism was first introduced to the peninsula. However, the major rock type which covers the land surface of Korea is granite, which is too hard to cut into. In India and China, cave temples were comparatively easy to construct because the bedrock was much softer limestone, sandstone, and mudstone. Seokguram Grotto 石窟庵, the representative example of Korean cave temples, constructed in the eighth century, is in fact a stone chamber artificially built with stone and covered with a dome.
Although many cave temples were built, most temples were free-standing complexes with proper monks’ quarters. Also, at the initial stage, worship of Buddhist images was not yet introduced, and the stupa was the sole object of devotion. Around the second century BCE, Buddhist statues in the form of human figures appeared in the Gandhara and Mathura regions of India, and such statues became established as objects of worship. It was only natural that Buddhist statues in realistic human form eventually replaced the abstract symbol of the stupa as the central object of worship. This led to the need for the construction of a new building to enshrine Buddhist statues. Because Buddhist sculptures are covered in very expensive gilding, the image hall came to be called the “golden hall.”
The image hall itself became an object of worship because of the Buddhist statues enshrined within. The pagoda standing outside the image hall continued to be an object for a different, more abstract worship. Accordingly, ancient temples comprised an image hall and pagoda together, and the architectural form of the Buddhist temple complex was determined entirely by the relationship between the image hall and the pagoda.
Each of the ancient kingdoms of Korea had its own architectural layout for temples. For example, the architectural type of Goguryeo was “one pagoda, three image halls,” with one pagoda surrounded by image halls on three sides. Baekje adopted the “one pagoda and one image hall” model in which a pagoda, image hall, and lecture hall were placed along a shared axis. In Silla, the “twin pagodas” type, in which two pagodas were located in front of the image hall, was preferred.
Around the tenth century, the Seon School (Kr. Seonjong 禪宗), or Meditation School, was introduced to the Korean peninsula. It was received with enthusiasm by the Korean Buddhist community and was established as the major sect of Korean Buddhism going forward. The Seon School rejected existing icons and freed itself from the existing architectural patterns. Stupa worship, or the “cult of relics,” began to weaken, and this naturally made the pagoda lose importance. Buddhist pagodas became smaller in size and were pushed to the periphery of temple compounds away from the center. Temples without pagodas that have only an image hall quickly became the mainstream model.
Diversity in Architectural Forms
Religious architecture in Europe focuses upon the building itself. That is, architecture is a shrine or a church. Buddhist architecture in Korea, on the other hand, is a set of buildings, where a building functions like a single room. For example, the Pantheon in Rome is a religious building and also a piece of religious architecture that enshrines gods. A Buddhist temple in Korea has as few as five and as many as sixty buildings and all these together are considered one architectural whole. The relationship between the buildings and their orientation to the natural topography are essential architectural characteristics. In other words, Korean architecture can be defined as a relationship between buildings and topography rather than as a building itself. This relationship can be considered as an architectural layout or plan. It has taken on diverse forms for a number of reasons, such as when the temple was founded, where the temple is situated, and the sect and religious lineage to which the temple belongs.
Temples founded in ancient times followed strict standards because they were built mostly in capital cities with state support. The “one pagoda, three image halls,” “one pagoda and one image hall,” and “twin pagodas” layouts mentioned earlier are representative architectural plans of ancient temples. These three types all share a common feature in that the perimeter was surrounded by long cloisters forming a border with neighboring sites, which was entirely appropriate for an urban setting. Cloisters composed of a line of buildings make sense due to the flat topographical conditions of a city, enabling temples to be built in standard form.
After the medieval period—particularly during the Joseon period when Buddhism was suppressed—Buddhist temples in the cities were demolished by force and disappeared. Only those deep in the mountains survived. Generous contributions from powerful elites were no longer provided and temples faced financial hardship. Accordingly, inefficient structures like long cloisters disappeared and instead freer architectural arrangements better suited to the irregular, mountainous topography developed. Although the buildings of new temples were generally smaller than those of the past, their number increased to accommodate the beliefs of various schools of Buddhism. The architecture of syncretic Buddhism was more suitable for sloping terrain. Breaking away from geometric layouts, a more organic plan came into being and became the established tradition of Buddhist architecture of Korea.
By the early ninth century, five important sects of Buddhism had been established in Korea. Afterward, Seon Buddhism was introduced in the late ninth and tenth centuries and nine core schools of Seon Buddhism emerged. During the Goryeo 高麗 period (918–1392), when Buddhism was the state religion, the religion reached its apex and some twenty sects flourished. In the thirteenth century, Lamaism, a form of Esoteric Buddhism, was introduced to Korea from Yuan 元 (1279–1368) China. Each of these sects had its own scriptures and teachings, its own main Buddha, and its own view of the universe. It was only natural that the architectural models, which symbolize spiritual principles, should differ among the various types of Buddhism.
For example, temples associated with the Pure Land School, which emphasized a belief in a Buddhist paradise (or Buddha land 佛國土), created an architectural form centered on the external space surrounded by buildings. The inner courtyard of the temple itself was regarded as a representation of the Western Paradise. Temples associated with the Dharma-Character School (Kr. Beopsang jong, Ch. Faxiang zong 法相宗), which promoted Buddhist precepts in religious practice, adopted a strict arrangement of gate-pagoda-stone lantern-image hall-Buddhist statues on a shared axis. Seon temples, on the other hand, were free from such specific constraints. Some were of unprecedented architectural layout with two pagodas placed both in front and behind the image hall. Some followed no architectural pattern at all.
Temples of the Doctrinal School (Kr. Gyojong 敎宗) took a different stance. While temples associated with the Doctrinal School regarded image and lecture halls as important locations for worship and for studying sutras, respectively, Seon emphasized mediation rooms and monks’ living quarters as spaces for religious practice and therefore constructed monastery buildings with spaces for such activities. As advocates for the Doctrinal School and Esoteric Buddhism tend to decorate temples magnificently, they emphasized color and decorative designs. Seon Buddhism, in contrast, regarded all decoration as nothing but emptiness, and emphasized extremely minimal ornament.
The Korean peninsula is small in size with a land area of only 220,000 square kilometers. Its topography is folded into many mountains and valleys, both large and small, making communications between regions difficult and thereby allowing folk cultures peculiar to each region to develop. In particular, the traditions of the Three Kingdoms that coexisted in the early centuries of the development of Buddhism persisted as cultural differences in later history. For example, many buildings in the region of the former Baekje kingdom, which has vast plains, sprawl horizontally, while many of those in the mountainous region of the former Silla kingdom are very vertical.
This discussion has shown that the diversity found in Korean Buddhist architecture developed through the ages, influenced by topography, religious schools, and regional traditions. Although relatively few Buddhist temples remain today, each extant example has unique architectural characteristics resulting from this complex matrix of factors.
* This essay is adapted from a text first published in English by Kim Bongryol in the exhibition catalogue The Smile of Buddha: 1600 Years of Buddhist Art in Korea (Brussels: Bozarbooks and Bai, 2008), 89–99. The publication of the current version has been coordinated by Lee Jae-jeong and Yang Sumi at the National Museum of Korea. It was edited by Keith Wilson and Sunwoo Hwang at the Smithsonian’s National Museum of Asian Art. The copyright belongs to Bozarbooks and Bai, Brussels.
Astronomy and mathematics in ancient China: The Zhou bi suan jing
by
Christopher Cullen, Cambridge University Press 1996.
Traditional Chinese Architecture: Twelve Essays
Fu Xinian Edited by Nancy S. Steinhardt Translated by Alexandra Harrer Series: Princeton-China Series Copyright Date: 2017 Published by: Princeton University Press https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt21668kt Pages: 448
Octagonal buildings in ancient Korea were mostly constructed in the likeness of Buddhist pagodas that emerged during the Goguryeo era. The ancient Chinese books of Jiuzhang Suanshu and Yingzao Fashi confirm that, in constructing Fogongsi’s Yingxian Wooden Pagoda, the ancients could not design a full-form regular octagonal plan in the pre-seventeenth century before the introduction of Western mathematics. Eight-cornered monuments in Japan and Korea faced the same challenge. Thus, this study examines the acceptance and limitations of adapting octagonal drawing methods in Korean architecture from Chinese and Western mathematics. It conducts comparative studies of architectural and mathematical history in pre-modern and modern times. It reveals that field carpenters applied Yingzao Fashi’s formula in constructing an octagon via a square’s diagonal ratio. Further, the Western method of constructing regular octagons was introduced to the Korean Peninsula in the eighteenth century but was not utilized at work sites. Ultimately, the concepts in mathematics texts had a certain influence on the formative beauty of wooden constructions.
Notes
1 In East Asia, there is a belief that the Sinhalese “dagoba” gradually became “pagoda,” though this derivation is subject to debate. Liang Sicheng contends that the term originates from the “ba jiao ta” 八角塔 (eight-cornered tower) because “ba jiao ta” might have been read as “pa go da” during the Tang Dynasty. The term “pagoda” became the accepted name for such monuments in European languages. In the southern region of China, in particular, the pronunciation of “ba jiao ta” was “pa-chiao-t’a” or “pa-go-ta” (Liang Citation1984). However, Liang was unaware that many eight-cornered towers or pagodas already existed in ritual shrines and have since been excavated in the Jilin Hwando 丸都 (Wandu, ch.) Mountain Fortresses, Gyeongju Najeong Well 蘿井, and Mingtang 明堂 (luminous hall) of Empress Wu from the Goguryeo and Silla period. Alternatively, the Dravidian term pagoda/pagavadi was derived from the Sanskrit bhagavadi (goddess, especially in reference to Kali) or the Persian butkada (temple) (Kim Citation2011, 116).
2 Under Japanese rule, Yoneda Miyoji analyzed the octagonal schematics of the Seokguram Grotto constructed in the eighth century and the ground plans of Goguryeo octagonal wooden pagodas from the fifth century. He also began examining Goguryeo’s octagonal building sites and noticed eight additional octagonal buildings for other purposes.
3 The mathematical books include Jiuzhang Suanshu Lizhu, annotated by Guo Shuchun, and Zhoubi Suanjing Lizhu, annotated by Chen Zhenyi and Wen Renjun.
4 The mathematical treatise comprises 13 books attributed to the ancient Greek mathematician Euclid.
5 Given Euclidean principles, it is impossible to draw a regular full-formed octagon with a non-scaled ruler and a compass.
6 In addition to the wooden construction, China also has a budo (small stone grave for housing the sarira or relics of a senior monk), a pagoda, and a building made of painted stone, judged to be of an early period. For example, regarding eight-sided votive pagodas in the northern Liang period (397–439) or the Dunhuang Grotto, there are eight-angled buildings with a polygonal plan within the Amitabha’s Paradise tableau (Amituo) in the north wall in Mogao Cave 107 and above a preaching scene of the Utmost-Superior-Dharani-of-the Buddha-Topknot’s tableau (Fuding Zunsheng Tuoluoni) centered on the south wall in Mogao Cave 217.
7 It is known that Matteo Ricci (1552–1610), along with Xu Guangqi (1562 ~ 1633) published the Jihe yuanben幾何原本 (Elements of Geometry 1607) by translating Euclid’s Elements, a mathematical treatise consisting of thirteenth books attributed to the ancient Greek mathematician Euclid.
8 The construction of the Foxiangge Pavilion, inspired by the Huanghelou 黃鶴樓 (Yellow Crane Tower) under Qianlong (r.1735–1796), is located at the center of the front hill of Wanshoushan 萬壽山 (Longevity Mountain). It was rebuilt by Cixi 慈禧太后 (1835–1908) in 1891 after it was destroyed by Anglo–French allied forces during the Second Opium War in 1860. It was reconstructed again by Cixi in 1903 after it was devastated a second time by European forces during the Boxer Rebellion in 1900 (Steinhardt Citation2019, 305–306). In 1987, a building survey of the Foxiangge Pavilion found that most of the wooden structures were seriously damaged, including missing decorative parts and roof tiles on the first floor. The brick joints also appeared to have wide cracks. In July 1988, large-scale repair work started after the Summer Palace Management Office 頤和園管理處reported a comprehensive repair plan approved by the Municipal Garden Bureau 市園林局, which was finished on September 13, 1989. (http://www.bjmacp.gov.cn/cn/spec/pastdiscovered/viewinfo.aspx?tabid=300907&iid=90&categoryid=100007, accessed on January 10, 2021)
9 A recent study arithmetically proves that the octagonal drawing method of the Yingzao Fashi applies the ratio of 5:12.07:13.07; thus, it is not considered a perfect regular octagon (Zhang, Yang, and Xiao Citation2018, 98). Even in the case of the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda, the calculations of the measured drawings show that it does not have an equilateral octagonal plan (Chen Citation1981, 72–80).
10 In addition to Yumedomo Hall, the Octagonal Hall at Eizan-ji Temple 栄山寺 八角堂 (763–764) has a length of 10.78 chi (3266 mm, 1 chi = 30.3 cm) on one side of each octagon and is defined as a building with an equilateral octagonal plan because all sides have the same length.
11 The archaeological remains at Toseongri and Sangori Villages (fifth century) have no cornerstones or internal rows in the foundation. These octagonal shapes are more inaccurate than other building sites because most cornerstones are lost; however, a few remain. Such anonymous sites were excluded from this study [Figure 13 and Figure 14].
12 Yoneda analyzed the octagonal building site in Cheongamri Village and identified two ways of making an octagonal plan. These methods were derived from the ceiling structure of Goguryeo burial mounds. The first method was to initiate a gradual reduction by rounding off the edges forming one half of a square. The second was to divide one side into three parts in a square, reducing it to eight angles. Thus, Yoneda considered the construction of an octagonal building on the temple site from a square-based octagon and, consequently, considered the main building at the Cheongamri site as based on a regular square-based octagonal plan. It is very reasonable to draw the octagon by making two points on one side of a square. However, considering the inscribed circle of the square, the length of the two sides of the isosceles triangle at each corner, excluding the diagonal, is too large to produce a regular octagon [Figure 12].
13 Assumedly, it has an octagonal plan on a platform; only the foundation remains are visible on the inner platform, while the rows of cornerstones are invisible. Further, the inner (outer) angle of the octagonal surface on the outermost rain gutter side is 135° (45°).
14 Chinese reports and recent research papers define octagonal buildings as square octagonal plans.
15 Although no column bases remain on the building site, the foundation remains, and the traces of platform siding have been maintained in relatively good condition.
16 In the actual measurement report, it was not described as an octagon since there are no cornerstones; only the approximate distance between the columns was described.
17 This temple site was named Heungnyunsa Temple when the Japanese surveyed the Silla era temples in Gyeongju in the 1910s. In 1976, however, tiles with the characters “xxx廟之寺” pressed into them were found there, and questions about the location of Heungnyunsa and Yeongmyosa were raised as soon as roof tiles with the name of Yeongmyosa engraved on them were found. Consequently, the name of the temple site was restored to Yeongmyosa Monastery 靈廟寺, not Heungnyunsa, which was built when Silla was under the reign of Queen Seondeok (r. 632–647). The Yeongmyosa Monastery site was investigated in test excavations in 1972 and 1977 and between 1978 and 1981, following the conclusion of the tests. Heungnyunsa 興輪寺 was the first Buddhist monastery ever established in Silla.
18 The first construction layout consisted of one pagoda and two halls arranged to the north and south of the pagoda respectively. In time, the temple fell into ruin and was then wholly reconstructed during the Unified Silla period (668–935 CE).
19 As per the Precision Measurement Survey Report on the Hwangudan, there are various dimensions between each column; however, an equilateral octagonal plan is considered by default.
20 Kim states that the method of dividing a regular quadrilateral in the octagonal drawing method is currently used by carpenters in the field. The same method is used when constructing a round purlin. In his writings, the term “regular octagon” is not used.
21 Regarding Korea, the Jiuzhang Suanshu and Zhoubi suanjing were recorded in Samguk Sagi 三國史記 (History of the Three Kingdoms) during the Unified Silla period in the middle of the seventh century. However, given the previous system, laws and ordinances, and astronomical systems, they may have been transmitted to the Baekje and Goguryeo dynasties in the fourth to fifth centuries. Moreover, in Japan, an arithmetic system similar to that in China was recorded in the Nihon Shoji in the sixth century.
22 They refer to the classical mathematical books from the Chinese Han Dynasty to the early Qing Dynasty as the official mathematical texts for imperial examinations in mathematics, as follows: Zhoubi suanjing (Zhou Shadow Mathematical Classic), Jiuzhang Suanshu 九章算術 (The Nine Chapters on the Mathematical Art), Haidao Suanjing 海島算經 (The Sea Island Mathematical Classic), Sunzi suanjing 孙子算經 (The Mathematical Classic of Sun Zi), Zhang Qiujian suanjing 張邱建算經 (The Mathematical Classic of Zhang Qiujian), Wucao suanjing 五曹算經 (Computational Canon of the Five Administrative Sections), Xiahou Yang suanjing 夏侯陽算經 (The Mathematical Classic of Yang Xiahou), Wujing suanshu 五經筭術 (Computational Prescriptions of the Five Classics), Jigu suanjing 緝古筭經 (Continuation of Ancient Mathematical Classic of Wang Xiaotong), and Zhui shu 綴述 (Method of Interpolation of Zu Chongzhi)
23 Xu likewise proved in Celiang yitong 測量異同 (Similarities and Differences in Measurement 1608) and Gougu yi 句股義 (Principle of Base and Altitude 1609) that Chinese gougu surveying bore theoretical, methodological, and instrumental similarities and differences with Western geometric-square surveying (Hashimoto and Jami Citation2001, 268).
24 Many studies have shown that the contents of the Jihe yuangben stem from lecture notes written by the French Jesuits Jean-François Gerbillon (1654–1707) and Joachim Bouvet (1656–1730). They do not refer to the fact that the first Chinese version of Euclid’s Elements bore the same Chinese title, the Jihe yuangben (1607). It was translated by Matteo Ricci (1552–1610) and Xu Guangqi 徐光啟 (1562–1633) (Ju et al. Citation2016, 111).
25 The Shuli jingyun describes the six-sided figure inscribed in a circle, the four-sided inscribed in a circle, the six-sided circumscribed in a circle, and the four-sided circumscribed in a circle.
26 There is evidence of proportional compasses provided by Fabrizio Mordente (1532–1608) and Thomas Hood (d. 1598) even earlier than Galileo, but these geometric instruments had functional operations inferior to the Galilean compass. (Pisano and Bussotti Citation2015, 213)
27 Fang met Adam Schall von Bell in 1659 in Beijing and satisfied his great desire of studying Western mathematics under the Polish Jesuit Johannes Nickolaus Smogulecki (1610–1656).
28 Korean scholars referred to the Xiyang xinfa lishu 西洋新法曆書 (Treatise on Calendrical Science 1645), later re-edited with the title, the Xinfa suanshu 新法算書 (New Methods in Mathematics 1666), and the Tianxue chuhan 天學初函 (First Collection of Writings on Heavenly Learning, 1626) (Jun Citation2006, 482–483).
29 Although Korean mathematics borrows from ancient China, it did not change with Chinese mathematics trend since the seventeenth century. Paradoxically, Korean mathematics developed, while Chinese mathematics declined during King Sejong’s regime (r. 1418–50).
30 According to the introductory (Qujingwei) section of the Yingzao Fashi by Li Jie (?–1110), the preliminary mathematical explanations end with an explicit quotation from Li Chunfeng’s commentary on the Jiuzhang suanjing “營造法式,取經圍: 九章算術及約斜長等密率修立下條. 諸徑圍斜長依下頂.”
31 Mathematical ideas in Korea mirror the basic ideas of ancient China, and it is necessary to refer to the systematic arithmetical ideas in the Lulizhi of Hanshu 漢書 to precisely ascertain them. Lulizhi 律歷志 (Treatise on Harmonics and Calendrics) says “The counting of numbers fits well with all things in the universe 萬物氣體之數, 天下之能事畢矣.” In this case, the basic propositions integrate the tune音律, the astronomical calendar 曆法, the art of divination 易數, and the weights and measures 度量衡. That is, the basic scales and mathematical systems of ancient architecture are indirectly included in this scope.
32 The Korean Mathematical History explains geometrical constructions in art crafts and architecture and the Yin-Yang and Five Element thought in the architectural plan, metrological system, and scale, revealing a close rapport with the logic of mathematics.
Application of and Changes in Construction Principles and Joint Methods in the Wooden Architecture of the Joseon Era: A Case Study on the Sungnyemun Gate in Seoul.
Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Wang, N. 2017a. “Xiangtianfade, Guijufangyuan [The Principle of Modelling Heaven and Earth, the Rules of Square and circle],” Jianzhushi [Architectural History]. Vol. 2. Beijing: Tsinghua University Press, 77–125. Google Scholar
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The Architecture and Sacred Temple Geometry of Japanese Buddhist Temples
Key Terms
Japanese Architecture
Japanese Temple Architecture
Japanese Traditional Mathematics
Wasan
Japanese Buddhist Temples
Pagodas
Stupa
Chorten
Wayō, Daibutsuyō, Zenshūyō, Setchūyō
Sangaku
Fukagawa Hidetoshi
Tony Rothman
Don Pedoe
J. Rigby
Pagoda, ta, mandala, Sumeru, Yicihui pillar, Yongningsi, Songyuesi
Diagram of a Gorinto
Hokyointo Pagoda
Tahoto Pagoda
Sotobo
Square
Circle
Regular Polyhedra
Cube, Sphere, Pyramid, SemiSphere, Chintamani
Earth, Water, Fire, Air, Universe
Plato and Aristotle
Shingon, Kukai, 5 Stories, Circle
Tendai, Saicho, 3 stories, Square
Diamond World, Matrix World
Adrian Snodgrass
Tracy Miller
Gojunoto
The Architecture of Japanese Buddhist Temples
December 19, 2021
Natalie Solari
Overview:
This exhibition takes a closer look at the main buildings of five Japanese Temple Complexes. Temples are the places of worship in Japanese Buddhism, and are also used to display sacred Buddhist objects. It is believed that Buddhist images could have been brought to Japan as early as 522 (Beguin). Japanese Buddhism has made an abundant impact on Japanese culture and continues to influence society today. The architectural elements of Buddhist temples are meant to embody themes and teachings of Buddhism.
Most Buddhist temples in Japan are designed around four main architectural styles: Wayō, Daibutsuyō, Zenshūyō, and Setchūyō. Temples designed in the wayō style take a minimalistic approach to architecture. Natural timber and generally plain materials are used. Wayō architecture was made during the Heian period, between 794 CE and 1185 CE. Typically these structures feature thin columns and a low ceiling. A beam is run through the columns to reinforce the top parts of columns. The wayō style emphasizes more Japanese-style architecture than the features of Chinese-style architecture. Inside the structures inner space divisions are fluid, many feature screens and thin. A true connection is meant to be felt between the interior and exterior of the building.
In the late 12th and early 13th century CE, a more monumental style emerged. The daibutsuyō style was based on Song Dynasty architecture. Daibutsuyō style architecture is characterized by thick woodwork and penetrating tie beams. The ends of the penetrating tie beams are decorated with moldings also known as ‘kurigata’. The thick woodwork of the structure is typically left exposed to show its elements. This style takes a grander approach than the wayō style. Daibutsuyō style architecture utilizes horizontal elements.
Zenshūyō is another style that emerged in the late 12th or early 13th century CE. Zenshūyō style temples are based on contemporary Chinese architecture derived from the Song Dynasty. The style is named after the Zen sect of Buddhism that was introduced to Japan. These temples typically incorporate earthen floors, decorative curved pent roofs, pointed windows, and paneled doors. Slim columns and low ceilings are used to create calming spaces for meditating.The complexes have a generally linear layout. Kōzan-ji’s butsuden is the oldest extant building in the Zenshūyō style in Japan.
The last style of temple architecture incorporates a fusion of elements from the three other styles. This style was called setchūyō, and was used during the Muromachi period. By the end of the Muromachi period, Japanese Buddhist architecture and construction methods had been perfected and building types were conventionalized.
Although the temples are designed around a few different styles, there are some key features that distinguish these Japanese Buddhist temples. Characteristics of most Japanese Temples include post and lintel support, a gentle curved roof, and thin walls. The use of a single central pillar or column. embodies the Axis Mundi of Buddhism. Having the cardinal directions reflected through the structure is important. The most prominent examples of the iconic form are represented in Pagodas and Indian Stupas. Many of these temples are incorporated into complexes with several other structures that include a main hall, a pagoda, and other facilities for prayer and meditation. Many of these temple complexes are surrounded by a large wall and gates. Entering the complex is supposed to feel like a journey through meditation. These spaces are intended to evoke feelings of peace.
Description: The Phoenix Hall is the main hall at Byodo-in temple. Phoenix Hall was established in 1053 CE, in the late Heian period. The hall houses the Shrine of the Buddha Amida. Phoenix Hall is an example of Wayo architecture as well as shinden-zukuri, the style of Japanese nobility’s residences. Phoenix Hall incorporates unique architecture which consists of the main corridor, left and right wing corridors, and a tall corridor. The shape of the building resembles the body and spreading wings of the Phoenix. Its main corridor faces south to bring in sunlight and opens on to the pond of a beautiful garden. A Pure Land style garden is centered around the Ajino-ike Pond, that reflects the architecture of the structure. A true connection is felt between the interior and exterior of the hall.
The central corridor is topped by a hip-and-gable roof and also features a pent roof enclosure. Hip-and-gable roofs are characterized by a rounded hip roof that cascades down on all sides, and a triangular gable at each end. Two phoenix statues are positioned on top of the roof. The stairs leading to the main entrance are made of marble, but the structure of the hall is made of wood. The doors and walls are decorated by richly colored paintings, and the ceiling and pillars are also covered with colorful patterns. The brightly colored exterior clashes with the minimalistic Wayō style, but the gentle lines of the exterior and openness of the interior hold on to its values.
The Great Buddha Hall atTodai-ji temple complex displays the grand features of the daibutsuyō architectural style. The Great Buddha hall houses the world’s largest bronze Buddha Vairocana statue. This Buddhist temple complex was once one of the powerful Seven Great Temples. Two towering guardians sit on top of the massive entryway of the temple, protecting the great Buddha. The great architects of Todaiji temple complex developed the Yakushiji axial plan with paired pagodas into one of greater complexity (Ikeuchi 2007). The hall was erected in the early 8th century CE, and later reconstructed in 1709. The Great Buddha hall was built at a very large scale, displaying the power and prestige of the imperial house of Japan. Columns are arrayed throughout the rectangular base to represent universal order. Many horizontal braces are run through vertical posts called Nuki to make the structure solid.
As a daibutsuyō style hall, structural elements are left exposed without the covering of a ceiling as decoration. The vast structure is made entirely of wood, commonly seen in Japanese architecture. Building structures out of wood was seen as a way to celebrate life. A gently sloping roof was used to help blend in the large structure to its natural surroundings. The roof tiles were carefully crafted to channel water to prevent erosion.
Kondô Hall is the main hall of Fudôin Temple. This hall was built in the Zenshūyō architectural style. Kondô at Fudôin is an Important Cultural Property, as one of the few remaining historic structures in Hiroshima. After careful studies of historic documents and writing found on the ceilings, it is believed that Kondô Hall was originally built in Yamaguchi in 1540 at the site of Koshakuji Temple. The Kondô Hall was later relocated to its current location in Hiroshima when Ekei expanded the temple. The structure miraculously survived the atomic bomb drop in 1945 on the city. Kondô Hall is the only National Treasure in Hiroshima City. The structure features massive beams, the longest being over 7 meters (Davies). Kondô Hall has a irimoya, a unique combination of gable and hip roof with a mokoshi (an extra roof). The grand roof casts shadows on the ground below, adding to the sacred atmosphere. Oversized eaves give the interior a characteristic dimness, which contributes to the temple’s sacred atmosphere. Paintings of angels and dragons fill the ceilings. This structure appears less conspicuous and more meditative than the other styles of architecture. This structure houses the statue of Yakushi Nyorai, also known as the Medicine Buddha. The statue was carved by the pioneer sculptor Jocho, who was a famous Japanese sculptor in the early 11th century.
Title: Temple of Golden Pavilion Kinkaku-ji Category: Japanese Buddhist Architecture Architectural style: Setchūyō Location: Kyoto, Japan Author Name: Ondraness Medium: image/jpeg Date of Creation: 9 September 2019 Dimensions: 5,312 × 2,988 pixels Image Link:https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Golden_pavilion,_Kinkakuji.jpg
Description: Kinkaku-ji is located on the Rokuon-ji temple complex. This Japanese Buddhist temple exhibits the Setchūyō architectural style used to design Japanese Buddhist temples. Setchūyō emerged in Japan during the Muromachi period, characterized by the fusion of elements from preceding styles. Buddhist temples in Japan follow a general structure of columns and lintels that support a large and gently curved roof. Kinkaku-ji is known for its gold leaf exteriors of the upper two floors. In Pure Land Buddhism gold represents spiritual purity which is reflected through the structure.
Each level of the temple incorporates a different style of architecture. Shiden style is displayed on the first floor, an open space decorated with natural wood pillars and white plaster. This floor emphasises the surrounding landscape and garden design. The second floor of the temple embodies the style used in samurai residences. Paintings of birds, clouds, and instruments cover the ceilings and walls. The third and final floor is built in the style of a Chinese Zen Hall, with lavish decoration. The sacred relics of the Buddha are kept in this sacred space. A large thatched pyramid roof covers the structure. The temple is topped with a bronze phoenix ornament.
Kakurin-ji Temple is the 20th temple of the Shikoku Ohenro Pilgrimage. Kakurin-ji is incredibly difficult to reach due to its location at the top of a steep mountain. Sitting at 550 meters elevation, the temple is the 5th highest structure on the pilgrimage route. The Main Hall at Kakurin-ji Temple embodies the Setchūyō architectural style used to design Japanese Buddhist temples. The Main Hall, which was named a National Treasure of Japan, was built in 1397. The Main Hall was designed with the East Asian hip-and-gable roof, the structure stands tall off the ground and appears to float. The roof is a bold feature of the structure. With the location high on a mountain and the unique architecture a sacred Buddhist space is created. A beautiful three-storey pagoda sits to the right of the Main Hall.
Bibliography:
Images:
Daibutsuden (Great Buddha Hall), Todai-ji temple complex
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“Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chongnimsa and Kamunsa Buddhist Temples.”
TRACING THE ORIGIN OF JAPANESE PAGODAS ALONG THE SILK ROAD
Koji Miyazaki Professor Emeritus, Kyoto University, Japan
Archi-Cultural Translations through the Silk Road 2nd International Conference, Mukogawa Women’s Univ., Nishinomiya, Japan, July 14-16, 2012 Proceedings
Japanese Buddhist Architecture mainly includes the architecture of Buddhist temples which was influenced by the architectural styles from China. Earlier, the attempts were to make the Buddhist architecture as original as it was looked in China but gradually the buildings were localized due to the problems posed by local weather and Japanese tastes.
Historical development of Japanese Buddhist Architectures
The development of Japanese Buddhist Architectures can be broadly divided into the following periods
Asuka and Nara Periods
The Buddhism and the Buddhist architecture were literally imported from China via Korea in the 6th century. As the Buddhism was introduced in Japan, the Buddhist temples were started to build in the country but due to the hostile behavior of supporter of the local kami, the buildings were no longer stand by itself and there are no written records of the architectural styles of that period.
But later the Buddhism got its support from the Prince Shotoku. He ordered the construction of Buddhist temple, Shitennoji in Osaka (593) and Horyu-ji near his palace in Ikaruga (603). During this period, the temple layout was strictly prescribed and followed. This act helped to maintain the architectural style uniform. In this period the main gate was constructed facing south and the most sacred area surrounded by a semi-enclosed roofed corridor accessible through a middle gate. The temple complex also contains the main hall with Buddha statue, and pagoda which houses sacred objects. The other structures include a lecture hall, a belfry, a sutra repository, priests and monks quarters and bathhouse.
Nara Period observed quite different architectural development. The temple structures, such as pagodas and main halls, had increased significantly in size. The placement of the pagoda moved to a more peripheral location and the roof bracketing system increased in complexity as roofs grew larger and heavier.
In the 8th century, Kami worship and Buddhism was reconciled and thus shrine-temples were founded to support both groups. This coexistence of Buddhism and Kami worship continued until the Kami and Buddhas Separation Order of 1868.
Heian period
In this period, Buddhism was more localized with addition Japanese elements, local beliefs. With this localization Fujiwara no Michinaga and retired Emperor Shirakawa erected new temples and hence developed Jodo-Kyo architectureand the new Wayo architectural style.
In the early period, Rokushu architectonic traditions were also observed. This style of architecture was developed only in the plains but in mountainous areas, it was an original style. The architectural style was characterized by the simplicity which uses local resources like natural timber.
The architecture includes a main hall which is generally divided into two parts; an outer area for novices and an inner area for initiates. The roof is a hip and gable which covers both the areas. The floor is little raised which is made up of wood.
Kamakura and Muromachi periods
In Kamakura period, Daibutsu style and the Zen style of architectural designemerged. The first style represents the antithesis of the simple and traditional Wayo style while the Zen style characterized as earthen floors, subtly curved pent roofs, cusped windows, and paneled doors.
In Muromachi periods, the above-mentioned style of architecture was often combined to form the new style of architecture, Eclectic style of architecture.
Other notable periods in the history of the development of Japanese Buddhist architecture were Azuchi-Momoyama and Eddo periods, and Meiji period. In these periods the Buddhist architectures were also developed accordingly focusing on the local beliefs and use of local resources.
General features of Japanese Buddhist Architectures
Actually, the architectural styles of Japanese Buddhist buildings were imported from China and various other Asian countries. With time, these architectural styles were localized in order to suit the Japanese tastes, and the local resources and weather.
Japanese architects have used a locally available material, mainly wood in various forms. It is hard to see the buildings that use stones except for certain specific uses as in temple podia and pagoda foundations.
Almost all the buildings share the common general structure: columns and lintels to support a large and gently curved roof. The walls are also paper thin, which is often movable. We can notice that the arches and barrel roofs are completely absent. It is recorded that gable and eave curves are gentler that in China and columnar entasis limited.
The most impressive component of the Japanese Buddhist architecture is the roof. The roof has the slightly curved eaves that extend far beyond the walls, covering verandas. These oversize eaves give the interior a characteristic dimness, which contributes to the temple’s atmosphere. The building normally consists of a single room at the center called Moya.
As it is already mentioned that the inner walls are paper thin and often movable, the room size can be modified as per required. Hence, the large, single space offered by the main hall can, therefore, be altered according to the need.
Sometimes the architecture is shared by both sacred and profane building structures. Therefore, these architectural features made it easy to convert a lay building into the Buddhist temple. The popular Horyu-Ji Buddhist temple in Nara Prefecture is the excellent example. This building was once used to be the mansion for the noblewoman.
At the beginning of the seventeenth century, Tokugawa Ieyasu completed the unification of Japan. His shogunate ruled for more than 250 years and oversaw a period of peace, but with restricted foreign contact. Poetry, music and literature flourished during this time of relative isolation. A unique form of Japanese culture of the period was sangaku — a combination of mathematics and art on votive tablets. Illustrated wooden shingles up to several metres across bearing geometry problems were hung from Shinto shrines and Buddhist temples for public display. Many historical sangaku answers appeared on tablets without proof, perhaps to demonstrate the mathematical prowess of the presenter. And their sacred context remains unclear: the tablets might have been educational or may have signalled gratitude for divine assistance in solving a mathematical problem. Of the thousands of tablets created, only a fraction survive, and they have received scant coverage in histories of Japanese mathematics.
Now Fukagawa Hidetoshi, a mathematics teacher, and writer Tony Rothman present a collection of sangaku problems in their book, Sacred Mathematics. The puzzles range from simple algebra within the grasp of any intermediate-school student, to challenging problems that require graduate-school mathematics to solve. Copious illustrations and many detailed solutions show the scope, complexity and beauty of what was tackled in Japan during the Tokugawa shogunate.
Credit: A. SHINBUN
The book offers a feast for recreational geometers looking for fun new problems, presented and solved in clever ways. Yet the authors give little insight into how these problems were solved at the time, or whether unique Japanese methods were involved. The sangaku figures are mostly redrawn with modern notation, and solutions offered in the compact form of present-day Western mathematics. Illustrating traditional Japanese and modern Western methods side by side would have been instructive. The book thus achieves only limited success in showcasing sangaku as exemplars of a uniquely Japanese style of mathematics, because that style is never elucidated.
Fukagawa and Rothman illuminate the mathematics more than the history and context of the tablets. Citations to mathematical theorems abound, yet references supporting their historical claims are absent. More seriously, the historical commentary reflects a romantic bias that a unique Japanese culture flowered because of its complete isolation. The book states, for instance, that “a unique brand of homegrown mathematics flourished, one that was completely uninfluenced by developments in the western mathematics”. This generalization is historically unsupported, and obstructs an accurate consideration of the interplay of factors that drove the development of Japanese mathematics.
Along similar lines, the authors also dismiss the millennium that preceded the seventeenth century as “a dark age” paralleling that in Europe, during which relatively little was accomplished in mathematics. By ignoring the medieval Islamic world, they fall into the same trap as Eurocentric mathematical historians who focus exclusively on ancient Greece and modern Europe. This omission undermines their discussion of the Chinese foundation of Japanese mathematics. World-leading achievements in mathematics, science and technology — even astronomers from Persia — reached China during the medieval period by the Silk Road and other routes. The book describes in great detail how Seki Takakazu, “Japan’s most celebrated mathematician”, calculated π to 11 digits in the eighteenth century. But it does not mention Jamshid Mas’ud al-Kashi, who determined π correctly to 16 digits some three centuries earlier while residing in Samarkand (in what is now Uzbekistan), one of the most important cities along the Silk Road.
The complex events that followed Japan’s opening to the West after the shogunate’s end in the 1860s are given similarly short shrift. The response of Japanese mathematics to this influx of ideas is dispatched with the glib statement that “resistance was futile”. By quoting a science-fiction character from Star Trek that annihilates everything in its path by assimilation, Fukagawa and Rothman trivialize Japan’s complicated process of reintegration with the international community, and miss the opportunity to shed light on how its early mathematics contributed to Japan’s present-day leadership in science and technology.
Review Sacred Mathematics Japanese Temple Geometry
Although timber is rarely used as a construction material in modern-day China, history tells us that it was used extensively in the past. The Chinese used timber as roofing and flooring material and incorporated timber beams and columns in their structures. The structural system mainly relied on the timber framework as the walls were non-load bearing. This form of construction did not restrict the location of openings in the structure and hence there was more freedom to decide where the windows could be placed, without worrying too much about the safety and stability of the structure. It was deemed essential to paint the framework to prevent the onset of rot in the timber. With time, the painting of the pagodas became an integral part of the Chinese architectural style. Colours are very symbolic in Chinese architecture and are used to mark the importance and function of the structure. The colour yellow is associated with nobility and was used in royal structures. Red and green are considered colours of life.
The origin of the pagodas in China dates back to the period of the advent of Buddhism from India. The pagodas were meant to be religious monuments which preserved holy objects ranging from relics and keepsakes to sacred documents. The Chinese architects integrated the Indian style of constructing stone stupas into the traditional architectural style and came up with a suitable design. The pagodas were tall and symmetric. They were built using different materials- stone, bricks, wood, iron, glazed tiles and occasionally, even gold! They were multi-storeyed with the number of floors always being an odd number. The minimum number of floors was 3 and most of them went up to 9, or even more. At the apex, pagodas were topped with a steeple – a symbol of the power of heaven. There are some speculations as to why the pagodas always had many storeys, which I have mentioned below.
Among the religious buildings in China, I am most enchanted by their pagodas, particularly the Yingxian Pagoda which also goes by the name of Sakyamuni. This used to be the tallest wooden pagoda in the world until 2007, when the construction of the Tianning pagoda (Changzou temple) was completed. The Sakyamuni Pagoda is about 67.31m in height, while the one at Changzou is more than two times taller (153.79m).
Housed in the Fogong Temple, the Sakyamuni pagoda was constructed in 1056 A.D. during the reign of the Liao Dynasty. The pagoda is erected on a stone platform measuring 4 metres in height. The pagoda itself is built entirely out of wood obtained from the Xingan larch trees that were found in abundance in Northern China. When you look at the Sakyamuni pagoda from outside, it appears to be a 5 storeyed structure; although in reality it is 9 storeys high. This is because the four mezzanine layers are concealed within the five outer storeys. The ground floor is topped by two tiers of eaves.
A model of the Sakyamuni pagoda at the Hong Kong Heritage Museum
The plan of the building is octagonal in shape and consists of two concentric rings of columns. The columns are not vertical, but inclined to the apex of the pagoda. The angle of inclination depends on the position of the columns in the pagoda, and hence on the load carried.
Concentric rings of columns (source: Lam et al.)Vertical section of the pagoda (source: Lam et al.)
A series of tie beams connects the columns in each ring. An individual beam is connected to a column by means of a slot which forms the connection (tenon and mortise joint). The connections are comprised of only tenon and mortise joints and dou gong brackets. A dou gong bracket is composed of three components – a wooden block called ‘dou’, a lever arm called ‘ang’ and a short arm called ‘gong’.
In the Yingxian pagoda, the dugong brackets are arranged in layers so that they can transfer the loads from the roof to the subsequent storeys. There are 54 different types of dou gong brackets used in the pagoda. The dou gong system is arranged akin to a basket of flowers. The layered dou gong bracket system symbolizes a hierarchical system and is therefore used only in buildings of importance. The number of layers of these brackets is proportional to the degree of importance of the building. In the Yingxian pagoda, they are set under the overhanging eaves of the building and between the top of each column and cross beam.
The connections between the wooden members were originally supposed to be tight fitted joints. But as it is widely known, timber undergoes shrinkage with time and dries out. Due to this the connections became loose but are still kept together by gravity loads. In the event of an earthquake, the connections are able to move and dissipate energy and hence contribute to the high seismic resistance of the Yingxian pagoda. Additional stability is derived from the relatively short columns. Records reveal that during a high intensity earthquake lasting seven days during the reign of the Yuan Dynasty, the pagoda stood firm. Even when the Yingxian County area was affected by the severe earthquakes in Xingtai and Tangshan of Hebei Province and in Helinger of Inner Mongolia, the wooden pagoda did not suffer any major damage. In 1996, this structure was listed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site.
Although this wooden pagoda has been able to withstand several earthquakes, severe winds, lightning strikes, high amounts of precipitation and wars in the past 958 years, it is highly unlikely that it is going to last for another millennium. Column heads and ridge beams are twisted and broken. Some of the interior columns have developed cracks. The tower of the pagoda leans slightly to the north-east. There is an obvious tilt in the first and second floors and the scientific community has issued warnings about the inability of the structure to withstand a violent storm or an earthquake. In 2001, the State Administration of Cultural Heritage (SAHC) called for ideas from both local and global experts.
Finally, the following repair intervention options were proposed:
Options to restore the Pagoda and the problems they pose
However, more than a decade on, the structure is still in disrepair and its condition is deteriorating by the day. In March 2012, the local government of the county of Yingxian commissioned a project to reduce moisture-induced problems by replacing rotten tiles and fixing the cracks in the building. To a certain extent, this protects the building from problems like erosion due to rain and snow loads and leakage through the dilapidated roof.
The authorities in China say that once the pagoda makes it to UNESCO’s list of protected World Heritage relics, swift measures will be taken towards restoration as there will be enough funds to carry out the necessary measures. In a situation which involves the preservation and restoration of a structure with such a glorious heritage and something so vital to the Chinese identity, it should be of prime importance that the repair interventions be carried out as soon as possible. But with financial and bureaucratic issues, one has to wait and watch what becomes of the Yingxian Pagoda and just hope for the best.
References and further reading:
“STRUCTURAL PERFORMANCE OF DOU-GONG BRACKETS OF YINGXIAN WOOD PAGODA UNDER VERTICAL LOADING” – Enchun Zhu, Zhiyong Chen, Jinglong Pan, Frank Lam
“EXAMPLE OF TRADITIONAL TALL TIMBER BUILDINGS IN CHINA – THE YINGXIAN PAGODA” – Frank Lam, Minjuan He, Chichao Yao
In films and photographs of China and Japan, you’ve seen the striking multi-storied structures known as pagodas. While these familiar towers are the foremost representations of Asian architecture, you may be unaware that they serve as Buddhist monuments, marking the burial site of a Buddhist relic or the tomb of a monk.The pagoda, or ta in Chinese, made its first appearance in China about 68 A.D. when Buddhism arrived from India. As the religion spread during the sixth century, from China to Japan and Korea, the pagoda became a defining form in religious architecture.A towering structure of superimposed stories with overhanging roofs, the pagoda generally is built up from a square, circular, or polygon-shaped foundation. Its origin stems from merging the ancient Indian stupa (the “heap” of brick and stone stacked on the surface of a tomb) with the traditional Chinese multi-storied tower, whch was constructed of timber and topped with a spire.Over the centuries, the design details of the pagoda have evolved and its use has been adapted in Western cultures (often for commercial structures), but its basic shape and its function as a memorial have remained constant in Asia.
Pagodas constitute a special branch of Chinese architecture. They originally served religious purposes, but gradually became more civilian in nature.
Different from the more typical low-rise buildings, pagodas were first popularized in ancient China. They provided people with spectacular views and often featured in Chinese poems.
Below we describe briefly the top 10 time-honored classic pagodas in China, for your reference.
1. Wooden Pagoda of Ying County
In China, this is known as the Yingxian wooden pagoda. It is the oldest and tallest all-wooden pagoda in the world. It was built in 1056 and served as a Buddhist temple.
It’s a 9-storey pagoda 67.3 meters tall, and 30.3 meters in diameter at the bottom, with an octagonal floor plan. It is constructed with wood, without any nails.
54 different kinds of dougong (斗拱，a unique Chinese structure of interlocking beams and crossbeams) were applied in the building, providing architects with some interesting research.
2. Giant Wild Goose Pagoda
The Giant Wild Goose Pagoda, also known as the Big Wild Goose Pagoda, in the Da Ci’en Temple (mercy and kindness temple) complex in Xi’an, is one of the most famous Buddhist pagodas in China, but built with brick.
Dating from 652 AD during the Tang dynasty, it was first built for storing sutras and housing translators of Buddhist classics.
Due to age-induced decay, it has undergone several refurbishments. Today, the pagoda still maintains its original shape after reconstruction during the Ming dynasty. It has 7-storeys and is 64 meters tall.
3. The Iron Pagoda of Yougou Temple, Kaifeng
The Iron Pagoda in Kaifeng, Henan Province was built in 1049 during the Song dynasty. It is also a Buddhist pagoda, with Song-dynasty style; brick-made with glazed tiles.
The “iron” pagoda was not made of iron but brick. Its name became popular during the Yuan dynasty (1271-1368), because its color and sturdiness makes it look like iron.
With 13-storeys, it’s an octagonal-based structure at a height of 55.9 meters. The Iron Pagoda with its densely stacked multiple storeys looks taller than the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda (at 67.3 meters).
4. Three Pagodas of Chongsheng Monastery
Located 1.5 km northwest of Dali old town, the Three Pagodas of Chongsheng Monastery are three independent pagodas which form a symmetric triangle. They are also known as the Dali White Pagodas, since they are all covered with white mud.
The middle one, also known as the Qianxun Pagoda (千寻塔), is the oldest and tallest, built about 1,150 years ago. The other two were built only about 100 years ago.
The Three Pagodas are renowned in Dali for their antiquity, size and well-preserved state.
5. Leifeng Pagoda
Leifeng Pagoda is at the north of West Lake, Hangzhou. Most Chinese people know about it because of the Legend of White Snake, a famous Chinese folk tale.
The original pagoda was built in 975 AD. It’s an octagonal, five-storey structure built of brick and wood. During the Ming dynasty (1368-1644), the pagoda was attacked and its wooden structure was burned.
After that, the remaining brick skeleton fell into decay, since people believed its brick could repel illness and competed to steal the bricks. The pagoda eventually collapsed in 1924 due to lack of maintenance.
It was reconstructed in 2001, with a steel and copper structure, but restoring its previous architectural style.
Liuhe Pagoda, literally the Six Harmonies pagoda, was built in 970 during the Song dynasty (960-1127). Located along the Qiantang River, it was originally built to dispel the annual tidal bores of the Qiantang River.
The pagoda stands 59.9 meters tall. Seen from the outside it’s a 13-storey octagonal wooden structure; while from the inside it’s a 7-storey masonry structure. It is one of the best-preserved masonry-timber structure pagodas in China. What’s more, there’s an ancient Chinese pagoda model exhibition hall next to the pagoda.
7. Tiger Hill Pagoda
Located in Suzhou, the Tiger Hill Pagoda is one of the landmarks of Suzhou. The 7-storey pagoda is 48 meters tall, built with brick but in the timber-style of earlier eras. It’s a representative 10th-century brick pagoda in the Yangtze River basin.
The original pagoda was first built in 601; the existing one began construction in 959 and finished in 961. During the Ming dynasty (1368-1644), the pagoda began to lean towards the northwest, due to its foundations. Now it’s known as the “leaning tower of China“.
8. Songyue Pagoda
The Songyue Pagoda is located at Songyue Monastery in Henan Province. It was built in 523 and has a rare dodecagonal shape. It is regarded as the earliest brick-structure pagoda in China still extant.
The pagoda was built with brick at a height of 40 meters, with an adhesive mixture of sticky rice juice and yellow mud.
9. Feihong/Flying Rainbow Pagoda
Feihong Pagoda at Guangsheng Temple in Shanxi Province is the largest and best-preserved glazed Chinese pagoda. Feihong literally means flying rainbow, a name arising from the pagoda’s colorful decoration.
Feihong is 47.6 meters tall, with 13-storeys. It is a masonry structure built using brick in octagonal pavilion style. Its eaves diminish inwardly at each tier. Around the pagoda’s surface are exquisite sculptures and glazed ornaments.
10. Miaoying Temple White Stupa Pagoda
Located in Xicheng District, Beijing, the White Stupa Pagoda is a rare Tibetan Stupa. It was designed and built in 1271 by a Nepalese architect Anigo, during the reign of Genghis Khan (1206-1227).
Standing at a height of 59.9 meters, it is the oldest and tallest Tibetan-style pagoda in China. It is composed of three parts: a 9-meter high Sumeru pedestal-style platform, an inverted bowl-shaped body and a steeple. Lots of diverse collections of Buddhist statuary were found in 1978 during the repairs.
The generate method of Multi-storey Chinese Pagodas
Different structures have been used in the building of pagodas, depending on the building materials. The structure and method of construction of a wooden pagoda are similar to those of a palace, temple, multistoreyed building or pavilion made of wood, i.e., the traditional beam or bracket system. It is usually composed of a frame, rafters, sheathing, eaves and roof. A pagoda made of bricks and stones, like other brick and stone buildings, is constructed by methods such as piling up bricks or stone blocks and making archways. Metal pagodas are made by moulding and casting metals. Though the building materials and methods of construction differ, the basic structure does not change drastically. A pagoda is composed of the following major parts:
Underground Palace
Most ancient buildings in China were built on solid ground. Usually nothing was built underground. The pagoda, however, was unique in having an underground palace, called the dragon palace or the dragon cave. This special structure is not found in other buildings, such as palaces, temples or multistoreyed buildings. It was added to a Buddhist pagoda to preserve Buddhist relics. According to a survey, Buddhist relics were not buried underground in India, but kept inside the pagodas. When the pagoda was introduced to China, it was combined with China’s traditional burial system. Whenever a pagoda was built, an underground palace was constructed first to preserve the relics and other objects to be buried with the dead. This underground palace was similar to the underground palaces of the mausoleums of emperors and kings in ancient China, but it was usually much smaller and contained fewer funerary objects. The most important thing in an underground palace of a pagoda is a stone container with layer upon layer of cases made of stone, gold, silver, jade and other materials. The innermost case contains the Buddhist relics. The funerary objects in the palace may include copies of Buddhist scriptures and statues of Buddha. Underground palaces were usually built of brick and stone in square, hexagonal, octagonal or round shapes. Occasionally such a structure was built inside the pagoda or semiunderground.
In olden times some superstitious people believed that certain pagodas had been built on “sea holes” to prevent sea water from surging out. If the pagoda fell, the place would be submerged by the sea. The myth came from ignorance of the structure of underground palaces. Sometimes when an underground palace became damaged over the years, underground water would seep into it, and people would mistake it for a “sea hole.” Since Liberation in 1949 thorough investigations have been made of the underground palaces in many important pagodas in Beijing, Hebei, Jiangsu, Hubei and other parts of the country.
For a general understanding of underground pagoda palaces in China let’s look at the underground palace of the sarira pagoda at Jingzhi Temple in Dingzhou, Hebei Province. The name of this particular underground palace was the sarira cabinet, which was inscribed on the wall of the palace, located in the middle of the pagoda’s foundation. A stone shaped like a roof, 60 centimeters deep in the ground, was placed on top of a square hole leading down to the underground palace. The palace room is not an exact square, its east wall being 2.2 meters, west wall 2.1 meters, north wall 2.17 meters and south wall 2.2 meters wide. An arched door is on the south wall. The walls, 2.34 meters high, are joined to the ceiling interlocking brackets. All four walls have murals depicting heavenly kings, Indra, Brahma, boys and maidservants. On the north wall characters read “True Relics of Sakyamuni”, and on both sides are paintings of his ten great disciples. The most incredible thing is that the colors of the columns, brackets, beams and murals are as fresh and bright as if new. Such completely fresh mural paintings of the Song Dynasty cannot be found in buildings aboveground.
A great number of cultural relics were also excavated from this underground palace, including gold and silver ware, porcelain, glassware and wood carvings. Since this pagoda was reconstructed during the Song Dynasty and many funerary objects from deteriorated sites of the Sui and Tang dynasties were also buried in the palace, a few gilded bronze cases of the Sui Dynasty and two stone coffins containing relics of the Tang Dynasty were also unearthed. The large stone case in the middle of the underground palace had been in the basement of the Sui Dynasty pagoda and was replaced after the pagoda was reconstructed. The inscriptions on the stone case indicated its contents and date of burial. Inside were three carved gold coffins, four silver pagodas and a lot of gold and silver ware, porcelain, glazed objects, pearls and other relics.
The underground pagoda palaces resulted from combining the Indian system of burying Buddhist relics in pagodas with the traditional Chinese system of tomb burial.
In cleaning out and repairing old pagodas, many underground palaces and Buddhist and cultural relics buried in them were discovered. Objects found in the Iron Pagoda at Ganlu Temple in Zhenjiang and Huqiu Pagoda in Suzhou, Jiangsu Province, Qianshengxiang Pagoda at Yellow Crane Tower in Wuchang, Hubei Province, the Twin Pagodas at Qingshou Temple in Beijing, Wanjin Pagoda in Nong’an, Jilin Province, and Qianxun Pagoda at Chongsheng Temple in Dali, Yunnan Province, have all provided valuable data for the study of underground pagoda palaces.
Base
The base, on top of the underground palace, supports the whole superstructure. In early times most pagodas had relatively low bases. For instance, the two oldest pagodas in China the pagoda at Songyue Temple of the Northern Wei Dynasty and the Four-Door Pagoda in Licheng of the Sui Dynasty both have very simple, low bases made of brick and stone. Some bases are only ten or twenty centimeters high. They soon become indistinct and even unrecognizable from the ground after being damaged over the years. The base of Xuanzang Pagoda at Xingjiao Temple in Xi’an has become so undistinguishable that the pagoda seems to have been built right on the ground. During the Tang Dynasty, in order to make pagodas such as the Big and Small Wild Goose Pagodas in Xi’an look magnificent, huge bases were built under them. Large bases were also added to pavilion-style pagodas during the Tang Dynasty, for example, the Pagoda of Monk Fanzhou in Anyi of Shanxi Province and the Dragon and Tiger Pagoda at Shentong Temple in Licheng near Jinan.
After the Tang Dynasty the pagodas’ substructure developed into two parts by adding a pedestal to the original base. The effect was a loftier and more majestic pagoda. The lower part of the substructure–the platform –is usually low and without much decoration. The pedestal, in contrast, became the most prominent part of the pagoda with gorgeous decorations. In the process of development the pedestal construction of the multi-eaved pagodas of the Liao and Kin dynasties was most out-standing.
This part of the substructure of pagodas from the Liao and Kin dynasties was called the Sumeru pedestal. According to Buddhist literature, Sumeru is the largest mountain in the world and the home of Buddha and bodhisattvas. To call the pedestal of a pagoda by the name of Sumeru meant that it was a most stable foundation. The supports of palaces, temples, statues of Buddha and other objects were also called Sumeru pedestals. At Tianning Temple in Beijing the pedestal of the pagoda is an octagonal structure on a platform of medium height. The pedestal is divided into two levels. On the first level there are six niches on each side with lion heads carved inside. Carved columns separate the niches. On the lower part of the second level there are five small niches, each with a statue of Buddha inside. On the columns between the niches are images of heavenly guardians in relief sculpture. The brackets on the upper part of the pedestal are decorated with finely carved brick banisters. The banisters are joined to the first storey of the pagoda by a lotus-petal capital. The whole Sumeru pedestal is about one fifth the height of the pagoda.
Later, huge and gorgeous pedestals became very common for other types of pagodas. For a Lamaist pagoda the pedestal, as a major part of the entire structure, often makes one third of its total height. The pedestals of pagodas on vajrasanas, the bulk of the structure, are much bigger than the small pagodas on top of them. Pagodas across streets also have pedestals higher than the pagodas they support. Adopting large pedestals in pagoda construction is closely connected with the traditional Chinese architecture, which always sets great store by the role of base platforms. A large base platform not only provides the building above with a solid and firm foundation but also makes it look majestic and powerful.
Body
The body, or main part, of a pagoda varies depending on the style of architecture. The classification of pagodas was based on the style of the body of the pagoda. Since we have already discussed the outer forms and structures of the pagoda, we are going to concentrate on the inner structure of the pagoda body.
A pagoda may be solid or hollow. Solid pagodas are filled with bricks, stones or rammed earth. Occasionally, a wooden framework is installed inside a solid pagoda to strengthen the bearing capacity of outreaching parts of the pagoda. On the whole, however, the inner structure of a solid pagoda is relatively simple. The following section will focus on hollow pagodas.
1. Wooden pagodas. Wooden pagodas of many storeys were popular during the later years of the Han Dynasty and the Wei, Jin and Northern and Southern dynasties. Most of them have four sides. From historical accounts and existing examples in Japan we have learned that wooden pagodas of this type were composed of the following parts–columns around each level of the pagoda, three rooms on each of the four sides on each level, beams and brackets on the capital of the columns to join with the upper storey, and verandas with banisters around each storey. Eaves stretch out above each of the storeys. As in other multistoreyed buildings, there are stairs for people to climb up and down.
The wooden pagoda in Yingxian County, Shanxi Province, is the best preserved of its kind in China today. It has five levels of eaves on the exterior and five levels of balconies, but there are also five mezzanines in between the main storeys, making it a ten-storey building. The pagoda is octagonal with three rooms and four columns on each side of each exterior storeyed, and the landing are quite spacious. The balconies have protecting banisters so that people can walk around the pagoda freely and enjoy the view. In the middle of the pagoda a huge statue of Buddha was installed. In order to strengthen the structure, double-layer walls were built with post trusses and struts in between to prop up the framework. Spiral stairs lead to each level. Since the pagoda is such a huge and complex structure, the components vary greatly in size and form. For instance, there are more than sixty different kinds of brackets. However, the method of construction was the same as for other wooden buildings.
2. Pagodas with brick exteriors and wooden interiors. The brick walls form the body of the pagoda like a hollow tube, so it is also called a tube-style structure. This structure was used in the construction of both multistoreyed and multi-eaved pagodas during early periods. According to the design for the height of each storey and the positions of doors and windows, holes were left when the brick walls were built for placing the floor slabs and putting up door and window frames. Sometimes pillars were erected at the corners to support the floor above. In most cases spiral stairs were built along the walls.
The number of storeys in a pagoda of this type usually corresponded to the positions of doors and windows and levels of eaves on the outside, and people could ascend them to enjoy the view around. The Big Wild Goose Pagoda in Xi’an, Gongchen Pagoda at Lin’an near Hangzhou and the Twin Pagodas at Luohanyuan Temple in Suzhou are examples of this category. The actual number of storeys in a multi-eaved pagoda, however, usually did not correspond to the positions of doors, windows and eaves, because the eaves were built so close to each other above ground level that there was not enough space for a complete storey in the interior. The pagoda at Songyue Temple, the Small Wild Goose Pagoda and Qianxun Pagoda at Dali’s Chongsheng Temple are typical of this category.
3. Pagodas with a central wooden pillar. Most early wooden pagodas had a central pillar as the mainstay of the structure. A huge pillar, erected right in the middle of the pagoda, propped up the frame from the ground to the top. Descriptions of this construction have been found in historical accounts. A five-storeyed pagoda at Falong Temple in Japan is an existing example of this type. The central pillar helps stabilize the structure. The only extant example of this type in China is the wooden pagoda at Tianning Temple in Zhengding. Since the pagoda is a mixture of wood and brick, the pillar was erected in the upper half of the pagoda, not on the bottom floor, but the central-pillar structure is quite obvious. It is a valuable example in the study of this type of pagoda.
4. Pagodas made of both wood and brick. This type of pagoda was a transition from wooden pagodas to pagodas made of bricks and stones. The body of the pagoda was made of bricks; the eaves, verandas and banisters were made of timber. Wooden columns, beams and eaves were joined to the brick walls for interior framework. This structure was popular during the Song Dynasty. The square pagoda at Songjiang in Shanghai, the Pagoda of Six Harmonies in Hangzhou, Ruiguang Pagoda and Beisi Pagoda in Suzhou are typical of this type.
5. Pagodas with a brick pillar as the mainstay. These were products of China’s traditional brick and stone architecture at its highest development. The main body of the pagoda is completely brick. The stairs, floors, verandas and eaves are all built of brick or stone as integral parts of a complex whole. In the middle of the pagoda a huge brick pillar props up the roof. Every floor level is connected to the central pillar and the walls to form an integrated whole. The floors are built by means of arch bonding and stacking bricks around the central pillar. There are two forms of stairs: One is built along the walls of the central pillar in a “z’ shape; the other winds through the hollow space in the central pillar. In the former case there is a landing around the pillar on every level. Examples of the first structure include the pagoda at Youguo Temple in Kaifeng, Henan Province, the pagoda at Lingyun Temple in Leshan, Sichuan Province, and the one at Famen Temple in Fufeng, Shaanxi Province. The second form is represented by Baodingshan Pagoda in Dazu, Sichuan Province, Liaodi Pagoda at Kaiyuan Temple in Dingzhou and the sarira pagoda in Jingxian County, Hebei Province. Most were built during the Song and Ming dynasties and reached advanced levels in brick and stone architecture.
6. Pagodas build on high platforms. The vajrasanastyle pagodas are pagodas with a huge platform as the main body. Brick or stone staircases were built inside the hollow platform for people to ascend the building. In the pedestal under the pagoda at Zhenjue Temple in Beijing there is a central pillar, and the room around it has a vault roof that serves as the exterior terrace on which small pagodas were erected. The pagodas at Beijing’s Biyun Temple and Hohhot’s Cideng Temple were both built in this style. Some other pagodas have staircases on the outside of the platforms, such as Qingjinhuayu Pagoda in Beijing’s Xihuang Temple and the pagoda at Yuanzhao Temple on Mount Wutai in Shanxi Province.
7. Other types of pagodas. The Lamaist pagoda, for instance, has a round, inverted-bowl-shaped body. During the Ming and Qing dynasties a recess called the yanguang gate was built on the front of the round structure. Sometimes a wooden framework was installed inside the inverted-bowl body to strengthen its stability. Sometimes the inverted-bowl style was combined with a multistoreyed pagoda, such as building a multistoreyed pagoda on top of an inverted-bowl structure, or with a tube-shaped pagoda, or others.
Steeple
Every pagoda is surmounted by a steeple, sometimes pointed and sometimes ball-shaped. They vary greatly in style and building materials. The most commonly used building materials for steeples are bricks, stones and metals.
The steeple, as the tallest part of the pagoda, is extremely important. In Chinese it is called cha, meaning land or territory representing “the country of Buddha.” Therefore, a Buddhist temple is also called cha in China. The lake to the north of Beihai Park in Beijing is called Shi Cha Hai, meaning the Lake of Ten Temples, because there used to be ten great Buddhist temples by the lake.
The steeple is also very important in the architectural structure, because it is the tip of the building. No matter whether the pagoda’s roof is square, hexagonal, octagonal or round, the rafters, sheathing and tile ridges all come to one point, where a component should be fixed to stabilize the roof structure and prevent rain from leaking into the building. The steeple performs these functions.
From the aesthetic point of view, the steeple, surmounting the whole structure of the pagoda, was the crowning image of the building. Therefore, great efforts were made to create a steeple that was exquisite, lofty and graceful.
Early stupas in India also had steeples, but they were not so tall and complex. For instance, a famous Indian stupa built around the first century has only a spire and three layers of umbrella-shaped decorations. After stupas were introduced to China, however, and combined with traditional architectural styles, the steeple of the pagoda, as the emblem of Buddhism, became more and more important and conspicuous. In Stories About Buddhist Temples in Luoyang the steeple of the pagoda at Yongning Temple was said to be as tall as “ten zhang” (33 meters), which may be an exaggeration, but it must have been quite tall. The decorative precious bottle on top of the steeple allegedly could hold 25 dan (2,500 liters) of grain. We can imagine how big it was. Below the precious golden bottle there were thirty tiers of gilded dew basins and many golden bells hanging around them. Since the steeple was very tall, four iron chains linked the steeple with the four comers of the pagoda roof to stabilize the structure. The iron chains were also ornamented with little golden bells.
Many pagoda steeples were built like small Lamaist dagobas. A typical example is the pagoda at Tianning Temple in Anyang, Henan Province. The five-storeyed pagoda is surmounted by a smaller Lamaist dagoba. In Miaoying Temple in Beijing the White Dagoba is composed of a small Lamaist dagoba on top of a larger dagoba. Some Buddhist scriptures say that Buddhist relics are placed in the tip of a pagoda steeple, but no such case has ever been discovered. Researchers believe this was a mistake and that the bottom of the steeple was intended.
The steeple of a pagoda is itself a small dagoba, composed of bottom, body and top with a pole in the middle. Sometimes there is a small cabinet at the bottom of the steeple to hold Buddhist relics, Buddhist sutras or gold, silver, jade and other valuable objects. Such hiding places were found in recent years when repairing old pagodas. At Qianxun Pagoda at Chongsheng Temple in Dali, Yunnan Province, Buddhist relics, scriptures and statues of Buddha were found in a hiding place at the bottom of the pagoda’s steeple, while nothing was found in the underground palace of the pagoda. Whether the underground palace had been robbed of its treasure or it was a mere symbolic form when the real relics and funerary objects had been hidden in the steeple remains an open question.
The base of the steeple was built on the roof of the pagoda, pressing on the rafters, sheathing, corner columns and tile ridges, with the steeple pole planted right in the middle. Steeple bases varied from one another; most were shaped like the Sumeru pedestal, or blooming lotus petals. Some were just plain square platforms. Many had carved patterns of lotus petals or honeysuckle leaves.
The most outstanding characteristic of the steeple was the discs around the pole of the steeple. They were called xianglun (wheel or disc) or golden basins or dew basins, as a symbol of honor or respect for the Buddha. Generally, the bigger the pagoda, the more and bigger the discs. In the early period there were no regulations as to the number of such discs on a particular pagoda. Some had as many as several dozen; others had three or five. Originally, the great wooden pagoda at Yongning Temple ha Luoyang, for instance, had thirty tiers of discs. The Four-Door Pagoda has five and Songyue Temple Pagoda has seven. In later times pagodas were built with one, three, five, seven, nine, eleven or thirteen discs. Most Lamaist dagobas have thirteen discs, which are therefore called “thirteen skies.” An umbrellalike canopy is usually built above the discs as part of the pagoda’s ornaments.
The top of the steeple is also the top of the pagoda. It was usually put above the canopy and consisted of a crescent moon and a precious bead. Sometimes the bead was put above or in the middle of a flame ornament. To avoid any indication of fire, the flame-shaped ornament was called “water smoke.”
The pole of the steeple was the central axle. All the components of a metal steeple were fastened to the pole, which supported the different parts of the steeple. Even small brick pagodas had a wooden or metal pole in the middle of the steeple. According to Buddhist literature, the pole was also called chazhu (steeple pillar) or jincha (golden steeple) or biaocha (symbolic steeple). It was usually made of wood or iron and placed on the roof of the pagoda.
These were the most representative steeple structures. Changes were made in different eras, areas and on different types of pagodas built of different materials. For instance, sometimes three, five, seven or nine metal balls were part of the spire of a pagoda, as in the Twin Pagodas of Chongxing Temple in Beizhen, Liaoning Province. Sometimes a huge canopy was put on top of the pagoda’s steeple, as in the Tianning Temple Pagoda in Beijing. The canopies had different shapes–round, square or octagonal. The spire of Haibao Pagoda in Yinchuan consisted of an onion-shaped ornament, possibly influenced by Islamic architecture. Guang Pagoda at Huaisheng Temple in Guangzhou is unique, since the steeple is a weather vane, completely different from an ordinary Buddhist pagoda.
In search of gojunoto, the five element Japanese pagoda
Structural performance of Dou-Gong brackets of Yingxian Wood Pagoda under vertical load – An experimental study
Zhiyong Chen a b c, Enchun Zhu a b, Frank Lam d, Jinglong Pan a b a Key Lab of Structures Dynamic Behaviour and Control (Harbin Institute of Technology), Ministry of Education, Harbin 150090, China b School of Civil Engineering, Harbin Institute of Technology, Harbin 150090, China c Faculty of Forestry and Environmental Management, University of New Brunswick, Fredericton E3B 5A3, Canada d Department of Wood Science, University of British Columbia, Vancouver V6T 1Z4, Canada
Received 17 August 2013, Revised 12 June 2014, Accepted 9 September 2014, Available online 27 September 2014.
Engineering Structures Volume 80, 1 December 2014, Pages 274-288
The term Nichiren school (Nichirenshū) broadly denotes the entire Buddhist tradition deriving from the medieval Japanese teacher Nichiren (1222–1282). It comprises more than forty independent religious institutions, including traditional temple denominations, lay associations, and new religious movements. Originally a monk of the Tendai tradition, Nichiren did not regard himself as the founder of a new sect, nor did he designate his following by any particular sectarian name. Because he taught exclusive faith in the Lotus SŪtra (SaddharmapuṆḌarika-sŪtra), after his death, his following became known as the Lotus sect (Hokkeshū). The name Nichirenshu came into broad usage from around the late sixteenth century.
Present organization and observances
The largest of the Nichiren Buddhist temple denominations takes Nichirenshū as its legal name and has its head temple at Kuonji at Mount Minobu in Yamanashi Prefecture, where Nichiren spent his last years. Other Nichiren Buddhist denominations include, for example, Hokkeshū (Shinmon, Honmon, and Jinmon branches), Honmon Butsuryūshū, Honmon Hokkeshū, Kenpon Hokkeshū, Nichiren Honshū, Nichiren Komonshū, Nichiren Shōshū, and Nichirenshū Fuju Fuse-ha. Many of these temple organizations trace their history back to the original monastic lineages established by Nichiren’s immediate disciples, which underwent repeated schisms during the fourteenth through sixteenth centuries due to geographic separation, institutional rivalry, and differences of doctrinal interpretation. The nineteenth century saw the flourishing of Nichiren Buddhist lay associations (kōchū or kō), sometimes independent of priestly guidance, which were the predecessors of today’s Nichiren- or Lotus Sūtra-based lay organizations. Of these latter groups, the most prominent are Reiyūkai, Risshō Kōseikai, and SŌka Gakkai, which number among
Japan’s largest “new religions.” To an extent not seen in other Buddhist sects, the religious energy of modern Nichiren Buddhism has shifted to lay movements.
Despite considerable differences of interpretation and ritual observance, all these various groups revere Nichiren and the Lotus Sūtra and recite the title or daimoku of the Lotus in the formula “Namu Myōhō-renge-kyō,” as Nichiren taught. (The actual pronunciation of the daimoku may vary slightly according to the particular group.) This practice, deemed especially suited to the present era, known as the “Final Dharma age” (mappō), is said to manifest individuals’ innate potential for buddhahood and lead to positive transformation of the world. Reciting portions of the Lotus Sūtra and chanting the daimoku are performed at all formal ceremonies and constitute the basic practice of both clergy and laity. In addition to annual rites conducted by temples of all Buddhist sects, such as New Year‘s observances and memorial services for the dead at the equinoxes and during the summer Obon festival, Nichiren Buddhist temples and lay societies perform ritual observances on dates sacred to their tradition, usually transposed from the lunar to the Western calendar. These include Nichiren’s birthday (celebrated February 16); the date of his first sermon, said to mark the founding of the Nichiren school (April 28); commemorations of various persecutions that Nichiren faced in propagating his teachings; and the day of his death or nirvaṆĀ (October 13).
The founder Nichiren
Nichiren is often counted as one of the founders of the “new Buddhism” of the Kamakura period (1185–1333). He was born in Kominato in Awa Province (Chiba prefecture) in humble circumstances. At age twelve he entered a nearby temple, Seichōji or Kiyosumidera, for study and was ordained four years later, in 1237. Driven by a desire to understand the truth of the Buddha’s teachings, he spent the next sixteen years studying at major monasteries, including the great Tendai Buddhist center at Mount Hiei near Kyoto, the imperial capital. Later he based himself in Kamakura, seat of the newly established shogunate or military government, where he proselytized among warriors of middle and lower rank. Nichiren’s early teachings draw heavily on Tiantai/Tendai thought grounded in the Lotus Sūtra and its commentaries, as well as on esoteric Buddhism. His early teachings also championed traditional Buddhist institutions over and against the growing influence of the new Pure Land sect founded by HŌnen (1133–1212). Over time, however, Nichiren increasingly stressed that only the Lotus Sūtraleads to liberation during this Final Dharma age, and he began to dissociate himself from the Tendai Buddhist establishment, which he saw as having adulterated devotion to the Lotus with the practice of provisional teachings no longer suited to the times. Based on Tendai doctrines of the nonduality of persons and their environment, Nichiren interpreted the disasters of his day—including famine, epidemics, and Mongol invasion attempts—as karmic retribution for people having abandoned the Lotus Sūtra in favor of lesser teachings; conversely, he held, the spread of faith in the Lotus would transform this world into the Buddha land. This theme informs his famous admonitory treatise, Risshō ankoku ron (On Establishing the Right [Dharma] and Bringing Peace to the Land), delivered to the shogunate in 1260, as well as his later writings.
Convinced of the pressing need to communicate his message, Nichiren adopted shakubuku, a confrontational method of teaching the dharma by directly rebuking attachment to provisional teachings, whether through writing, preaching, or religious debate. Nichiren’s mounting criticism of other forms of Buddhism, and of government officials for supporting them, soon incurred the anger of the authorities. He was exiled twice, to the Izu peninsula (1261–1263) and to Sado island (1271–1274), and was once nearly beheaded during the so-called Ryūkō or Tatsunokuchi persecution of the twelfth day, ninth month, 1271. Several of his followers were imprisoned or had their lands confiscated. Nichiren considered these trials a proof of the righteousness of his convictions and asserted the need to uphold the Lotus Sūtra in the face of opposition, even at the cost of one’s life. His mature teachings were developed during his exile to Sado and his subsequent reclusion on Mount Minobu (1274–1282), where he devoted his last years to writing and to training successors. More than a hundred of his writings, including personal letters and doctrinal essays, survive in his own hand.
Nichiren’s teachings
Nichiren adopted the Tiantai school doctrine of reality as “three thousand realms in a single-thought moment” (ichinen sanzen) to explain the theoretical basis upon which ordinary people can realize buddhahood, and their surroundings become the buddha land. In terms of practice for the Final Dharma age, however, Nichiren understood “the single thought-moment being three thousand realms,” not as a formless principle to be discerned within one’s own mind, as in Tiantai meditation, but as manifested in concrete form as the “three great secret dharmas” (sandai hihō). Derived from the “origin teaching” (honmon) or latter half of the Lotus Sūtra, regarded as the preaching of the original or primordially enlightened Buddha, these three constitute the core of Nichiren’s teaching. They are:
(1) The daimoku. For Nichiren, the five characters Myō-hō-ren-ge-kyō (in Japanese pronunciation) that comprise the Lotus Sūtra‘s title are not merely a name but embody the essence of all Buddhist teachings and are the seed of buddhahood for all beings. All the practices and resulting virtues of the primordial Buddha are encompassed in these five characters and are “naturally transferred” to the practitioner in the moment of faith and practice. That is, the practitioner and the original Buddha are identified in the act of chanting the daimoku.
(2) The honzon, or object of worship. Nichiren’s honzon has the two inseparable aspects of the “Buddha,” the primordial Śākyamuni of the origin teaching, enlightened since the beginningless past, and the “dharma,” the truth of “Myōhō-renge-kyō,” to which this Buddha is awakened. Nichiren gave this object of worship iconic form as a calligraphic maṆḌala of his own devising. “Namu Myōhō-renge-kyō” is inscribed down its center, while to the left and right are written the characters for the names of the two buddhas, Śākyamuni and Prabhūtaratna, along with the names of other representatives of those present at the assembly of the Lotus Sūtra. This maṇḍala depicts the realm of the primordial Buddha, which, Nichiren taught, ordinary persons can enter through faith. More than 120 of these maṇḍalas, inscribed for individual followers and their families, survive in Nichiren’s handwriting. Various configurations of sculpted images representing the original Buddha and his Lotus assembly were also used by later Nichiren followers.
(3) The kaidan, or ordination platform. This designates the place of practice. Nichiren’s own writings do not explain it in detail, and considerable controversy has surrounded its interpretation. Nichiren himself may well have envisioned the kaidan as an actual physical structure, supplanting the other, court-sponsored ordination platforms of his day, to be erected by imperial authority at some future time when people had widely embraced faith in the Lotus Sūtra. At the same time, the kaidan has often been interpreted metaphorically, to mean that wherever one embraces faith in the Lotus Sūtra is the buddha land.
Although he taught devotion to the Lotus as a self-contained, exclusive practice, Nichiren understood that practice as encompassing all possible benefits: realization of buddhahood, assurance for one’s next life, eradication of sin, cultivation of merit, and protection and blessings in this world.
Contributions to Japanese culture
A key element of Nichiren’s legacy is his doctrine of risshō ankoku (establishing the right [dharma] and bringing peace to the land), which holds that faith in the Lotus Sūtra can manifest the buddha land in this present world. This ideal supports the value of positive engagement with society and may have contributed to the growth of mercantile culture in Japan’s medieval cities. In the mid-fifteenth century, half the population of Kyoto—the majority of them manufacturers, tradespeople, and moneylenders—is said to have belonged to the Nichiren school. Since the late nineteenth century, Nichiren’s goal of transforming this world into a buddha land has been assimilated to a range of political and social goals. During Japan’s modern imperial period (1868–1945), some Nichirenist lay societies, such as the Kokuchūkai (Pillar of the Nation Society), established in 1914 by Tanaka Chigaku (1861–1939), interpreted Nichiren’s risshō ankoku ideal in terms of Japanese nationalism and deployed it to legitimize the armed expansion of empire. In the post–World War II period, especially among the new religious movements, it has been interpreted as a spiritual basis for the antinuclear movement, efforts for global peace, and a range of humanitarian endeavors. Nipponzan Myōhōji, a small Nichiren Buddhist monastic order, embraces absolute pacificism and engages in peace marches and civil protest, while Nichiren- or Lotus-based lay organizations, notably Sōka Gakkai and Risshō Kōseikai, support the United Nations as NGO (nongovernmental organization) members and engage in relief work and civic projects. This side of Nichiren Buddhism lends itself to contemporary emphasis on Buddhist social engagement.
Another, less well-recognized contribution of the Nichiren school lies in its history of committed individuals, beginning with Nichiren himself, who risked official displeasure for the dharma’s sake. Once well established, most Nichiren Buddhist institutions, both past and present—like religious institutions more generally—have tended to take a conciliatory stance toward existing authority and support the status quo. Nonetheless, Nichiren’s teaching that one must uphold the Lotus Sūtra even in the face of persecution from the country’s ruler created a moral space exterior to worldly authority, from which that authority could be criticized and, if necessary, opposed. This attitude of defiance has periodically resurfaced, often on the part of those who saw themselves as reformers within the Nichiren school, seeking to revive the founder’s spirit. Medieval hagiographies celebrate the stories of those monks of the tradition who, in imitation of Nichiren, admonished high officials to take faith in the Lotus Sūtra for the country’s welfare and were imprisoned or tortured as a result. A later example is the Nichiren fuju fuse (neither receiving nor giving) movement of the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, whose monks—until driven underground—resisted official controls imposed on religious institutions, refusing to accept alms from rulers who were not Lotus devotees or to participate in public religious ceremonies for their benefit. Similarly, during the 1940s, leaders of both Honmon Hokkeshū and Sōka Gakkai were imprisoned for their defiance of wartime government religious policy, which mandated displays of reverence for state Shintō. Nichiren’s intransigent spirit and his example of unwavering loyalty to a transcendent truth have also inspired individuals, linked only tenuously to the Nichiren tradition or even outside it altogether, who have faced official sanctions for their beliefs. These include the Christian leader Uchimura Kanzō (1861–1930) and the socialist activist Senoo Girō (1890–1961).
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THE present volume includes the English translations of 172 works, including both doctrinal theses and letters, written by Nichiren Daishonin (1222–1282). Before proceeding to the translations themselves, a word or two about the historical and cultural background of the period in which Nichiren Daishonin lived may be helpful.
In addition, we have included a brief biography of the Daishonin and a summary of his thought, and we conclude with a general description of his writings. We have also provided a glossary and other explanatory material at the back of the book. Furthermore, a short essay and supplementary notes concerning background and content follow each translation.
Historical Background
Thirteenth-century Japan was ruled by a warrior government whose headquarters was in Kamakura, a seacoast city southwest of present-day Tokyo. The Kamakura shogunate, as the government is commonly known, lasted from 1185 to 1333, and thus this span of time is referred to as the Kamakura period.
The Kamakura shogunate, a government organization created and wholly dominated by members of the warrior class, represented a new phenomenon in Japanese history. In the earliest period of Japanese history, if traditional accounts are to be trusted, the emperors exercised military power in person when the occasion demanded. But in the succeeding centuries the duties of the emperor became increasingly confined to religious and ceremonial functions. An elaborate central and provincial bureaucracy modeled after that of China carried out the administration of the affairs of the land, and a conscript army kept order and guarded the frontiers.
At the end of the eighth century, the emperor bestowed the title of Seii-taishōgun, or Great General Who Subdues the Barbarians, on a court official and sent him to conquer the indigenous tribes of the north. The title, abbreviated to “shogun,” was to figure prominently in later Japanese history, when it came to designate the military ruler of the nation. But at this time there was as yet nothing like a distinct warrior class or profession.
During the long centuries of the Heian period (794–1185), when the capital was located at Heiankyō, or present-day Kyoto, the situation began to change. The court aristocrats, who headed the Chinese-style bureaucracy mentioned earlier, tended increasingly to pursue artistic and cultural interests in the capital and to neglect the actual administration of government affairs, particularly in the outlying provinces. As a result, a new class of farmer-warriors emerged, who were commonly referred to as samurai. By reclaiming or opening up new lands for cultivation in the remoter regions, they succeeded in creating small estates for themselves. To avoid taxation from the central government, their lands were nominally entrusted to powerful aristocratic families or Buddhist temples, but in effect these constituted private holdings protected by the military prowess of individual samurai.
To strengthen their position, the samurai rapidly grouped together or placed themselves in the service of one of the more powerful local clans. Soon they came to constitute a new class of professional warriors, leaving the actual cultivation of their estates to the peasants under their direction and concentrating on the improvement of the military arts and on the ideals of fortitude and daring that supported them.
At first these powerful provincial clans were content for the most part to remain aloof from affairs in the capital. There, the imperial institution had come under the absolute domination of the great courtier family known as the Fujiwara. The Fujiwara monopolized the highest offices, married their daughters to the emperors, and, placing child rulers on the throne, managed affairs in their name. As a consequence, most Japanese emperors at this time reigned for only a brief time, after which they were obliged to yield the throne to an infant heir and retire to a life of relative seclusion.
In such a complex political situation, in which one or more retired emperors lived contemporaneously with a reigning emperor, and various branches of the Fujiwara family vied for supremacy, power clashes were inevitable. When these occurred, the rivals not surprisingly attempted to bolster their position by seeking support from the warrior clans of the provinces, some of whom were related to the court aristocracy. Thus the warriors came to play a part in the affairs of the court and the capital, at first only infrequently, but later with increasing regularity.
The branches of the Fujiwara family living in northeastern Japan were among the first to take up such a role. In time they were overshadowed by two other warrior clans, the Minamoto, or Genji, whose holdings were centered in the Kanto region of eastern Japan, and the Taira, or Heike, who had their base of power in the Inland Sea region.
Eventually, the leader of the Taira clan, Taira no Kiyomori (1118–1181), through his intervention in two successive struggles for power at court, succeeded in becoming the virtual dictator of the nation. He proceeded to install himself in the highest government position, and for the first time in history, reigning and retired emperors and Fujiwara lords alike all found themselves at the mercy of a military leader and his followers.
The Taira, however, proved to be no real enemies to the aristocracy, instead taking enthusiastically to the ways of the capital. Before long, they had abandoned their warrior manners and ideals, and become indistinguishable from the courtier class. But they had shown to others the way to power, and with the death of Kiyomori in 1181, their position of dominance was swiftly challenged by other warrior clans headed by the Minamoto family of the east. The Taira were forced to abandon Kyoto and flee west, and suffered a final crushing defeat in 1185 at the naval battle of Dannoura.
Minamoto no Yoritomo (1147–1199), the leader of the Minamoto forces, was careful not to repeat the mistakes made by the Taira. Instead, he established his military government in Kamakura, where it would be safely removed from the influence of the court and its debilitating ways. He made no attempt to dismantle the government machinery already in existence in Kyoto. On the contrary, he deliberately sought acknowledgment of his actions from the emperor and the court, and in 1192 succeeded in obtaining the prestigious military title of shogun.
It soon became evident, however, that the administrative functions previously carried out by the court would in the future be increasingly taken over by warrior families under the direction of the Kamakura shogunate. In 1185, Minamoto no Yoritomo appointed shugo, or constables, to keep order in the various provinces, and jitō, or stewards, to oversee public and private estates, and although these functionaries were ostensibly only handling affairs connected with the warrior class, they soon became the de facto governors of their region.
Yoritomo had been assisted in his rise to power by his wife’s relatives, members of the Hōjō family, a powerful military clan of the Izu region. When Yoritomo died in 1199, he was succeeded as shogun by his eighteen-year-old son, Yoriie. But actual power was wielded by Yoriie’s maternal grandfather, Hōjō Tokimasa (1138–1215), who acted as shikken, or regent, for the boy and eventually had him done away with. Yoriie’s younger brother, Sanetomo, replaced him as shogun in 1203, but was assassinated in 1219, thus bringing to an end the line of Yoritomo’s direct descendants.
For the remainder of the Kamakura period, the position of shogun was occupied by an infant or child chosen at first from the Fujiwara family and later from the imperial family. All real authority was exercised by the members of the Hōjō family who held the office of regent for these puppet rulers.
The supremacy of the Hōjō regents did not go entirely unchallenged. In 1221 the Retired Emperor Gotoba, along with two other retired emperors, attempted to break free of the shogunate’s domination. But though orders were sent out to the provinces to levy troops and raise support for the imperial cause, the number of warriors that responded was pitifully small. The imperial forces were easily defeated, and the Kamakura government deposed the reigning emperor and exiled the retired emperors to distant islands. This incident is known as the Jōkyū Disturbance, from the name of the era in which it took place. To ensure that nothing like it would occur again, the Hōjō family set up a military headquarters in Kyoto to keep watch on the court.
The second serious threat to Hōjō power was in fact a threat to all Japan that came from abroad. In the past, mainly because of the distance that separated Japan from the continent, the country had seldom had to fear the grim possibility of invasion. But in the thirteenth century a new and ruthless race of conquerors, the Mongols, became active in Asia. In addition to their victories in Central Asia and Europe, they overran northern China and Korea, and were in the process of subjugating southern China as well when Japan engaged their attention. In 1268 the Mongol ruler Khubilai Khan sent the first of a succession of envoys to Japan to demand that it acknowledge fealty to him. Hōjō Tokimune, who headed the shogunate, vehemently rejected the demands and ignored all the subsequent Mongol envoys. In 1274 a Mongol force arrived in the waters off southern Japan to punish the Japanese for their recalcitrance. They overran several small islands and made a landing in Kyushu, but with the onslaught of a severe storm, soon withdrew.
The leaders in Kamakura, knowing well that they had not seen the end of the matter, began hurriedly constructing walls and taking other precautions to guard against a second invasion. The Mongols appeared once again in 1281 at the head of a huge fleet of Chinese and Korean vessels. Again the Japanese put up a fierce resistance, though they suffered terrible losses. Before the Mongols could move the bulk of their forces into action, however, a great storm struck the area, sinking or crippling the ships of the invaders and bringing their expedition to a disastrous conclusion.
Although the Mongols contemplated yet another invasion attempt, they eventually abandoned their ambitions and in 1299 made peace overtures to Japan. But the losses suffered by the Japanese warriors in the conflict had seriously weakened the confidence they placed in the Kamakura shogunate. At the same time, the heavy cost of the defense measures threatened the government’s stability. Both these factors hastened the process of the Kamakura shogunate’s decline. In the early years of the fourteenth century, a strong-willed emperor named Godaigo came to the throne. Resolved to rule alone and to rid himself of the dominance of the Hōjō regents, he made several attempts to overthrow the Kamakura shogunate. His efforts eventually proved successful in 1333 when the warrior leaders supporting him seized the military headquarters in Kyoto and Kamakura, and put an end to Hōjō rule.
Cultural and Religious Background
Japan at an early stage of its history was affected by the strong cultural influence of China and Korea. The Japanese adopted the Chinese written language for use in keeping government records and writing works of history and philosophy, and utilized the Chinese characters to devise a writing system for their own language. They also, as was noted earlier, introduced much of the Chinese bureaucratic system, setting up a centralized system of government under the supreme authority of the emperor. In such fields as philosophy, art, architecture, medicine, and engineering, the Japanese likewise borrowed heavily from the continent.
About the middle of the sixth century, according to traditional accounts, Buddhism was introduced to Japan from Korea. At first it met with sharp resistance from supporters of the native Shinto faith, but in time gained a foothold among the upper classes. Soon the government was taking an active role in encouraging the new religion, founding temples, welcoming priests from abroad, and sending Japanese priests to the mainland for study. The great city of Nara, capital of the nation from 710 to 784, was famed for its imposing array of temples and the gigantic bronze image of the Buddha Vairochana that was erected by the government in 749.
But the type of Buddhism brought to Japan at this time, though mainly Mahayana in thought, was largely concerned with abstruse doctrine or the observance of complex rules of monastic discipline. Beyond the outward majesty and beauty of the buildings and images associated with it, there was little in this sort of Buddhism that appealed to or was understood by ordinary people of limited education. The aristocracy patronized the religion because they believed it would help insure their personal safety and well-being and that of the state. But it is unlikely that the Buddhist influence penetrated very deeply at the lower levels of Japanese society.
In the early Heian period, two new schools of Buddhism were introduced from China. The first was T’ien-t’ai Buddhism, which was introduced by Saichō (767–822), better known by his posthumous title, the Great Teacher Dengyō. This Buddhism spread in Japan under the name Tendai Buddhism, Tendai being the Japanese rendering of the Chinese T’ien-t’ai. The T’ien-t’ai doctrines, which are based on the Lotus Sutra, form one of the chief elements in the teaching of Nichiren Daishonin. The second school was True Word, or esoteric Buddhism, introduced by Kūkai (774–835), or the Great Teacher Kōbō. It emphasized the role of music and the arts in assisting one to gain religious understanding, and advocated various mystic rituals to ward off evil and attain salvation.
While both of these new schools of Buddhism enjoyed the support of the government, they preferred to establish their headquarters on mountaintop retreats somewhat removed from the court. The head temple of the Tendai school was situated on Mount Hiei northeast of Kyoto, and that of the True Word school on Mount Kōya far to the south. Both mountain monasteries played a vital role in later centuries as centers of Buddhist learning, the former in particular serving as a training ground for many of the most famous leaders of Japanese Buddhism, including Nichiren Daishonin.
However, although both schools emphasized that all beings are capable of attaining Buddhahood, they appear to have done little to spread that message among the people. Instead, True Word, and in time the Tendai as well, became increasingly concerned with the performance of elaborate rituals and mystic incantations, or caught up in sordid struggles for power with rival schools or among the warring factions within their own schools.
Turning to literature for a moment, it is important to note that The Collection of Ten Thousand Leaves, the great anthology of ancient Japanese poetry compiled toward the close of the Nara period (710–794), is outstanding for its relative simplicity, directness of expression, and sunniness of outlook, as well as for the fact that it includes poems from all classes of society.
In the succeeding Heian period, however, poetry became almost exclusively the possession of the courtly class, and grew increasingly contrived in expression and intellectual in tone. At the same time both poetry and other literary forms became imbued with an air of melancholy. The beginnings of this pessimistic attitude are already to be glimpsed in Collection of Ten Thousand Leaves and are characteristically associated with the Buddhist emphasis upon the impermanent and ever-changing nature of life, a quality known in Japanese as mujō. Buddhism, of course, stresses the element of change in human life in order to rouse people to think seriously about their salvation. Fundamentally, Mahayana Buddhism is anything but pessimistic in outlook. But to the Japanese of the Heian period, particularly in its later trouble-filled years, the great hope held out by the Buddhist religion seemed less real than the inevitability of change, which to them invariably meant change for the worse. Thus, the greatest literary work of the period, The Tale of Genji, which dates from the eleventh century, is suffused with a sense of the briefness, uncertainly, and inherent sadness of life.
The Japanese of this period had a particular reason for believing that life was fated to be sorrowful and that hopes for salvation were uncertain. Buddhism taught that, after the passing of Shakyamuni Buddha, the Buddhist teachings would go through three major periods of change: an age when the Law, or doctrine, would flourish, an age when it would begin to decline, and finally an age known as the Latter Day of the Law, when the Law, or doctrine, would decline even further and ultimately lose its power of salvation.
Although there are different methods of calculating the duration of the three periods, the Japanese believed that they would enter the age of the Latter Day around the middle of the eleventh century. Their expectations seemed to be confirmed at this time by the declining power of the court, unrest in the outlying areas, and other signs of decay in the social order.
In earlier times Japanese Buddhism, particularly the Tendai school, had stressed that it is possible for a person to achieve enlightenment, or Buddhahood, in this life through his or her own efforts. But there was a widespread feeling that, with the arrival of the Latter Day of the Law, such hopes would become unrealistic. In the Tendai monastery at Mount Hiei a belief arose that, in an age of degeneracy, one must look to some outside power as the means of obtaining enlightenment. This belief made faith in the saving power of the Buddha Amida look increasingly attractive. Amida is a Buddha who is said to preside over a paradise known as the Pure Land of Perfect Bliss. As a bodhisattva, he took a vow to save all people who call upon his name and to see that, after death, they are reborn to a life of bliss in the far-off Pure Land.
The practice of offering prayers to Amida was very popular in Chinese Buddhism and was introduced to Japan at an early date. But it was not until Heian times that it became widespread. One may easily see why its appeal was so great. It did not demand that the believer undertake any strenuous religious exercises or abide by strict rules of discipline. All one had to do was to recite the simple formula of praise known as the Nembutsu with sincere faith in order to be assured of salvation. The aristocrats, notably the members of the Fujiwara family, demonstrated their enthusiasm for the worship of Amida by erecting magnificent temples adorned with splendid golden statues of him. At the same time, priests went about among the common people to preach the message of Amida’s salvation and to sing hymns of praise. As a result, Buddhism spread more widely than ever before among the lower classes and came to take a deep hold upon the spiritual life of the nation.
At first, this devotion to Amida remained simply one element among the religious practices of the Tendai school, the dominant school in the Heian period. But in the closing years of that period, two vigorous religious leaders appeared who established a separate form of Buddhism based solely on devotion to Amida. The first was Honen (1133–1212), the founder of the Pure Land school. The other was Shinran (1173–1262), whose followers in time came to be known as the True Pure Land school. Both men received religious training at Mount Hiei, but were later forced to leave the capital area because of opposition from the older schools of Buddhism. Their teachings in time won a wide following, particularly in rural areas.
If the masterpiece of Heian literature is The Tale of Genji, that of the Kamakura period is the historical romance known as The Tale of the Heike. The Tale of Genji was written by a woman, Murasaki Shikibu, and deals almost entirely with the lives and romantic intrigues of the court aristocracy. The Tale of the Heike,an anonymous work, was probably compiled in the thirteenth century on the basis of narratives that had been circulated earlier in oral form by storytellers. It describes in detail the phenomenal rise to power of the Heike, or Taira, family, and its overthrow by the Minamoto family. In marked contrast to The Tale of Genji, the work abounds in scenes of conflict and military prowess, is written in a sonorous masculine style, and reflects the interests and ideals of the newly emergent warrior class. There is one way, however, in which it resembles the earlier masterpiece. The Tale of Genji, as we have seen, is dominated by a mood of sadness over the brevity of human life. This same note of melancholy informs The Tale of the Heike, sounding in the very first sentences of the work. Indeed, to the Japanese of the time, the dramatic rise and fall of the Taira family was the ultimate symbol of mujō, the unavoidable transience of worldly glory.
As this similarity suggests, the culture of the Kamakura period in one sense marked a sharp break with the past, but in another, a continuation of it. The samurai, as was suitable for a member of a warrior class in a feudal society, attached great importance to simple living, personal daring, and unswerving loyalty to one’s lord. As we shall see when we come to the life of Nichiren Daishonin, there was a harshness and violence to life in the Kamakura period that reflected the warrior ethic. It was a time when even Buddhist temples armed themselves to defend their property and prerogatives, and the necessity to resort to arms seemed a possibility that was never far away.
At the same time the warriors, having little distinct culture of their own, were obliged to look to the members of the old court aristocracy for leadership in matters of higher culture, no matter how they might despise them for their effete way of life. The attitude of Kamakura toward Kyoto was thus one of ambiguity. Military leaders wished to remain aloof from the enfeebling and intrigue-filled atmosphere of the capital, but they envied the courtiers their knowledgeability in matters of music, poetry, and artistic taste. It is not surprising to find, therefore, that the heads of the Kamakura shogunate and their wives frequently turned to Kyoto for guidance in questions of art and learning, or welcomed to their city religious and cultural leaders from the capital who could act as mentors in such matters.
One of the ways the shogunate officials sought to lend prestige to their city and government was by patronizing a new form of Buddhism known as Zen. Zen was the dominant school of Buddhism in China at this time, and Japanese priests traveled to the mainland to study it and bring its teachings back with them. They attempted to introduce these teachings in Kyoto around the beginning of the thirteenth century, but met with strong opposition from the established schools of Buddhism.
It was natural, therefore, that they should journey to Kamakura, where the older schools exercised less influence, and try to interest the leaders of the military government in their doctrines. The members of the Hōjō family and their followers responded with enthusiasm, founding temples for the new school and inviting Chinese Zen masters to come to Kamakura. Dōryū (1213–1278), or Tao-lung, whom Nichiren Daishonin refers to frequently, was one such Chinese priest who enjoyed great favor with the Hōjō regime.
In its basic doctrines, Zen does not differ much from other Mahayana schools of Buddhism. But in contrast to those schools that stress study of the sutras and other sacred writings, or the saving power of some particular Buddha or bodhisattva, Zen urges the individual to gain enlightenment the way Shakyamuni Buddha gained it—by spending hours in meditation in the lotus posture. Zen thus minimized the importance of learning and called instead for discipline, untiring personal effort, and obedience to the Zen master. It is easy to see why such a doctrine would appeal to members of the warrior class. It assured them they need cope with no difficult doctrinal writings or philosophical subtleties to gain enlightenment. All they needed was the determination and patience to endure long and often painful hours of meditation. This was something any soldier could understand.
This, then, was the state of religious affairs when Nichiren Daishonin began his activities. The older schools of Buddhism centered in Nara and Kyoto enjoyed great power and prestige, though they were morally weakened by factionalism and worldliness. The Pure Land Buddhists, or Nembutsu believers as Nichiren Daishonin calls them, continued to grow in number, constituting a very important religious element, particularly in the countryside. Zen, though enjoying the patronage of the shogunate in Kamakura, and later of the court in Kyoto, was confined mainly to those two cities. One final Buddhist group mentioned by Nichiren Daishonin is the priests of the Precepts school. This school, which enjoins the observance of elaborate precepts, or rules of monastic discipline, had been introduced to Japan in the Nara period and enjoyed something of a revival in Kamakura times.
The period of Nichiren Daishonin’s lifetime was an age when the Japanese, troubled by rapid social changes they could not fully comprehend, as well as by natural catastrophes and the threat of foreign invasion, were searching for spiritual satisfaction. They attached great importance to religious matters, and were prepared to argue vehemently and even to resort to physical force to defend what they regarded as the truth. It was an age far different from the one of religious tolerance or indifference in which we live today, and in order to understand it, we must make a sincere effort to see into the minds and motives of its inhabitants.
The Life of Nichiren Daishonin
Nichiren Daishonin was born on the sixteenth day of the second month, 1222, in the village of Kataumi on the eastern coast of Awa Province in present-day Chiba Prefecture. His family made their living by fishing. As Nichiren Daishonin said in Letter from Sado, he was “the son of a chandāla family.” The chandāla are the lowest group in the Indian class system, comprising such professions as fisherman, jailer, and butcher. Nichiren Daishonin is acknowledging that his origins were of the humblest kind. He lived in the fishing village until the age of twelve, when he left home to study at a nearby temple called Seichō-ji. In those days temples were the only place where common people could learn reading and writing.
Young Nichiren became interested in and studied Buddhism at Seichō-ji, which belonged to the Tendai school. There he was placed under Dōzen-bō, a senior priest of Seichō-ji, and received instruction not only in Tendai doctrines but in True Word and Pure Land ones as well. He was particularly concerned about the bewildering multiplicity of Buddhist schools and the doctrinal contradictions within the Buddhist canon. He was convinced that one sutra among the many that existed must represent the ultimate truth. He began to wonder where he could find that truth. Another concern was the fundamental problem of life and death, which he had wished to solve since his early years. He came to realize that the answer could only be found in the Buddha’s enlightenment.
In the temple’s hall of worship, there was a statue of Bodhisattva Space Treasury. Nichiren prayed before the statue to become the wisest man in Japan, and his prayer was answered when, as he wrote later, the “living” Bodhisattva Space Treasury bestowed on him “a great jewel” of wisdom. At that moment he awakened to the ultimate reality of life and the universe. But in order to reveal this enlightenment to the people of the Latter Day of the Law, he had to systematize his ideas in relation to the whole spectrum of the Buddha’s teachings.
At the age of sixteen, he resolved to be ordained and took the religious name Zeshō-bō. Some time later he took leave of his teacher Dōzen-bō and went to Kamakura to further his studies. There he delved into the teachings of the Pure Land and Zen schools. Then he left for western Japan, where he went to Mount Hiei, the center of the Tendai school and of Buddhism in general, and later to Mount Kōya, the headquarters of the True Word school, and to other important temples in the Kyoto and Nara areas. After some ten years of study at Mount Hiei and elsewhere, he concluded that the true teachings of Buddhism are to be found in the Lotus Sutra. The Lotus represents the heart of Shakyamuni Buddha’s enlightenment; all other sutras are mere expedients leading up to the Lotus.
He returned to Seichō-ji in 1253. By that time he had chanted Nam-myoho-renge-kyo, which he regarded as the key for all people to unlock the treasure of enlightenment hidden in their hearts.
At noon on the twenty-eighth day of the fourth month, he propounded his doctrine at the temple in the presence of his teacher and other priests. Then he declared that none of the pre-Lotus Sutra teachings reveals the Buddha’s enlightenment, and that all the schools based on those teachings are misguided. He stated that the Lotus Sutra is supreme, and that Nam-myoho-renge-kyo, the essence of the Lotus Sutra, is the only teaching that can lead the people of the Latter Day of the Law to enlightenment.
Few in the audience understood the meaning of Nichiren Daishonin’s first sermon, and some responded negatively, since it appeared to be an attack upon their own religious beliefs. The steward of the region, Tōjō Kagenobu, a fanatic follower of the Pure Land school, took steps to harm the Daishonin. When the Daishonin managed to escape, he resolved to go to Kamakura to preach. He changed his name to Nichiren (Sun Lotus).
In the eighth month of 1253, he settled in a small dwelling at Nagoe, the southeast section of Kamakura. At his dwelling and at the homes of supporters, he began to tell people about the teachings of the Lotus Sutra. On occasion, he visited temples in the city to debate with their chief priests. He denounced the beliefs of the Pure Land school, which teaches that salvation can be gained merely by invoking the name of Amida Buddha, and also attacked Zen for its rejection of the sutras.
His attacks angered not only religious leaders, but government authorities as well, since the latter were in many cases ardent patrons of the Pure Land and Zen schools. Soon he faced fierce opposition, though he continued his efforts to win converts. It was in those early years of propagation that such major disciples as Shijō Kingo, Toki Jōnin, and Ikegami Munenaka were converted.
Beginning in 1256, Japan suffered a series of calamities. Storms, floods, droughts, earthquakes, and epidemics inflicted great hardship upon the nation. In 1257, a particularly severe earthquake destroyed many temples, government buildings, and homes in Kamakura, while in 1259 and 1260 severe famine and plague ravaged the populace.
Nichiren Daishonin believed that the time had come for him to explain the basic cause of these catastrophes. He consulted the Buddhist canon to assemble incontrovertible proof of that cause and wrote a treatise titled On Establishing the Correct Teaching for the Peace of the Land. Around that time he met an acolyte called Hōki-bō, who was so impressed by the Daishonin that he became his disciple. Later, the Daishonin named him Nikkō and Nikkō became his successor.
The most powerful man in the country was Hōjō Tokiyori, a former regent of the Kamakura shogunate who had retired to Saimyō-ji, a Zen temple, but still held power. On the sixteenth day of the seventh month, 1260, Nichiren Daishonin presented to Tokiyori the treatise he had completed. In it, he attributes the cause of the recent calamities to the people’s slander of the correct teaching of Buddhism, and their reliance on false doctrines. The worship of Amida Buddha, he asserts, is the source of such slander. The nation will know no relief from suffering unless the people renounce their mistaken beliefs and accept the teachings of the Lotus Sutra. Quotes from the Golden Light, Medicine Master, Benevolent Kings, and Great Collection sutras are included to substantiate these assertions. These sutras mention various calamities that will befall any nation hostile to the correct teaching. Of the seven mentioned in the Medicine Master Sutra, five had already struck Japan. The Daishonin predicts that, if the authorities persist in turning their backs on the correct teaching, the two remaining calamities, foreign invasion and internal strife, will strike the nation as well.
Tokiyori and the government officials appear to have taken no notice of the treatise. However, when word of its contents reached the followers of the Pure Land school, they were incensed. A band of them swarmed the Daishonin’s dwelling intent on taking his life. This is known as the Matsubagayatsu Persecution. The Daishonin narrowly escaped with a few disciples, but his sense of mission would not allow him to stay away from Kamakura for long. In less than a year he was back in Kamakura to resume his preaching.
The priests of the Pure Land school, alarmed at his success in attracting followers, contrived to have charges brought against him by the Kamakura government. The regent at the time was Hōjō Nagatoki, whose father was Shigetoki, a lay priest who built Gokuraku-ji temple and a confirmed enemy of the Daishonin. Without investigation or trial, Nagatoki accepted the charges and on the twelfth day of the fifth month, 1261, ordered Nichiren Daishonin banished to the desolate coast along the Izu Peninsula. This was the first government persecution suffered by the Daishonin.
Izu was a stronghold of the Pure Land school, and exile there clearly placed the Daishonin in great personal danger. Fortunately, however, he was taken in by Funamori no Yasaburō, a local fisherman, and his wife, who treated him with great kindness. Later he won the favor of Ito Sukemitsu, the steward of the area, who became a believer in his teaching when he successfully prayed for the steward’s recovery from illness. In time the government, apparently at the instigation of the former regent, Hōjō Tokiyori, issued a pardon, and Nichiren Daishonin returned to Kamakura in the second month of 1263.
In the autumn of 1264, Nichiren Daishonin, concerned about his aged mother, returned to his home in Awa. He found his mother critically ill—his father had died earlier—but he prayed for her recovery and she was able to overcome her illness and live nearly four years longer. Unfortunately, word of his return reached the steward, Tōjō Kagenobu. When the Daishonin and a group of followers set out to visit Kudō, a supporter in the area, they were attacked by Tōjō and his men at a place called Matsubara in Tōjō. Although the Daishonin escaped death, he received a sword wound on his forehead, and his left hand was broken. This is known as the Komatsubara Persecution.
In 1268, the foreign invasion that Nichiren Daishonin had predicted seemed about to materialize. That year, as mentioned earlier, a letter from the Mongols arrived in Kamakura demanding that Japan acknowledge fealty to Khubilai Khan. The Japanese leaders realized that the nation faced grave danger. Construction of defensive fortifications was immediately undertaken in Kyushu on the coasts facing Korea, and every temple and shrine in the country was ordered to offer prayers for the defeat of the enemy.
Nichiren Daishonin, who had returned to Kamakura, was convinced that it was time for him to act. He sent eleven letters of remonstration to top-ranking officials, including the regent, Hōjō Tokimune; the deputy chief of military and police affairs, Hei no Saemon-no-jō; and the two most influential priests in Kamakura at the time, Dōryū of the Zen school and Ryōkan of the True Word Precepts school. These letters briefly restated the declaration made in On Establishing the Correct Teaching—that unless the government embraced the correct teaching, the country would suffer the final two disasters predicted in the sutras. All eleven men chose to ignore the warnings.
In 1271, the country was troubled by persistent drought. The government, fearful of famine, ordered Ryōkan, the well-known and respected chief priest of Gokuraku-ji temple, to pray for rain. When Nichiren Daishonin learned of this, he sent a written challenge to Ryōkan offering to become his disciple if the latter succeeded in bringing on rain. If he failed, however, Ryōkan was to become the Daishonin’s follower. Ryōkan accepted the challenge, but in spite of his prayers and those of hundreds of assistant priests, no rain fell. Instead, Kamakura was struck by fierce gales. Ryōkan not only did not become a disciple of the Daishonin, but actually began to plot against him in collusion with Hei no Saemon-no-jō.
Ryōkan and the Zen priest Dōryū both headed temples that had been founded by high officials of the Hōjō family. Though the founders had died, their wives still exercised strong influence within the government. Ryōkan and Dōryū aroused the anger of these women by telling them that the Daishonin, in his letters of remonstrance, had spoken disrespectfully of their deceased husbands. Eventually, as a result of the machinations of the priests, a list of charges against the Daishonin was submitted to the government.
On the tenth day of the ninth month, 1271, Hei no Saemon-no-jō summoned Nichiren Daishonin to appear in court to answer the charges. This marked the beginning of the second phase of official persecution. The Daishonin refuted false charges and repeated his predictions of foreign invasion and strife within the ruling clan. Two days after the investigation, Hei no Saemon-no-jō and his soldiers burst into the Daishonin’s dwelling. Though innocent of any wrongdoing, the Daishonin was arrested and it was decided to banish him to the island of Sado.
However, some high-ranking officials planned to have him beheaded at Tatsunokuchi on the outskirts of Kamakura. Nichiren Daishonin and his followers believed that his death was at hand, but at the last moment the sudden appearance of a luminous object in the sky so terrified the soldiers that they could not kill him. Thereafter the Daishonin began to behave as the Buddha of the Latter Day of the Law. A detailed description of these dramatic events in the Daishonin’s own words can be found in the letter entitled The Actions of the Votary of the Lotus Sutra.
In the tenth month of 1271, Nichiren Daishonin, accompanied by warrior escorts, sailed across the Sea of Japan to Sado, his place of exile, along with Nikkō and a few other disciples. They were quartered in a dilapidated hut in an area where corpses of paupers and criminals were abandoned. They were short of food and clothing, and had no fire to keep them warm. Huddling in skins and straw mantles, they somehow managed to survive the first winter.
In the first month of 1272, in response to a challenge from priests in the area, Nichiren Daishonin engaged in a religious debate with representatives of other Buddhist schools, who had gathered from around Sado and from as far away as the mainland. During what has become known as the Tsukahara Debate, he completely refuted their doctrines and demolished their positions.
The situation on Sado improved somewhat for the Daishonin as he began to receive offerings of food and clothing from local people who had converted to his teachings. However, he faced constant hostility from the priests and lay believers of other schools. His time was devoted mainly to preaching and writing. Many of his most important works, including The Object of Devotion for Observing the Mind and The Opening of the Eyes, date from this period.
On the eighteenth day of the second month, 1272, a ship reached Sado Island bringing news that fighting had broken out in Kamakura and Kyoto. It was a power struggle within the Hōjō family. The Daishonin’s prophecy of dissension within the ruling clan had come true. And before long, the second disaster he had prophesied, foreign invasion, became more likely as the Mongols repeatedly sent envoys demanding submission. In the second month of 1274, the regent, Hōjō Tokimune, who had never completely agreed with the severe treatment accorded to the Daishonin, revoked the edict of banishment. And on the twenty-sixth day of the third month, two years and five months after he was exiled, Nichiren Daishonin returned to Kamakura.
On the eighth day of the fourth month, Nichiren Daishonin was asked to appear before the military tribunal. Hei no Saemon-no-jō was the presiding official, as he had been three years earlier when charges were brought against the Daishonin. But this time he behaved with reserve and politeness. In reply to questioning concerning the possibility of a Mongol attack, the Daishonin stated that he feared an invasion within the year. He added that the government should not ask the True Word priests to pray for the destruction of the Mongols, since their prayers would only aggravate the situation.
An old Chinese text says that, if a sage warns his sovereign three times and still is not heeded, he should leave the country. Nichiren Daishonin had three times remonstrated with the rulers, predicting crises—once when he presented On Establishing the Correct Teaching, again at the time of his arrest and near execution at Tatsunokuchi, and once more on his return from Sado. Convinced that the government would never heed his warnings, he left Kamakura on the twelfth day of the fifth month, 1274. He settled in a small dwelling at the foot of Mount Minobu in the province of Kai (present-day Yamanashi Prefecture).
Because of the remoteness of the region, his life in Minobu was far from easy. His followers in Kamakura sent him money, food, and clothing, and occasionally went in groups to receive instruction from him. He devoted much of his time to writing, and nearly half of his extant works date from this period. He also spent much time lecturing and training his disciples.
In the tenth month of 1274, five months after Nichiren Daishonin moved to Minobu, the Mongols launched the attack described earlier. In a letter to one of his followers, the Daishonin expressed his bitter disappointment that his advice had been ignored, for he was convinced that, had it been heeded, the nation would have been spared much suffering.
During this period, Nikkō was successful in making a number of converts among the priests and lay people of Atsuhara Village. The priests of a Tendai temple in the area, angered at his success, began harassing the converts. Eventually, they arranged for a band of warriors to attack a number of unarmed farmers of the convert group and arrest them on false charges of thievery. Twenty of the farmers were arrested and tortured, and three were eventually beheaded.
The incident, known as the Atsuhara Persecution, was significant because, whereas earlier persecutions had been aimed mainly at the Daishonin, this time it was his followers who were targeted. In spite of the threats of the authorities, however, the farmers persisted in their faith. Nichiren Daishonin was thus convinced that his disciples and lay followers were now strong enough in faith to risk their lives for the Mystic Law.
By his sixty-first year, the Daishonin was in failing health. Feeling that death was near, on the eighth day of the ninth month, 1282, he left Minobu for Hitachi. When he reached the residence of Ikegami Munenaka in what is today a part of the city of Tokyo, he found he was too ill to continue. Many of his followers, hearing of his arrival, gathered at Ikegami to see him. On the morning of the thirteenth day of the tenth month, 1282, surrounded by disciples and lay believers reverently chanting Nam-myoho-renge-kyo, he peacefully passed away.
Nichiren Daishonin’s Buddhism
Nichiren Daishonin’s Buddhism begins with the belief that all living beings have the potential to achieve enlightenment. That idea is the epitome of Mahayana Buddhism, one of the two principal divisions of Buddhism that arose in India after the passing of Shakyamuni Buddha. The followers of Mahayana Buddhism did not shut themselves off from society, as some other Buddhist groups did, but instead worked to spread Buddhism throughout the population and to assist others on the path to enlightenment. Mahayana is thus characterized by a spirit of compassion and altruism.
Mahayana Buddhism was in time introduced to China, where it in turn gave rise to various schools. One of the most important of these was founded by Chih-i (538–597), also referred to as the Great Teacher T’ien-t’ai, and is known as the T’ien-t’ai school. It teaches that the Lotus Sutra is the highest of all the Mahayana sutras, and that all things, both animate and inanimate, possess a dormant potential for enlightenment. This doctrine is summarized in the theory known as three thousand realms in a single moment of life. The doctrines of the school were further clarified by Miao-lo (711–782), the sixth patriarch of the school.
T’ien-t’ai Buddhism was introduced to Japan as Tendai Buddhism in the early ninth century by the Great Teacher Dengyō, a Japanese priest who had gained a profound understanding of its doctrines in China. Later, in the thirteenth century, when Nichiren Daishonin studied at Mount Hiei, the headquarters of the Tendai school in Japan, he was able to confirm his conviction that the Lotus Sutra constitutes the heart of all Buddhism. Soon after, he began to teach the substance of his realization. According to his teachings, the workings of the universe are all subject to a single principle, or Law. By understanding that Law, one can unlock the hidden potential in one’s life and achieve perfect harmony with one’s environment.
Nichiren Daishonin defined the universal Law as Nam-myoho-renge-kyo, a formula that represents the essence of the Lotus Sutra and is known as the daimoku. Furthermore, he gave it concrete form by inscribing it upon the mandala known as the Gohonzon so that people could manifest Buddha wisdom and attain enlightenment. In his treatise entitled The Object of Devotion for Observing the Mind, he declares that chanting Nam-myoho-renge-kyo with faith in the Gohonzon, the crystallization of the universal Law, reveals one’s Buddha nature.
All phenomena are subject to the strict principle of cause and effect. Consequently, the present state of one’s life is the summation of all the previous causes one has made. By chanting Nam-myoho-renge-kyo, one is creating the most fundamental cause, a cause that will offset negative effects from the past and lead to absolute happiness.
Enlightenment is not a mystical or transcendental state. Rather it is a condition in which one enjoys the highest wisdom, vitality, good fortune, confidence, and other positive qualities, and in which one finds fulfillment in one’s daily activities, and come to understand one’s purpose in being alive.
The Writings of Nichiren Daishonin
The extraordinary fact that so many of the works of Nichiren Daishonin still exist today, seven hundred years after they were written, is due largely to the earnest struggles of Nikkō (1246–1333), the Daishonin’s closest disciple. He was the first to use the honorific term Gosho (“go” is an honorific prefix, and “sho” means writings) to refer to these works, and he fought hard to collect, copy, and preserve his teacher’s writings. Because of his indefatigable efforts against great odds, most of the Daishonin’s important works have been passed down to us today.
On April 28, 1952, to commemorate the seven hundredth anniversary of the founding of Nichiren Daishonin’s Buddhism, Nichiren Daishonin’s writings were published by the Soka Gakkai in one volume entitled Nichiren Daishonin gosho zenshū (The Complete Works of Nichiren Daishonin). The publication project was initiated by Jōsei Toda, the second president of the Soka Gakkai, and carried out under the editorial supervision of the scholar Nichikō Hori. Nichikō Hori (1867–1957) began his career as the librarian of Taiseki-ji temple, where, from the age of seventeen, he undertook a thorough study of the originals and copies of the Daishonin’s writings and related documents. Over the years he visited a number of temples, many of which were the main temples of other schools, in order to study their archives. His work also took him to the island of Sado, in search of materials on Abutsu-bō, and to the birthplace of Nikkō. Between the years 1925 and 1927, he served as fifty-ninth high priest of Taiseki-ji, but retired in order to devote himself entirely to his research.
A total of 426 documents, including fragmentary writings, are collected in that volume. Of these, 172 exist in Nichiren Daishonin’s own handwriting. The Daishonin’s works fall into several categories. Some are formal treatises on Buddhism with many quotations from sutras and doctrinal texts. Examples of such treatises are On Establishing the Correct Teaching and The Object of Devotion for Observing the Mind. The treatises are written in classical Chinese, which, like Latin in Europe until recent centuries, was widely used in Japan for works of history, philosophy, and religion. Nichiren Daishonin’s writings in classical Chinese are distinguished by great power and fluency.
Other writings by the Daishonin take the form of letters to his lay followers. Some of these are lengthy and detailed, giving us much valuable information about the Daishonin’s activities and thinking. Others are short communications written to advise or encourage his followers. These works are written in the ordinary Japanese epistolary style of the Kamakura period. Like the works in Chinese, they show Nichiren Daishonin to have been a master of prose style, and contain passages of great warmth and beauty.
The treatises, since they are carefully constructed and logical in presentation, pose relatively few problems of interpretation, though occasionally there are quotations whose sources have yet to be identified. But because classical Chinese is very concise in expression, and because much of the language of the treatises is highly specialized, it has at times been deemed advisable to expand the wording of the original in translation in order to make the meaning clear in English.
The letters, written in a more intimate and personal style, present greater difficulties of interpretation. Whereas the treatises were intended as formal documents to be handed down to posterity, the letters are in most cases private communications between the Daishonin and his followers and disciples. They take for granted a familiarity with certain background information that was known to the writer and the recipient, but that in many cases remains something of a mystery to us today. Thus, without a thorough knowledge of the circumstances under which the letter was written, and the identity of the recipient, we must often guess at the exact meaning of the text. In addition, epistolary styles tend as a rule to be challenging in any language, since they rely heavily upon politenesses and conventional phrases to convey subtle shades of meaning. The Japanese epistolary style of the Kamakura period is no exception, and in addition, it shares with other types of classical Japanese a tendency toward ambiguity of expression and is very sparing in its use of pronouns. All these factors contribute to making the letters of Nichiren Daishonin difficult to interpret at many points. Specific problems of interpretation are discussed in the notes to the individual translations.
As the reader will notice, Nichiren Daishonin in his letters and other writings frequently alludes to various anecdotes drawn from Buddhist texts or works of Chinese history. One should not suppose that he includes these allusions to show off his learning. Such allusions may seem pedantic to readers who are unfamiliar with the cultural background and must turn to the notes for assistance, but it should be kept in mind that the Japanese readers whom Nichiren Daishonin was addressing would have encountered no such difficulty. The anecdotes he refers to would have been as familiar to them as the stories of the Bible or Greek mythology are to Western readers, and thus they would have immediately grasped the significance of the allusion and appreciated its aptness. It may also be noted that quotations from the sutras and other Buddhist writings may very rarely appear in slightly different form from place to place in the Daishonin’s writings. The English translation renders these differences exactly as the Daishonin does.
THIS letter is addressed to Toki. It should also be shown to Saburō Saemon, the lay priest Ōkuratōnotsuji Jūrō, the lay nun of Sajiki, and my other followers. Send me the names of those killed in the battles at Kyoto and Kamakura. Also, please have those who are coming here bring me the anthology of non-Buddhist texts, volume two of The Words and Phrases of the Lotus Sutra, volume four of The Profound Meaning of the Lotus Sutra and the commentary on this volume, and the collected official opinion papers and collected imperial edicts.
The most dreadful things in the world are the pain of fire, the flashing of swords, and the shadow of death. Even horses and cattle fear being killed; no wonder human beings are afraid of death. Even a leper clings to life; how much more so a healthy person. The Buddha teaches that even filling the entire major world system with the seven kinds of treasures does not match offering one’s little finger to the Buddha and the [Lotus] sutra.1 The boy Snow Mountains gave his own body, and the ascetic Aspiration for the Law peeled off his own skin [in order to record the Buddha’s teachings]. Since nothing is more precious than life itself, one who dedicates one’s life to Buddhist practice is certain to attain Buddhahood. If one is prepared to offer one’s life, why should one begrudge any other treasure for the sake of Buddhism? On the other hand, if one is loath to part with one’s wealth, how can one possibly offer one’s life, which is far more valuable?
The way of the world dictates that one should repay a great obligation to another, even at the cost of one’s life. Many warriors die for their lords, perhaps many more than one would imagine. A man will die to defend his honor; a woman will die for a man. Fish want to survive; they deplore their pond’s shallowness and dig holes in the bottom to hide in, yet tricked by bait, they take the hook. Birds in a tree fear that they are too low and perch in the top branches, yet bewitched by bait, they too are caught in snares. Human beings are equally vulnerable. They give their lives for shallow, worldly matters but rarely for the Buddha’s precious teachings. Small wonder they do not attain Buddhahood.
Buddhism should be spread by the method of either shōju or shakubuku, depending on the age. These are analogous to the two worldly ways of the literary and the military. The great sages of old practiced the Buddhist teachings as befitted the times. The boy Snow Mountains and Prince Sattva offered their bodies when urged that by doing so they would hear the p.302teaching in return, and that giving one’s life constitutes bodhisattva practice. But should one sacrifice one’s life at a time when it is not required? In an age when there is no paper, one should use one’s own skin. In an age when there are no writing brushes, one should use one’s own bones. In an age when people honor the observers of the precepts and the practitioners of the correct teaching while they denounce those who break or ignore the precepts, one should strictly follow the precepts. In an age when Confucianism or Taoism is used to suppress Shakyamuni’s teachings, one should risk one’s life to remonstrate with the emperor, as did the Dharma teachers Tao-an and Hui-yüan and the Tripitaka Master Fa-tao. In an age when people confuse Hinayana and Mahayanateachings, provisional and true teachings, or exoteric and esoteric doctrines, as though unable to distinguish gems from tiles and stones or cow’s milk from donkey’s milk,2 one should strictly differentiate between them, following the example of the great teachers T’ien-t’ai and Dengyō.
It is the nature of beasts to threaten the weak and fear the strong. Our contemporary scholars of the various schools are just like them. They despise a wise man without power, but fear evil rulers. They are no more than fawning retainers. Only by defeating a powerful enemy can one prove one’s real strength. When an evil ruler in consort with priests of erroneous teachings tries to destroy the correct teaching and do away with a man of wisdom, those with the heart of a lion king are sure to attain Buddhahood. Like Nichiren, for example. I say this not out of arrogance, but because I am deeply committed to the correct teaching. An arrogant person will always be overcome with fear when meeting a strong enemy, as was the haughty asura who shrank in size and hid himself in a lotus blossom in Heat-Free Lake when reproached by Shakra. Even a word or a phrase of the correct teaching will enable one to gain the way, if it suits the time and the capacity of the people. But though one studies a thousand sutras and ten thousand treatises, one will not attain Buddhahood if these teachings are unsuitable for the time and the people’s capacity.
Twenty-six years have passed since the battle of Hōji,3 and fighting4 has already broken out twice, on the eleventh and the seventeenth days of the second month of this year. Neither non-Buddhists nor the enemies of Buddhism can destroy the correct teaching of the Thus Come One, but the Buddha’s disciples definitely can. As a sutra says, only worms born of the lion’s body feed on the lion.5 A person of great fortune will never be ruined by enemies, but may be ruined by those who are close. The current battle is what the Medicine Master Sutra means by “the calamity of revolt within one’s own domain.” The Benevolent Kings Sutra states, “Once the sages have departed, then the seven disasters are certain to arise.” The Golden Light Sutra states, “The thirty-three heavenly godsbecome furious because the king permits evil to run rampant and fails to subdue it.” Although I, Nichiren, am not a sage, I am equal to one, for I uphold the Lotus Sutra exactly as it teaches. Furthermore, since I have long understood the ways of the world, the prophecies I have made in this life have all come true. Therefore, you must never doubt what I have told you concerning future existences.
On the twelfth day of the ninth month of last year, when I was arrested, I called out in a loud voice, “I, Nichiren, am the pillar, sun, moon, mirror, and eyes of the ruling clan of Kanto.6 If the country abandons me, the seven disasters will occur without fail.” Did not this prophecy come true just 60 days and then 150 days later? And those battles were only the first p.303signs. What lamenting there will be when the full effect appears!
Ignorant people wonder why Nichiren is persecuted by the rulers if he is truly a wise man. Yet it is all just as I expected. King Ajātashatru tormented his father and mother, for which he was hailed by the six royal ministers. When Devadattakilled an arhat and caused the Buddha to bleed, Kokālika and others were delighted. Nichiren is father and mother to the ruling house and is like a Buddha or an arhat to this age. The sovereign and his subjects who rejoice at my exile are truly the most shameless and pitiable of all. Those slanderous priests who have been bewailing the exposure of their errors may be overjoyed for the moment, but eventually they will suffer no less than myself and my followers. Their joy is like Yasuhira’s when he killed his younger brother and Kurō Hōgan.7The demon who will destroy the ruling clan has already entered the country. This is the meaning of the passage from the Lotus Sutra that reads, “Evil demons will take possession of others.”8
The persecutions Nichiren has faced are the result of karma formed in previous lifetimes. The “Never Disparaging” chapter reads, “when his offenses had been wiped out,” indicating that Bodhisattva Never Disparaging was vilified and beaten by countless slanderers of the correct teaching because of his past karma. How much more true this is of Nichiren, who in this life was born poor and lowly to a chandāla family. In my heart I cherish some faith in the Lotus Sutra, but my body, while outwardly human, is fundamentally that of an animal. It was conceived of the two fluids, one white and one red, of a father and mother who subsisted on fish and fowl. My spirit dwells in this body as the moon is reflected in muddy water, or as gold is wrapped in a filthy bag. Since my heart believes in the Lotus Sutra, I do not fear even Brahmā or Shakra, but my body is still that of an animal. With such disparity between my body and my mind, no wonder the foolish despise me. Without doubt, when compared to my body, my mind shines like the moon or like gold. Who knows what slander I may have committed in the past? I may possess the soul of the monk Superior Intent or the spirit of Mahādeva. Perhaps I am descended from those who contemptuously persecuted Bodhisattva Never Disparaging, or am among those who forgot the seeds of enlightenment sown in their lives.9 I may even be related to the five thousand arrogant people,10 or belong to the third group [who failed to take faith in the Lotus Sutra] in the days of the Buddha Great Universal Wisdom Excellence.11 It is impossible to fathom one’s karma.
Iron, when heated in the flames and pounded, becomes a fine sword. Worthies and sages are tested by abuse. My present exile is not because of any secular crime. It is solely so that I may expiate in this lifetime my past grave offenses and be freed in the next from the three evil paths.
The Parinirvāna Sutra states: “Those who enter the monastic order, don clerical garments, and make a show of studying my teachings will exist in ages to come. Being lazy and remiss, they will slander the correct and equal sutras. You should be aware that all these people are followers of the non-Buddhist doctrines of today.” Those who read this passage should reflect deeply on their own practice. The Buddha is saying that those of our contemporary priests who wear clerical garments, but are idle and negligent, were disciples of the six non-Buddhist teachers in his day.
The followers of Hōnen, who call themselves the Nembutsu school, not only turn people away from the Lotus Sutra, telling them to “discard, close, ignore, and abandon”12 it, but also p.304advocate chanting only the name of the Buddha Amida, a Buddha described in the provisional teachings. The followers of Dainichi, known as the Zen school, claim that the Buddha’s true teachings have been transmitted apart from the sutras. They ridicule the Lotus Sutra as nothing more than a finger pointing at the moon or a meaningless string of words. Those priests must both have been followers of the six non-Buddhist teachers, who only now have entered the stream of Buddhism.
According to the Nirvana Sutra, the Buddha emitted a radiant light that illuminated the 136 hells underground and revealed that not a single offender remained there. This was because they had all achieved Buddhahood through the “Life Span” chapter of the Lotus Sutra. What a pity, however, that the icchantikas, or persons of incorrigible disbelief, who had slandered the correct teaching, were found to have been detained there by the wardens of hell. They proliferated until they became the people of Japan today.
Since Nichiren himself committed slander in the past, he became a Nembutsupriest in this lifetime, and for several years he also laughed at those who practiced the Lotus Sutra, saying that “not a single person has ever attained Buddhahood”13 through that sutra, or that “not even one person in a thousand”14can be saved by it. Awakening from my intoxicated state of slander, I felt like a drunken son who, on becoming sober, laments at having delighted in striking his parents. He regrets it bitterly, but to no avail. His offense is extremely difficult to erase. Even more so are the past slanders of the correct teaching that stain the depths of one’s heart. A sutra states that both the crow’s blackness and the heron’s whiteness are actually the deep stains of their past karma.15 The non-Buddhists failed to recognize this and claimed it was the work of nature. Today, when I expose people’s slanders in an effort to save them, they deny it with every excuse possible and argue back with Hōnen’s words about barring the gates to the Lotus Sutra. From Nembutsu believers this is hardly surprising, but even priests of the Tendai and True Word schools actively support them.
On the sixteenth and seventeenth days of the first month of this year, hundreds of priests and lay believers from the Nembutsu and other schools here in the province of Sado came to debate with me. A leader of the Nembutsu school, Inshō-bō, said: “The Honorable Hōnen did not instruct us to abandon the Lotus Sutra. He simply wrote that all people should chant the Nembutsu, and that its great blessings assure their rebirth in the Pure Land. Even the priests of Mount Hiei and Onjō-ji temple who have been exiled to this island praise him, saying how excellent his teaching is. How dare you try to refute it?” The local priests are even more ignorant than the Nembutsu priests in Kamakura. They are absolutely pitiful.
How terrible are the slanders Nichiren has committed in his past and present existences! Since you have been born into this evil country and become the disciples of such a man, there is no telling what will happen to you. The Parinirvāna Sutra states: “Good man, because people committed countless offenses and accumulated much evil karma in the past, they must expect to suffer retribution for everything they have done. They may be despised, cursed with an ugly appearance, be poorly clad and poorly fed, seek wealth in vain, be born to an impoverished and lowly family or one with erroneous views, or be persecuted by their sovereign.” It continues: “They may be subjected to various other sufferings and retributions. It is due to the blessings obtained by protecting the Law p.305that they can diminish in this lifetime their suffering and retribution.” Were it not for Nichiren, these passages from the sutra would virtually make the Buddha a liar. The sutra says, first, “They may be despised”; second, “They may be cursed with an ugly appearance”; third, “They may be poorly clad”; fourth, “They may be poorly fed”; fifth, “They may seek wealth in vain”; sixth, “They may be born to an impoverished and lowly family”; seventh, “They may be born to a family with erroneous views”; and eighth, “They may be persecuted by their sovereign.” These eight phrases apply only to me, Nichiren.
One who climbs a high mountain must eventually descend. One who slights another will in turn be despised. One who deprecates those of handsome appearance will be born ugly. One who robs another of food and clothing is sure to fall into the world of hungry spirits. One who mocks a person who observes the precepts and is worthy of respect will be born to an impoverished and lowly family. One who slanders a family that embraces the correct teaching will be born to a family that holds erroneous views. One who laughs at those who cherish the precepts faithfully will be born a commoner and meet with persecution from one’s sovereign. This is the general law of cause and effect.
My sufferings, however, are not ascribable to this causal law. In the past I despised the votaries of the Lotus Sutra. I also ridiculed the sutra itself, sometimes with exaggerated praise and other times with contempt—that sutra as magnificent as two moons shining side by side, two stars conjoined, one Mount Hua16 placed atop another, or two jewels combined. This is why I have experienced the aforementioned eight kinds of sufferings. Usually these sufferings appear one at a time, on into the boundless future, but Nichiren has denounced the enemies of the Lotus Sutra so severely that all eight have descended at once. This is like the case of a peasant heavily in debt to the steward of his village and to other authorities. As long as he remains in his village or district, rather than mercilessly hounding him, they are likely to defer his debts from one year to the next. But when he tries to leave, they rush over and demand that he repay everything at once. This is what the sutra means when it states, “It is due to the blessings obtained by protecting the Law.”
The Lotus Sutra says: “There will be many ignorant people who will curse and speak ill of us and will attack us with swords and staves, with rocks and tiles . . . they will address the rulers, high ministers, Brahmans, and householders, [as well as the other monks, slandering and speaking evil of us] . . . again and again we will be banished.”17 If the offenders are not tormented by the wardens of hell, they will never be able to [pay for their offenses and] escape from hell. Were it not for the rulers and ministers who now persecute me, I would be unable to expiate my past sins of slandering the correct teaching.
Nichiren is like Bodhisattva Never Disparaging of old, and the people of this day are like the four categories of Buddhists who disparaged and cursed him. Though the people are different, the cause is the same. Though different people kill their parents, they all fall into the same hell of incessant suffering. Since Nichiren is making the same cause as Never Disparaging, how could it be that he would not become a Buddha equal to Shakyamuni? Moreover, those who now slander him are like Bhadrapala18 and the others [who cursed Never Disparaging]. They will be tortured in the Avīchi hell for a thousand kalpas. I therefore pity them deeply and wonder what can be done p.306for them. Those who belittled and cursed Never Disparaging acted that way at first, but later they took faith in his teachings and willingly became his followers. The greater part of the fault of their slander was thus expiated, but even the small part that remained caused them to suffer as terribly as one who had killed one’s parents a thousand times. The people of this age refuse to repent at all; therefore, as the “Simile and Parable” chapter states, they must suffer in hell for a countless number of kalpas; they may even suffer there for a duration of major world system dust particle kalpas or of numberless major world system dust particle kalpas.
Aside from these people, there are also those who appeared to believe in me, but began doubting when they saw me persecuted. They not only have forsaken the Lotus Sutra, but also actually think themselves wise enough to instruct me. The pitiful thing is that these perverse people must suffer in the Avīchi hell even longer than the Nembutsu believers.
An asura contended that the Buddha taught only eighteen elements,19 but that he himself expounded nineteen. The non-Buddhist teachers claimed that the Buddha offered only one way to enlightenment, but that they had ninety-five.20In the same way, the renegade disciples say, “Though the priest Nichiren is our teacher, he is too forceful. We will spread the Lotus Sutra in a more peaceful way.” In so asserting, they are being as ridiculous as fireflies laughing at the sun and moon, an anthill belittling Mount Hua, wells and brooks despising the river and the ocean, or a magpie mocking a phoenix. Nam-myoho-renge-kyo.
Nichiren
The twentieth day of the third month in the ninth year of Bun’ei (1272), cyclical sign mizunoe-saru
To Nichiren’s disciples and lay supporters
There is very little writing paper here in the province of Sado, and to write to you individually would take too long. Nevertheless, if even one person fails to hear from me, it will cause resentment. Therefore, I want people with seeking minds to meet and read this letter together for encouragement. When great trouble occurs in the world, minor troubles become insignificant. I do not know how accurate the reports reaching me are, but there must surely be intense grieving over those killed in the recent battles. What has become of the lay priests Izawa and Sakabe? Send me news of Kawanobe, Yamashiro, Tokugyō-ji,21 and the others. Also, please be kind enough to send me The Essentials of Government in the Chen-kuan Era,22 the collection of tales from the non-Buddhist classics, and the record of the teachings transmitted within the eight schools. Without these, I cannot even write letters.
Background
This letter was written on the twentieth day of the third month, 1272, some five months after Nichiren Daishonin had arrived on the island of Sado to begin his exile there. He addressed it to Toki Jōnin, a samurai serving as a leading retainer to Lord Chiba, the constable of Shimōsa Province, to Saburō Saemon (Shijō Kingo) in Kamakura, and to other staunch followers.
p.307Nichiren Daishonin had been banished on the tenth day of the tenth month, 1271. Charges of treason had been brought against him by Ryōkan, the chief priest of Gokuraku-ji temple in Kamakura, and by Hei no Saemon, deputy chief of the Office of Military and Police Affairs. Hei no Saemon was resolved to execute the Daishonin at Tatsunokuchi before he was to be delivered to the custody of Homma Shigetsura, the deputy constable of Sado. The attempt at execution was unsuccessful, however, and after a delay of almost a month Homma’s warriors escorted the Daishonin to the coast of the Sea of Japan. After a delay there caused by bad weather, the Daishonin finally arrived on Sado on the twenty-eighth day of the tenth month.
Nichiren Daishonin was housed at first in a dilapidated structure known as Sammai-dō, where he lived exposed to the wind and snow that blew in through gaps in the roof and walls. After five months he was able to move to more comfortable quarters at Ichinosawa. The Daishonin engaged in debates with Pure Land and other priests and actively propagated his own teachings. While on Sado he wrote two major treatises, The Opening of the Eyes and The Object of Devotion for Observing the Mind. In the second month, 1274, the Daishonin was pardoned and returned to Kamakura on the twenty-sixth day of the third month.
In this writing the Daishonin first states that the only way to attain Buddhahood is to be willing to offer one’s life, one’s most precious possession, to Buddhism. Next, he says that the method of propagation known as shakubuku is appropriate to this age, and that one can attain Buddhahood only by dedicating oneself to it. He then declares that he is the “pillar, sun, moon, mirror, and eyes” of and “father and mother” to the country; these are symbolic references to the Buddha of the Latter Day of the Law, who is perfectly endowed with the three virtues of parent, teacher, and sovereign. He also mentions his earlier prophecies in On Establishing the Correct Teaching for the Peace of the Land concerning political upheaval and violent feuds within the country.
Lastly, he gives an elaborate explanation of karma or destiny, stating that his present difficulties arise from the fact that he slandered the Lotus Sutra in a past existence. Using himself as an example, he elucidates to his disciples the kind of spirit and practice by which they can alter their karma. He adds that persons who try to propagate the correct teaching of Buddhism vigorously will invariably face opposition, and that such opposition in reality presents an opportunity for them to change their karma. Those who have given up their faith and instead criticize are admonished that their actions bear the heaviest consequences. He compares their lack of vision to fireflies who laugh at the sun.
Though written in the context of thirteenth-century Japan, the Daishonin’s works shed universally valid light upon the sanctity of life and its boundless potentiality, while rejecting anyone or anything that undervalues or imposes harm upon life. They stress the view that all human beings are potential Buddhas. The Daishonin directs severe criticism at various Buddhist schools that, in his view, pursue some external authority that tends to control people or make them submissive.
The Daishonin affirms the equality of all people, women and men alike. For example, he writes, “These Ten Worlds are born from the mind of the individual and constitute the eighty-four thousand teachings. Here a single individual has been used as an example, but the same thing applies equally to all living beings” (p. 844). He also states, “There should be no discrimination among those who propagate the five characters of Myoho-renge-kyo in the Latter Day of the Law, be they men or women. Were they not Bodhisattvas of the Earth, they could not chant the daimoku” (I, p. 385).
A spirit of all-embracing compassion characterizes the life of the Buddha. In his work entitled On Reprimanding Hachiman, the Daishonin states, “The Nirvana Sutra says, ‘The varied sufferings that all living beings undergo—all these are the Thus Come One’s own sufferings.’ And Nichiren declares that the sufferings that all living beings undergo, all springing from this one cause—all these are Nichiren’s own sufferings” (p. 934). In The Record of the Orally Transmitted Teachings, after citing the same passage from the Nirvana Sutra, the Daishonin is quoted as saying, “Nichiren declares that the varied sufferings that all living beings undergo—all these are Nichiren’s own sufferings” (The Record of the Orally Transmitted Teachings, p. 138).
As explained in the preface to volume 1, in terms of content, the Daishonin’s works may be classified into four categories: (1) treatises on doctrines, (2) writings remonstrating with government and religious authorities, (3) letters offering advice, encouragement, or consolation to believers, or those answering questions, and (4) writings conveying the Daishonin’s oral teachings. Many of his writings belong to categories (1) and (3), and the present volume contains eleven letters of remonstrance that may be classified under category (2). None of the writings of category (4) are included in this volume. This volume also contains several writings that are in chart or diagram form, such as Diagram of the Five Periods of the Buddha’s Lifetime Teachings and Rooster Diagram of the Five Periods of the Buddha’s Lifetime Teachings. The charts and diagrams employ outline form to provide a quick understanding of the teachings.
Prior to the publication of the present volume, the Soka Gakkai in 2004 published an English translation by Burton Watson of the Ongi kuden under the title The Record of the Orally Transmitted Teachings. The Ongi kuden was not written by the Daishonin himself, but was completed by Nikkō on the basis of notes on the Daishonin’s lectures on the Lotus Sutra. The translation has therefore not been included in the present volume. This does not imply, however, that it is not of great importance in making clear the Daishonin’s ideas. The Complete Works of Nichiren Daishonin contains four other records of a similar nature that have yet to be translated into English.
For readers who have not read volume 1, we recommend that they read the foreword by Daisaku Ikeda, president of the Soka Gakkai International, and the preface, introduction, and translators’ note that appear at the beginning of that volume.
The appendixes at the back of this volume will provide knowledge that is helpful in understanding the writings. The glossary explains the meanings of Buddhist terms and concepts found in this volume.
In closing, we would like to express our sincere appreciation to Dr. Burton Watson, the translator of The Lotus Sutra and works of Chinese literature, for his continued contribution to the translations in this volume.
The Gosho Translation Committee
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Awakening to the Lotus: An introduction to Nichiren Shu
The practical, soteriological nature of Buddhism makes it wary of what Wittgenstein called the bewitchment of the mind by language. Yet the view that Buddhism disregards language is an oversimplification, especially in Japan. Japanese Buddhism has a positive appreciation of language, particularly of its non-referential usage. Buddhist thought first came to Japan in the form of sūtras and commentaries written in Chinese characters. Written language was still so novel, and categories of thought so limited, that the content of these texts could be read as manifestations of new realities rather than as ideas referring to Buddhism. Some of the earliest literature composed in Japan, such as the poetry collection Man’yōshū, mentions kotodama, the spiritual power of words that makes things present. Although scholars articulated this theory of language only much later and aligned it with Shintō (see Motoori Norinaga), it may apply to the early understanding of Chinese Buddhist as well as indigenous words. Words had the power not only to manifest things in the world but also to change them; before Buddhist texts represented a doctrinal and ethical system, they provided incantations to heal illness and bring prosperity to the land.
The ritualistic use of language continued through the centuries and was often central to the expression of doctrine. Practitioners often used single words or phrases as the condensed form of a doctrine or lengthy sūtra. Kūkai, for example, recited the Sanskrit formulas for the Womb and Diamond Mandalas to better envision these pictorial representations of the cosmic order. He proposed that intoning mantras could make the basic sounds of the cosmos audible. He used dhāraṇī or magical formulae not only as a means of purifying body and mind and allowing him to understand the point of every Buddhist scripture, but also as the means by which his patron bodhisattva could fulfill all wishes. Even when later Pure Land School teachers such as Shinran suspected discursive language and discouraged belief in worldly benefit through magical transformation, they taught that the sincere invocation of Amida Buddha’s name has the power to actualize the salvation of all sentient beings. Buddhists of the Nichiren schools chanted the name of the Wondrous Lotus Sutra, namu myōhōrenge kyō, as a condensation and realization of all doctrines contained in it. Rinzai Zen teachers advocated the practice of kanna or ‘contemplating the [crucial] phrase’ of a dialogue, or of compressing the already condensed Heart Sutra into a single word. As long as the words are ‘live’ and not dead repetitions, Zen teachers conceived such practices as shortcuts to enlightenment that immediately put the practitioner in a frame of mind to realize the point of Buddhist doctrines.
The transformative as well as expressive nature of language is evident in perhaps the most important collection of premodern Japanese philosophical literature, the Shōbōgenzō(Treasury of the True Dharma Eye), by the thirteenth-century Zen master Dōgen. One chapter begins: ‘As for the Buddha Way, not to voice it is impossible.’ This statement does not command one to proclaim the teachings of Buddhism, but rather connects one’s attainment of truth with its expression in the world. Such expression includes but is not limited to language. Another chapter of the Shōbōgenzō states, ‘All buddhas and patriarchs are able to voice the Way’, that is, to express truth in all their words and actions. By virtue of their realization of non-duality or no ultimate opposition, they can directly express the Way and not merely refer to it. They can also experience as the words of the Buddha ‘the preaching of non-sentient beings’, the ‘sounds of the valley streams and the forms of the mountains’. This idea, explained further below (see §5), seems to collapse any ultimate distinction between sign and signified. Words express themselves, as do valley streams and the forms of mountains. This ‘expressing’ or ‘voicing of the Way’ does not stand for or represent something other than itself, and language used representationally is not privileged to express reality. The limitation placed on the power of representational language here is accompanied by an expanded meaning of ‘expression’ or ‘voicing of the Way’ that includes both linguistic and nonlinguistic forms.
Nichiren Buddhism is a branch of Mahayana Buddhism that began in medieval Japan in the 13th century and has since spread across the globe to millions of practitioners. It is named after the Japanese Buddhist priest Nichiren (1222–1282), whose teachings remain central to the school’s institutions.
Like many of his contemporaries, Nichiren believed that the Lotus Sutra contained all other Buddhist teachings. Unlike his peers, he also believed that the Japanese title of the sutra, Nam-myoho-renge-kyo, contained all of the dharma—and that it is possible for anyone to attain Buddhahood through the practice of chanting the scripture’s name. Nichiren Buddhists recite this chant, called the daimoku, along with other recitations and prayers as part of the twice daily gongyo (“assiduous practice”) ritual.
Nichiren Buddhism arose during the Kamakura Period (1185–1333), an era marked by civil war and natural disasters in Japan, in addition to vast disparities of wealth. The suffering was so great that Japanese Buddhists came to believe that the “Latter Day of the Law”—a period of moral and intellectual decline, as foretold in the sutras—had arrived. Newer schools, including Zen, Pure Land, and Nichiren started to spread. While Pure Land favored a tariki, or faith in “other-power,” approach and Zen stressed jiriki, or “self-power,” practice of meditation, Nichiren took the middle way, empowering individual change through religious faith to empower individuals to change. “Faith in action” became the theme for his life of spiritual and political activism.
Nichiren’s practices, such as chanting the daimoku, reflect a spirit of egalitarianism, which asserts that the dharma and enlightenment are available to everyone—be they rich or poor, educated or uneducated, lay or ordained, male or female. For many Nichiren Buddhists today, social activism and engagement is a vital part of their practice.
After Nichiren’s death, the school of Buddhism he founded experienced a period of fragmentation as his followers struggled to codify the teachings he had left behind. This process led to the founding of 37 different schools of Nichiren Buddhism. The largest of these groups include Nichiren Shu, Soka Gakkai International (SGI), and Nichiren Shoshu. Nichiren Shu is the oldest of the three. It contains several smaller Nichiren orders, and its main temple, Kuon-ji, is located near Nichiren’s burial site on Mount Minobu in Japan. SGI, a lay organization, is the most influential, boasting more than 12 million members. SGI was originally a branch of Nichiren Shoshu, which holds the belief that Nichiren is a divine figure (as opposed to the Nichiren Shu view that he was just a priest). In the late 20th century Nichiren Shoshu and SGI came into conflict over authority and doctrinal differences, culminating in 1991, when Nichiren Shoshu excommunicated SGI.
Nichiren’s Legacy: Three principle practices of Nichiren Buddhism — meditation on the Gohonzon and Namu Myoho Renge Kyo –
Buddha Weekly: Buddhist Practices, Mindfulness, Meditation
The path to enlightenment is not a single straight line. Buddhism is a religion with many different branches, all of which have their own interpretation and practice of the teachings. Nichiren Buddhism is a branch of Mahayana Buddhism that emphasizes the Lotus Sutra and the teachings of Nichiren. If you’re curious about this branch of Buddhism and would like to learn more, this guide is for you. We’ll discuss the basics of Nichiren Buddhism, including its history, teachings, and three principle practices.
By Dave Lang
Beautiful grounds of the sacred temple Minobusan Kuonji, the head temple of Nichiren tradition found in Minobu, Japan.
The History of Nichiren Buddhism
We must go back to his roots if we want to understand Nichiren and his teachings.
13th-century Japan is in the midst of great turmoil caused by the political shift from the feudal system to a more militarized government: the Kamakura Shogunate. Nichiren, born into a peasant family, had a deep understanding of the suffering that people were going through during this time.[1]
For 20 years, he traveled throughout the country, studying various Buddhist scriptures in an attempt to find a way to ease the people’s suffering. He eventually concluded that the only way to do this was to revive Buddhism and make it relevant to the Japanese people again.
During his lifetime, Nichiren was seen as a controversial figure due to his criticisms of other branches of Buddhism and his belief that the Lotus Sutra was the only way to achieve enlightenment. However, his teachings began to gain popularity after his death, and today Nichiren Buddhism is practiced by more than 12 million people in 188 countries worldwide.[2]
Beautiful Buddha statue at Minobu Japan on the grounds of Monobusan Kuonji.
The Lotus Sutra
The Lotus Sutra is a Mahayana Buddhist scripture written in India during the 4th or 5th century CE. It’s seen as one of the most important texts in Buddhism, and its teachings are at the heart of Nichiren Buddhism.
In fact, it is believed that Nichiren kept a copy of The Lotus Sutra with him at all times for further study and reflection.
The Lotus Sutra in Japanese, here from 17th century Edo period.
The Lotus Sutra teaches that all beings have the potential to reach ‘Buddhahood’ within them and that anyone can achieve enlightenment. It’s this message of hope and possibility that Nichiren felt would resonate with the people of his time.
At its core, Nichiren Buddhism is about making the whole of society better by empowering each individual to take control of their own lives. The result is a nation of’ Bodhisattvas,’ or Buddha-like beings, who are spreading the teachings of Buddhism and helping others to achieve enlightenment.
A statue of Nichiren at Myoren-ji Temple in Kamigyo.
Nichiren’s writing
Nichiren’s road to enlightenment can be split into three phases. The first phase was his study of various Buddhist scriptures. The second stage begins when Nichiren is exiled to Sado Island for speaking against the government, during which time he focuses on writing.
He publishes two books: ‘On the Opening of the Eyes and ‘The Object of Devotion for Observing the Mind in the Fifth Five-Hundred Year Period.’ He shares harrowing details about his near-execution by beheading and how he saw it as a rebirth. He continues to argue that reading the Lotus Sutra is the only way to achieve enlightenment and that it is more important than any other Buddhist scripture. [2]
The third and final phase of Nichiren’s life and teachings was spent on Mount Minobu. Here, he began training disciples in his teachings and spreading the word of Buddhism to the masses. Although his followers faced a constant threat of persecution, they managed to keep the religion alive, and eventually, it began to take root in society.
Beautiful pagoda on the grounds of Minbusan Kuonji.
The three principle practices of Nichiren Buddhism
Now that we’ve set the stage let’s dive into the three principle practices of Nichiren Buddhism. Nichiren believed these practices were essential for achieving nirvana and improving Japan’s social and political landscape.
1. The Faith in Nichiren’s Gohonzon
The first practice is to have faith in Nichiren’s Gohonzon. The Gohonzon is a mandala that Nichiren created as a tool for meditation and spiritual growth. It contains the names of the Buddha and his followers, as well as symbols that represent different aspects of Buddhist teachings.
A Gohonzon that was inscribed by Nichiren just before his death in 1280. The central logographs depict the official title of the Lotus Sūtra
When you meditate on the Gohonzon, you align yourself with the Buddha’s enlightened mind and open yourself up to receive his wisdom and guidance. The Gohonzon is not just a physical object but a powerful tool that can help you to connect with your higher self.
The Gohonzon uses Chinese calligraphy to represent the Buddha’s teachings. It is hung on a scroll or placed on an altar in a place of honor in your home. It’s usually accompanied by a candle and incense, used as offerings to the Buddha.
2. The Chanting of Namu Myoho Renge Kyo
The act of meditating on the Gohonzon is called Daimoku, and it’s an essential part of Nichiren Buddhism. When you chant Daimoku, you are reciting the phrase
Namu 南無 “devoted to”, a transliteration of Sanskrit námas lit. ’a bow’.
Myōhō 妙法 “exquisite law”
Myō 妙, from Middle Chinese mièw, “strange, mystery, miracle, cleverness” (cf. Mandarin miào)
Hō 法, from Middle Chinese pjap, “law, principle, doctrine” (cf. Mand. fǎ)
Renge-kyō 蓮華經 “Lotus Sutra”
Renge 蓮華 “padma (Lotus)”
Ren 蓮, from Middle Chinese len, “lotus” (cf. Mand. lián)
Ge 華, from Middle Chinese xwæ, “flower” (cf. Mand. huā)
Kyō 経, from Middle Chinese kjeng, “sutra” (cf. Mand. jīng)
Here is an easy-going version of the mantra chanting:
Here is a faster style of chanting (15 minutes):
This phrase encapsulates the core teachings of Nichiren Buddhism, which is that all beings have the potential to achieve Buddhahood. By chanting Daimoku, you affirm your faith in this principle and open yourself up to its power.
There are many ways to chant Daimoku, but the most common is to recite it slowly and with feeling. You can also chant it along with a group of people, which is said to be even more powerful.
Another thing to keep in mind is that you don’t need to be a Buddhist to chant Daimoku. Anyone can benefit from its power, regardless of their religious beliefs.
3. The study of Nichiren’s scriptural writings
The third and final practice of Nichiren Buddhism is the study of Nichiren’s scriptural writings, which are known as the Gosho. These various texts contain Nichiren’s thoughts on different topics, such as the nature of reality, the importance of taking action, and the relationship between Buddha and humanity. The Gosho texts, letters, and stories are an essential part of Nichiren Buddhism because they provide guidance for how we should live our lives. By studying them, we can gain a deeper understanding of religion and the world around us.
One of the most famous texts in the Gosho is The Letter from Sado, which Nichiren wrote during his exile on the island of Sado. In this letter, Nichiren reinforces the importance of the Lotus Sutra, comparing it to a healthy dose of cow’s milk. He goes on to compare other sutras to donkey’s milk, which was thought to be poisonous.
The other texts in the Gosho are equally as powerful and provide insights into a variety of topics.
A leaf of a Japanese translation of the Lotus Sutra showing the grand assembly from chapter 1.
Differences and similarities: Nichiren and other traditions
Now that we’ve gone over the three principle practices of Nichiren Buddhism let’s take a look at how it differs from other schools of Buddhism.
The most notable difference is that Nichiren Buddhism revolves entirely around the Lotus Sutra, whereas other schools of Buddhism focus on a variety of different sutras, like the Heart Sutra and the Diamond Sutra.
Another difference is that Nichiren Buddhists believe that all beings have the potential to achieve Buddhahood, regardless of their karma or past actions. This is in contrast to other schools of Buddhism, which teach that only those with good karma can achieve enlightenment.
As for similarities, Nichiren Buddhism shares many of the same core beliefs as other schools of Buddhism. For example, they both believe in karma and reincarnation. They also both teach that the path to enlightenment is through meditation and mindfulness.
So, while there are some minor differences between Nichiren Buddhism and other schools of Buddhism, the two paths are more similar than they are different.
Nichiren’s Legacy and Contributions
Nichiren died in 1282, but his teachings live on to this day. His followers continue to practice the three principle practices of Nichiren Buddhism, and his writings continue to inspire new generations of Buddhists.
Nichiren was a controversial figure during his lifetime, but his legacy is undeniable. He was an influential proponent of social and political change, and his teachings have helped shape the modern world of Buddhism.
He was also the first Buddhist teacher to emphasize the importance of chanting Daimoku as a way to connect with the Buddha and receive his wisdom and guidance.
His legacy is one of hope and possibility. He showed us that we have the power to change our lives and the world around us.
Who should consider learning about Nichiren Buddhism?
Nichiren’s teachings are for everyone and anyone. However, some people may be particularly interested in his teachings. Opposing schools of thought see Nichiren Buddhism as very individualist because of its hyperfocus on the Lotus Sutra. This may appeal to people looking for a more personalized spiritual path. If you’re interested in social and political change, then Nichiren Buddhism is also for you. His
Nichiren: unique and powerful practices
Nichiren Buddhism is a unique and powerful form of Buddhism that has much to offer its followers. The three principle practices of Nichiren Buddhism provide a solid foundation for those seeking guidance and wisdom.
If you’re looking for a tradition within Buddhism that is simple yet profound, Nichiren Buddhism may be right for you. There’s a certain optimism to be had when reinforcing the belief that anyone can achieve Buddhahood. And the study of Nichiren’s 700+ texts can provide valuable insights into how we should live our lives.
the esoteric Shingon school on Mount Koya and Nara
Nara Buddhism
Honen’s community in Yoshimizu in Kyoto
Honen Shonin (1133-1212)
Jōdo Shū: Pure Land Buddhism
Shinran (1173-1263)
Jodo Shinshu (“true pure land school”)
Ippen
Ji-shu, the “time school
Ryōnin (1072–1132)
Yūzūnenbutsu school of Japan
Wonhyo (617-686) introduced Pure Land to Korea, where it is called Jeongto
Shokobo Bencho (1162-1238), also called Shoko. Shoko also stressed many recitations of the Nembutsu but believed the Nembutsu did not have to be one’s only practice. Shokobo is considered to be the Second Patriarch of Jodo Shu.
Nembutsu
Buddhism, Pure Land Jìngtǔ 淨 土
Source: Buddhism, Pure Land / Jìngtǔ 淨 土
Source: Buddhism, Pure Land / Jìngtǔ 淨 土
Source: Buddhism, Pure Land / Jìngtǔ 淨 土
Introduction to Pure Land Tradition
Source: Introduction to Pure Land Tradition
Source: Introduction to Pure Land Tradition
Source: Introduction to Pure Land Tradition
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Aaron P. Proffitt Series: Pure Land Buddhist Studies Paperback: $35.00 ISBN-13: 9780824893712 Published: January 2024 ADD TO CART Hardback: $70.00 ISBN-13: 9780824893613
Chinese Pure Land Buddhism: Understanding a Tradition of Practice
Pure Land Buddhist Studies Author Charles B. Jones Contributor Richard K. Payne Publisher University of Hawaii Press, 2019 ISBN 082488101X, 9780824881016 Length 222 pages
A Study of Vasubandhu’s Treatise on Pure Land : with special reference to his theory of salvation in the light of the development of the bodhisattva ideal
“Chapter 3. The Development of the Concept of the Pure Land”.
Jones, Charles B..
Chinese Pure Land Buddhism: Understanding a Tradition of Practice, edited by Richard K. Payne, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2019, pp. 33-60. https://doi.org/10.1515/9780824881016-006
Chinese Pure Land Buddhism: Understanding a Tradition of Practice is the first book in any western language to provide a comprehensive overview of Chinese Pure Land Buddhism. Even though Pure Land Buddhism was born in China and currently constitutes the dominant form of Buddhist practice there, it has previously received very little attention from western scholars. In this book, Charles B. Jones examines the reasons for the lack of scholarly attention and why the few past treatments of the topic missed many of its distinctive features. He argues that the Chinese Pure Land tradition, with its characteristic promise of rebirth in the Pure Land to even non-elite or undeserving practitioners, should not be viewed from the perspective of the Japanese Pure Land tradition, which differs greatly. More accurately contextualizing Chinese Pure Land Buddhism within the landscape of Chinese Buddhism and the broader global Buddhist tradition, this work celebrates Chinese Pure Land, not as a school or sect, but as a unique and inherently valuable “tradition of practice.”
This volume is organized thematically, clearly presenting topics such as the nature of the Pure Land, the relationship between “self-power” and “other-power,” the practice of nianfo (buddha-recollection), and the formation of the line of “patriarchs” that keep the tradition grounded. It guides us in understanding the vigorous debates that Chinese Pure Land Buddhism evoked and delves into the rich apologetic literature that it produced in its own defense. Drawing upon a wealth of previously unexamined primary source materials, as well as modern texts by contemporary Chinese Pure Land masters, the author provides lucid translations of resources previously unavailable in English. He also shares his lifetime of experience in this field, enlivening the narrative with personal anecdotes of his visits to sites of Pure Land practice in China and Taiwan.
The straightforward and nontechnical prose makes this book a standby resource for anyone interested in pursuing research in this lively, sophisticated, and still-evolving religious tradition. Scholars—including undergraduates—specializing in East Asian Buddhism, as well as those interested in Buddhism or Chinese religion and history in general, will find this book invaluable.
Author / Editor information
Jones Charles B. :
Charles B. Jones is associate professor and director of the Religion and Culture graduate program in the School of Theology and Religious Studies at the Catholic University of America, Washington, D.C.
Payne Richard K. :
Richard K. Payne is Yehan Numata Professor of Japanese Buddhist Studies at the Institute of Buddhist Studies, Berkeley.
The Indian Roots of Pure Land Buddhism: Insights from the Oldest Chinese Versions of the Larger Sukhåvativyuha
by Shinko Mochizuki Translated by Leo M Pruden This e-book is based on the articles published on Pacific World Journal of the Institute of Buddhist Studies http://www.shin-ibs.edu/academics/_pwj/ For the class on Pure Land The International Buddhist College, Thailand, 2011 http://ibc.ac.th
A Study of Zhida’s Play Guiyuan jing and a Translation of its Three Paratexts
Mengxiao Wang Sheng Yen Postdoctoral Fellow in Chinese Buddhism, Institute of East Asian Studies (Center for Buddhist Studies), University of California, Berkeley
MYSTERIES OF SPEECH AND BREATH: DŌHAN’S 道範 (1179-1252) HIMITSU NENBUTSU SHŌ 祕密念佛抄 AND ESOTERIC PURE LAND BUDDHISM
by Aaron P. Proffitt
A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Asian Languages and Cultures) in the University of Michigan 2015
Pure Land is both a distinct school of Buddhism that developed in Japan and, says Aaron Proffitt, a cornerstone of the whole Mahayana tradition.
Early Orientalist scholars of Buddhism working under colonialism had little interest in the diversity and vitality of living Buddhist cultures. Instead, they cherry-picked the Buddhist teachings to fit their own modernist, Protestant worldview.
This ahistorical perspective on Buddhism—a “Buddhism” created by and for European intellectuals—was then used to criticize living Buddhist cultures. These scholars believed that Mahayana Buddhism in general, but especially the Pure Land teachings, were a perverse distortion of the buddhadharma (as they defined it).
Sadly, this attitude is still widely seen. Pure Land Buddhism is arguably the most commonly practiced form of Buddhism in the world. Yet in English-language academic and popular writing it is largely ignored, or wholly misunderstood.
The Pure Land teachings are fundamental to Mahayana philosophy, ritual, meditation, art, and scripture. Generally, we could think of Mahayana Buddhism itself as a “Buddhism of the Pure Lands.” More specifically, the term “Pure Land Buddhism” also refers to a distinct form or school of Buddhism that developed in Japan. While drawing on the general Pure Land teachings in Mahayana Buddhism, this school focuses particularly on contemplation of the Pure Land named Sukhavati (Land of Bliss) and the Buddha of that land, Amitabha.
While some Mahayana Buddhists may aspire to be reborn in the Pure Land in the next life, others conceive of the Pure Land as a symbol for nirvana that is in some sense present within this world. Others may hold both positions at the same time. As the Contemplation Sutra says, “the mind that creates the Buddha is the Buddha.”
Pure Land Teachings in India
Today we divide the Buddhist world into Theravada and Mahayana, yet this division wasn’t always so clear-cut. Many elements we now identify as Mahayanaor Theravada or tantra developed gradually within diverse early Indian cultural contexts in the period 500 BCE–100 CE, before the sutras we now have access to were written down.
For the most part, the texts written in the literary language known as Pali, which today we associate with Theravada Buddhism, preserve a worldview that suggests only one buddha may exist at a time. But the body of sutras we now label as Mahayana offer diverse perspectives on the nature of buddhahood and the path to awakening.
Buddhists of all schools agree that Shakyamuni Buddha taught about buddhas of the past and future, but within Mahayana sutras and tantras, it’s believed the Buddha also taught about other buddhas of this age, such as Akshobhya, Vairocana, and Amitabha.
Sukhavati and Amitabha appear to have been very popular when Mahayana texts were written down, as they’re mentioned in literally hundreds of Mahayana sutras and tantras. Later treatises dealing with the Pure Land teachings are attributed to great Indian masters such as Nagarjuna (circa 150–250 CE) and Vasubandhu (fourth–fifth century CE).
Pure Land Buddhism in China
Buddhism was transmitted along trade routes throughout South and Central Asia, and by the first century of the Common Era it began taking root in China. Mahayana Buddhism was particularly embraced, and as the Pure Land teachings are a fundamental aspect of Mahayana philosophy and practice, diverse perspectives on the pure lands flourished in China early on.
Born in Gandhara in 147 CE, the monk Lokaksema translated Sanskrit Mahayana texts into Chinese, including the Pratyutpanna Samadhi Sutra (the Sutra on the Samadhi for Encountering Face-Face the Buddhas of the Present). The Pratyutpanna Samadhi Sutra was particularly influential upon the monk Huiyuan (334–416), whom later generations recognized as the first Pure Land patriarch.
Huiyuan organized Pure Land practice societies, referred to as White Lotus Societies, whose practitioners contemplated Amitabha Buddha in order to receive mystical visions of him. This inspired later forms of communal Pure Land practice. Like most other Chinese Buddhist masters, Huiyuan was also conversant in Daoist and Confucian thought. He’s famous for rebuking a local warlord by declaring “monks do not revere kings.”
Zhiyi (538–597) of Mount Tiantai in Zhejiang, China, is regarded as the founder of the Tiantai tradition, which offered an indigenous Chinese approach to Indian Buddhism. Zhiyi revered Nagarjuna’s teachings on emptiness, and offered a comprehensive understanding of Buddhist doctrine and meditation that ended up influencing the whole of East Asian Buddhism.
Zhiyi’s perspective on Pure Land practice also drew upon the Pratyutpanna Samadhi Sutra, recommending recitation of the name of Amitabha as a way of staying focused during meditation. Some of the most influential Pure Land teachers in East Asian history were associated with the Tiantai lineage, known as Cheontae in Korea and Tendai in Japan.
The works of Shandao (613–681) represent another important strand of East Asian Pure Land Buddhist thought. Shandao was revered for his visionary experiences and meditative prowess. What distinguishes Shandao was his revolutionary teaching that Pure Land practices can help even ordinary beings attain rebirth in the Pure Land, and thus awakening. This was in contrast to the elite view that Pure Land rebirth was only possible for highly accomplished bodhisattvas.
Throughout Chinese history, Chan (Zen) masters, as well as systematizers of East Asian Esoteric (tantric) Buddhism, have promoted Pure Land practices. The Chan scholar–monk Yongming Yanshou (904–975) drew on the long history of Chan–Pure Land practice and argued that when Pure Land practices are integrated with Chan meditation, it’s more effective than when Chan meditation is practiced alone. To this day, Chan meditation, esoteric practices, and Pure Land practices function together within Chinese, Korean, Vietnamese, Taiwanese, and Japanese Buddhism.
Pure Land Buddhism in Tibet
Tibetan Buddhism developed later than East Asian Buddhism, so it was able to draw upon the full range of Indian Buddhist texts. Eventually the tantras were emphasized. While we may often associate the tantras with the rapid attainment of buddhahood in this body and world, many tantras are said to lead to rebirth in the pure lands, especially Sukhavati.
The Pure Land tradition has manifested in myriad ways in Tibetan Buddhism. Padmasambhava (circa eighth–ninth century) was a great tantric teacher in Tibet who came to be recognized as an incarnation of Amitabha Buddha; the Tibetan lineage of reincarnated tulkus known as the Panchen Lamas are said to be emanations of Amitabha. A Tibetan ritual known as phowa involves practitioners ejecting their consciousness out the top of their heads and into Sukhavati. One of the most important mantras in Tibetan Buddhism is that of Avalokiteshvara, “Om Mani Padme Hum,” which is said to lead to rebirth in Sukhavati.
In Tibet, as in India and most of Asia, Pure Land Buddhism has not functioned as a distinct sect or school. Instead, Pure Land philosophy and practices have been integral to diverse Mahayana traditions. In Japan, Pure Land Buddhism emerged as a distinct approach to Buddhism.
Japanese Pure Land Buddhism
The Japanese monk Eon was a scholar of Nagarjuna’s Madhyamaka (Middle Way) philosophy who traveled to China in 608 CE. Upon his return to Japan over thirty years later, he chose the Pure Land teachings as the subject of his first lecture.
Devotion to Amitabha became a major feature of Japanese Buddhism. Initially, Japanese Buddhists practiced the dedication of merit to help their ancestors attain rebirth in the Pure Land, but over time, aspiring to one’s own rebirth in the Pure Land became popular.
Japanese monks associated with the Mount Hiei Tendai tradition, such as Ennin (794–864) and Genshin (942–1017), promoted Tendai philosophy, esoteric ritual, and the practice of nembutsu (Pure Land contemplation and the recitation of Amitabha Buddha’s name). Wandering ascetics such as Kuya (903–972) traveled between mountain monastic centers and the marketplace to share Pure Land teachings with the common people.
Kakuban (1095–1143), and later Dohan (1179–1252), drew upon the esoteric understanding of mantra and promoted the idea that Amitabha Buddha is best understood as the breath of life of all beings and that Pure Land “rebirth” is the same as attaining buddhahood in this very body.
In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the rising power of the samurai class sent Japan into chaos. In response to this social upheaval, an egalitarian approach to Buddhism emerged that emphasized the Pure Land path as open to ordinary people, not just those engaged in elite monastic practice. The medieval Japanese Pure Land schools tended to emphasize the Pure Land path almost to the exclusion of practices such as scholasticism, Zen meditation, and esoteric ritual, while at the same time drawing upon the philosophical insights that arose from those traditions.
Honen (1133–1212) is the great revolutionary of Japanese Pure Land history. Drawing on his broad erudition in Mahayana philosophy and practice, and the works of Shandao in particular, Honen sought the teaching that would be most effective for people living in this age of chaos and anxiety. Eventually, Honen came to see the recitation of the name of Amitabha, “Namu Amida Butsu,” as the essential practice.
Because this simple practice is possible for all people, regardless of gender or social station, it exemplifies the universal compassion and wisdom of Amitabha Buddha. Honen inspired a movement that, though persecuted by the powers that be, ended up transforming Japanese Buddhism by creating a “Buddhism of the Pure Land.” Honen’s disciple Shinran (1173–1263) referred to himself as a “stubble headed dummy,” and claimed to not even have one student. Yet the Jodo Shinshu lineage that looks to him as its founder is the largest school of Buddhism in Japan and one of the oldest and largest in the Americas as well, making him one of the most influential Buddhist thinkers in world history.
Shinran argued that progress along the path, Pure Land rebirth, and the attainment of awakening occur not through one’s own efforts alone. Rather, Amitabha Buddha is the dynamic force to which beings spontaneously awaken through a radical letting go—an experience known as shinjin, “the mind of confidence” or “awakening.”
Women have played an important role in Pure Land Buddhism, and Shinran owed his success in many ways to the women in his life. Without his wife, Eshinni, who supported his ministry, and his daughter Kakushinni, who built a mausoleum dedicated to him, Shinran likely would have been little more than an historical footnote.
Although Pure Land Buddhism remains understudied and poorly understood in the English-speaking world, scholars and practitioners today are building new bridges with other Buddhist schools and helping people understand what Pure Land Buddhism really is. In time, the profundity and diversity of the Pure Land tradition will become apparent.
Aaron Proffitt is an Associate Professor of Japanese Studies at The University at Albany-SUNY. He earned his PhD in Buddhist Studies at the University of Michigan in 2015, and his first book, Esoteric Pure Land Buddhism (University of Hawaii Press, 2023), explores the ways that Buddhists in East Asia employed tantric thought and practice to attain rebirth in the Pure Land, and contains the first translation of Dōhan’s (1179–1252) Himitsu nenbutsu shō into a modern language. His research and publications have explored Esoteric Buddhism, Pure Land Buddhism, and the Lotus Sutra, and his current research explores the way that emptiness has been understood and employed within the Pure Land tradition.His book Esoteric Pure Land Buddhism will be published in September by University of Hawaii Press.
In One Lifetime: Pure Land Buddhism Paperback – January 1, 2007
Ching-ying Hui-yuan’s Commentary on the Visualization Sutra
By Kenneth K. Tanaka
Subjects: Buddhism, Philosophy Series: SUNY series in Buddhist Studies Paperback : 9780791402986, 336 pages, August 1990 Hardcover : 9780791402979, 336 pages, August 1990
Pure Land in the Making
Vietnamese Buddhism in the US Gulf South
By Allison J. Truitt
PUBLISHED: February 2021 SUBJECT LISTING: Asian American Studies, Anthropology, Asian Studies / Southeast Asia BIBLIOGRAPHIC INFORMATION: 226 Pages, 6 x 9 in, 16 b&w illus. ISBN: 9780295748474 Publisher: University of Washington Press
ASPIRING TO ENLIGHTENMENT: PURE LAND BUDDHISM IN SILLA KOREA
Richard D. McBride II Series: Pure Land Buddhist Studies Hardback: $68.00 ISBN-13: 9780824882600 Published: August 2020 ADD TO CART Paperback: $28.00 ISBN-13: 9780824897864 Published: October 2023
‘Pure Land Buddhism in America’,
Lee, Jesse J.,
in Ann Gleig, and Scott A. Mitchell (eds), The Oxford Handbook of American Buddhism, Oxford Handbooks (2024; online edn, Oxford Academic, 22 May 2024), https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197539033.013.6, accessed 28 May 2024.
Critical Readings on Pure Land Buddhism in Japan
3 Volume
Editor: Galen Amstutz Copyright Year: 2020
Hardback Availability: Published ISBN: 978-90-04-40137-2 Publication: 04 Jun 2020
Hiraizumi – Temples, Gardens and Archaeological Sites Representing the Buddhist Pure Land comprises five sites, including the sacred Mount Kinkeisan. It features vestiges of government offices dating from the 11th and 12th centuries when Hiraizumi was the administrative centre of the northern realm of Japan and rivalled Kyoto. The realm was based on the cosmology of Pure Land Buddhism, which spread to Japan in the 8th century. It represented the pure land of Buddha that people aspire to after death, as well as peace of mind in this life. In combination with indigenous Japanese nature worship and Shintoism, Pure Land Buddhism developed a concept of planning and garden design that was unique to Japan.
In Japan, a total of thirteen schools of Buddhism coexist and have their own temples. Here are the main ones:
Tendai, a school created in 805 by the monk Saicho and which stands out for its rigorous ascetic practice.
Shingon, or “True Word”, a school of esoteric Buddhism which emphasizes the recitation of mantras, formulations made up of repeated syllables for meditative purposes.
Jodo, the Pure Land School, and Jodo Shinshu, a new school of Pure Land, which are the two most popular schools in Japan. They encourage the practitioner to chant Sutras, which are Buddhist writings.
Soto and Rinzai, which are the two main schools of Zen Buddhism and insist respectively on meditation (zazen) and on koan, which are enigmas that the practitioner must solve to reach enlightenment.
According to the major sutras of Pure Land Buddhism, the Larger Sukhavativyuha and the Smaller Sukhavativyuha, Amitabha Buddha’s Pure Land (Skt. Sukhavati) lies beyond 10 billion Buddha-lands west of our World of Endurance. Having been fully developed from the mid-6th to the early 9th centuries, the belief in rebirth in such a place and the recitation of Amitabha’s name to achieve this goal became central to Pure Land Buddhism, serving as an expedient for the meditative path to enlightenment or even as a method of equal importance since the Ming dynasty (1368–1644). To better understand the nature of the Pure Land and how it is related to the world in which we sentient beings live, I visited one of the birthplaces of Pure Land Buddhism—Xuanzhong Monastery (玄中寺) in Jiaocheng County, Shanxi Province, China.
Since its establishment in 472, Xuanzhong Monastery has stood on the same site in the Shibi Mountains, remote and secluded. Three patriarchs of the Pure Land school, Tan Luan (曇鸞, 476–542), Dao Chuo (道綽, 562–645), and Shan Dao (善導, 613–81), resided and spread the teachings there. For this reason, Xuanzhong Monastery received continuous imperial patronage during the Tang dynasty (618–907). When Kublai Khan ruled China, he also granted the monastery imperial protection. Khan’s edict, inscribed in stone in both Chinese and the ‘Phags-pa script,* has been well preserved in the monastery’s stele collection. Today, Xuanzhong Monastery is lauded as an ancestral court by Pure Land Buddhists in China, as well as by followers of Jodo Shu and Jodo Shinshu—two Pure Land sects in Japan.
Important Cultural Property The Pure Land of Amida (Skt. Amitābha)
There are three types of Amida’s Pure Land paintings in Japan: Taima Mandara, Seikai Mandara, and Chikō Mandara. The Taima Mandara is based on the description of the Kanmuryōju-kyō (Amitāyur-buddha-dhyāna sūtra) and illustrates the story of Ajase the saint, thirteen virtues, and nine styles of going to the Pure Land. In the Seikai Mandara, the painting is surrounded by sixteen verses. The Amida’s (Amitābha’s) Pure Land introduced in this article belongs to neither the Taima nor Seikai types of mandaras. The concept in this picture is similar to that of the Chikō Mandara, which is based on the description in the Muryōju-kyō (Sukhāvatī-vyuha sūtra). Priest Chikō in Gangō-ji temple established the Chikō mandara style during the late Nara period. Not only the concept but also the composition of this picture is similar to that of the Chikō Mandara; the scene is divided horizontally into three or four layers. Beginning with the top layer, sky, palaces, Buddhist deities, sacred trees, the sacred pond, and a dance performance were painted. Bright red and whitish-green are the major colors in the painting, and shu-vermilion and tan-red are used for the gradation in the shading of the costume. This picture is notable for its Japanese style. Masterpieces of Nara National Museum. Nara National Museum, 1993, p.42, no.27.
Varanasi is located in such a way that the river flows from south to north. 
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White Horse Temple, Luoyang, Henan
Buddha Statues in Maiji Caves, Tianshui
Eastern Han Dynasty – Eastern Jin Dynasty (317 – 420): Buddhism was introduced to China during this period. The early Chinese Buddhist temples followed Indian style, which set the stupa as its center. They once had a traditional Chinese name – Ci (ancestral temple) and the number was very limited. 
Mahavihara_©https://www.insightsonindia.com/indian-heritage-culture/architecture/buddhist-architecture/
Stupas_©https://www.insightsonindia.com/indian-heritage-culture/architecture/buddhist-architecture/
Amaravati stupa_©https://www.insightsonindia.com/indian-heritage-culture/architecture/buddhist-architecture/
Sirpur in Chhattisgarh_©https://www.insightsonindia.com/indian-heritage-culture/architecture/buddhist-architecture/
Chaityas_©https://www.insightsonindia.com/indian-heritage-culture/architecture/buddhist-architecture/
@法门寺 (famensi.com)
@牛首山风景区 (niushoushan.net)
Viewpoints which Matter 
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