The work presented here advances a hypothetical reconstruction of the planning and programming of the building site, the executive process, the construction and decoration, and ultimately the deconsecration and abandonment of an ancient Buddhist stupa. The chronological context is that of the mid-first to the early fourth century CE. The geographical context is the fertile and rich Swat valley, at the foot of the Karakoram-Hindukush, to the north of the ancient region of Gandhara (today in Pakistan). The study is based on archaeological excavation data conducted over several seasons, including the most recent seasons from 2011 to 2014. During the latter excavations, conducted by the Author, new data that allowed additions to be made to Domenico Faccenna’s previous studies were brought to light. Among these new insights, there are some of great importance that indicate the existence of a large central niche at the top of the stupa’s upper staircase, the key to the stupa’s figurative frieze. This frieze, which represents one of the highest moments of Gandharan Buddhist art, still imitated centuries later by celebrated artists in inner Asia (at Miran), is the product of a sculptural school guided with a sure hand by an anonymous Master, to whom the responsibility for the entire project should be attributed, architect, master builder and workshop master all in one. The existence of this so-called ‘Master of Saidu’, admirably intuited and elaborated by Faccenna, finds in this volume, if possible, further support, demonstrating the capacity of the archaeological school inaugurated by Faccenna himself to answer with ongoing excavation data the many questions that the enigma of Gandhara art still poses to scholars all over the world.
This book is the first volume of a new book series, Marco Polo: Studies in Global Europe-Asia Connections.
The book series, sponsored by the Department of Asian and North African Studies through the Marco Polo Research Centre for Global Europe-Asia Connections, is designed to publish up-to-date research that is supported by the Centre. In dialogue with the intellectual tradition of the Centre, our research interests are vast, spanning manifold spaces (from Japan to the Mediterranean Sea), times (from Neolithic times to today, and possibly the future), and themes (from modern geopolitics to religious identities to climate change to archaeological sites), with particular attention to trans-Eurasian interactions. This emphasis on intercultural contact and exchange, especially at the crossroads of the ostensible European-Asian divide, is evoked through the title of the series: indeed, Marco Polo travelled all the way from Venice to Beijing at the end of the 13th century, engaging with many different political contexts, nations, and civilisations along the land and sea routes later jointly known as the Silk Road (or, better, Silk Roads). This concept, with its underlying reference to the exchange of things and ideas across societies, is a historical phenomenon of great significance associated with a distant past; however, the spectre of the Silk Road(s) has never rested. The People’s Republic of China announced the ‘Silk Road Economic Belt’ (now known as the ‘Belt and Road Initiative’) in 2013. In other words, the distant historical traditions of the Silk Road(s) continue to penetrate discursive reality in our own day and age. Globalisation – with its various and contradictory connotations – is an overarching motif that links the Silk Roads of the past and the present. Inspired by the famous Venetian merchant, our book series prioritises studies that are inquisitive, bold, and dynamic, with a preference for transcultural and interdisciplinary studies. We welcome manuscripts that are grounded in rigorous scholarship and speak to international academic conversations within and across diverse disciplines, including history, international relations, economics, environmental studies, literature, languages, archaeology, art history, philosophy, religion, anthropology, geography, music, social sciences, and the digital humanities. The books in this series will focus on specific research topics but will range from single-authored monographs to edited volumes with multiple authors, each contributing a chapter to an organically conceived whole.
Buddhist Architecture in the Swat Valley, Pakistan. Stupas, Viharas, a Dwelling Unit Domenico Faccenna, Piero Spagnesi
(BraDypUS Communicating Cultural Heritage, Bologna 2015)
The volume reports an accurate survey of the sacred Buddhist Gandharan architecture in the Swat Valley, carryed out by one of the main experts in the past culture of that territory, Domenico Faccenna, in association with Piero Spagnesi.
The work presents typological classification (stupas, viharas, columns, minor complementary structures) and accurate description of the monuments, and the various complexes to which they belong (sacred areas, monasteries, groups of dwelling units for monks, water supply and defence systems). The analysis is intended to touch upon numerous aspects: construction techniques, materials, measures, plasters, proportions, pictorial decorations and gilding, taking into consideration the architecture as a whole, in its spaces, volumes and relative design themes.
Buddhist Architecture in the Swat Valley, Pakistan. Stupas, Viharas, a Dwelling Unit, by Domenico Faccenna and Piero Spagnesi, with the collaboration of Luca M. Olivieri and foreword by Marco Mancini and Adriano Rossi. ACT-FIELD SCHOOL PROJECT Reports and Memoirs (series), special volume.
2nd digital edition, originally published in 2014 in Pakistan (Sang e-Meel). The content remains unvaried.
This stupa was located in Saidu Sharif, Pakistan and is among a unique group of Gandharan stupas that boasts an impressive visual arts programme. Given the wealthy Greco-Bactrian artistic tradition in the region, it is important to note that this stupa represents one of the earliest attestations of the stupa with columns (Filigenzi, 130). This canonical type was amalgamated into Buddhist architectural forms through the “mandalic concept of ritual space” (Filigenzi,130). Overall, this stupa superstructure consisted of “five tiers with the first a square plinth, the second a circular plinth, the third and four the two circular drums, and the fifth a dome; it is surmounted by a solid harmika and an exceedingly tall multi-tiered yasti-chattra.” (Le, 175) Attuned to the Hellenistic connection, it is likely that the two circular drums were decorated with both Corinthian pilasters and narrative reliefs panels that depicted scenes from the Buddha’s life (Filigenzi, 113). In contrast to traditional Indian stupas, it appears that here the Gandharan architects have “consciously proportioned their harmikas to be of an equal height as the stupa body” (Le, 175). All together the stupa’s total height measured approximately 27m. The building material are believed to be soapstone ashlar and in line with Gandharan building practice, the stupa was coated in fine plaster to “shield it from water penetration and give it a smooth appearance” (Le, 175) What is noticeable at Saidu Sharif is the emergence of the square-based stupa. This type was originally remarked upon at Piprahwa, as we have seen earlier, however the additions of columns, the emphasis on verticality and the reduction in size of the dome are all indicative of Asokan, Mathuran and Greco-Roman architectural features. (Le, 176). Overall, Saidu Sharif is an example of the early Gandharan stupa type.
Le, Huu Phuoc. Buddhist architecture. Lakeville, MN: Grafikol, 2010. Print.
“Orientalised Hellenism versus Hellenised Orient:Reversing the Perspective on Gandharan Art Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia,”
The cultural context in which the term “Gandhāra” is used initially refers to Vedic geography and then to the administrative limits of the homonymous Achaemenid satrapy.
The most reliable information referring to the Middle Holocene period, in which the Gandhāran region must have met a climatically optimal phase during which domesticated rice was introduced to Kashmir and Swat through the trans-Himalayan corridors (early 2nd millennium BCE or earlier). Toward the end of the 2nd millennium, northern Gandhāra features a rather coherent settlement phenomenon marked by large graveyards, mainly with inhumations, which were labeled by previous scholarship as the “Gandhāra Grave Culture” (1200–900 BCE). In this phase among the major cultural markers, the introduction of iron technology is noteworthy.
The historic phases in Gandhāra are marked by an initial urban phase in Gandhāra (500–150 BCE), sometimes referred to as a “second urbanization,” on the evidence mainly from Peshawar, Charsadda I, Barikot, and Bhir Mound (Taxila I). Mature urban phases (150 BCE–350 CE) are defined based on the restructuring of old cities, and new urban foundations during the phases of contact historically defined by the Indo-Greek and Śaka dynasties, followed by the Kushans (Peshawar, Charsadda II, Barikot, Sirkap, or Taxila III). The artistic phenomenon known as the Buddhist “art of Gandhāra” started toward the end of the 1st century BCE and lasted until the 4th century CE. The beginning of this art is best attested in that period in Swat, where schist of exceptional quality is largely available. At the beginning of the 1st century CE, the iconic and figurative symbols of Indian Buddhism acquire a narrative form, which is the major feature of the Buddhist art of Gandhāra. The subsequent art and architecture of Buddhist Gandhāra feature large sanctuaries richly decorated, and monasteries, documented in several “provinces” of Gandhāra throughout the Kushan period, from the late 1st century CE to mid/end-3rd century CE. In this period Buddhist sanctuaries and urban centers developed together, as proved both in Peshawar valley, in Swat, and at Taxila.
After the urban crisis (post-300 CE)—which went hand in hand with the crisis of the centralized Kushan rule—stratigraphic excavations have so far registered a significant thinning of the archaeological deposits, with a few exceptions. Besides coins deposited in coeval phases of Buddhist sanctuaries and literary and epigraphic sources, archaeological evidence for the so-called Hunnic or “Huna” phases (c. 5th–7th century CE) are very scarce.
Around the mid-6th century, Buddhist monasteries entered a period of crisis, the effects of which were dramatically visible in the first half of the 7th century, especially in the northern regions of Gandhāra. It is after this phase (early 7th century) that literary sources and archaeology report the existence of several Brahmanical temples in and around Gandhāra. These temples were first supported by the Turki-Śāhi (whose capital was in Kabulistan; end-7th/early 8th century) and then by the Hindu-Śāhi (9th–10th century).
The Spatial Composition of Buddhist Temples in Central Asia, Part 1: The Transformation of Stupas
Yuuka Nakamura1 and Shigeyuki Okazaki1
1 Department of Architecture, Mukogawa Women’s University, Nishinomiya, Japan Corresponding author: Yuuka Nakamura, Department of Architecture, Mukogawa Women’s University, 1-13 Tozaki-cho,
Garab Dorje (1st century), founder of Dzogchen (Great Perfection) tradition.
Kumāralāta (3rd century), Kumāralāta was the founder of Sautrāntika school of Buddhism.
Vasubandhu (4th century), Vasubandhu is considered one of the most influential thinkers in the Gandharan Buddhist philosophical tradition. In Jōdo Shinshū, he is considered the Second Patriarch; in Chan Buddhism, he is the 21st Patriarch. His Abhidharmakośakārikā(“Commentary on the Treasury of the Abhidharma”) is widely used in Tibetan and East Asian Buddhism.
Asaṅga (4th century), he was “one of the most important spiritual figures” of Mahayana Buddhism and the “founder of the Yogacharaschool”.
Padmasambhāva (8th century), he is considered the Second Buddha by the Nyingma school, the oldest Buddhist school in Tibet known as “the ancient one”.
This revelatory exhibition of Buddhist art from Gandhara—an ancient kingdom whose center was the present-day Peshawar valley in northwest Pakistan—nearly didn’t happen. Slated to open at New York’s Asia Society last spring, the show was delayed for six months when loans from museums in Karachi and Lahore were jeopardized by (among other things) a flood, the dissolution of the Pakistani Ministry of Culture by constitutional amendment, and deteriorating diplomatic relations between the U.S. and Pakistan. That it opened at all was a testament to the persistence and vision of Asia Society’s director, Melissa Chiu, and her counterparts and associates in Pakistan.
Gandhara, which is was first mentioned as a geographic region in the Rig Veda, around the ninth century B.C.E. was of considerable strategic and commercial importance in the ancient world. Its fertile valleys, warm climate, and above all, its central position on the busy trade routes between Asia and the Mediterranean made it valuable property. As a consequence, it suffered numerous conquests, coming under the rule of the Persians with the reign of Darius I in the sixth century B.C.E., the Greeks under Alexander the Great, and the Indian Mauryans, who introduced Buddhism to the region in the middle of the third century B.C.E. Subsequent invaders included Graeco-Bactrians from Afghanistan, Scythians from central Asia, and Parthians from Iran. Each conqueror left an imprint on the culture; the result was a cosmopolitan, multiethnic society with a sculptural tradition that mixed local styles and subjects with borrowings from Indian, Persian, and Hellenistic art.
In the mid-first century C.E., the Kushans, a nomadic tribe from Central Asia, gained control of Gandhara. Kanishka I, the third emperor of the Kushan dynasty, was a strong supporter of Buddhism who ruled from centers in Gandhara and Mathura in northern India. Buddhist art flourished in both places for the next several centuries—in Mathura, as streamlined, Indian-influenced carvings in pink sandstone; in Gandhara, as cruder, but more stylistically varied sculptures in hard gray schist or terracotta.
The first part of the exhibition traced some of the cultural influences at work in Gandharan art through a selection of sculptures incorporating Indian and Greco-Roman motifs. The earliest of these are marked by startling disjunctions and surprise appearances. The curling acanthus leaves on a Roman-style Corinthian capital shelter a tiny, seated buddha. Along the edge of a stele—pillar—carved with chapters from the Buddha’s career (including an episode in which he sternly reminds a barking dog of its previous life) are numerous pairs of cavorting Greek erotes—love gods. And a half column, used to demarcate a scene on a narrative relief, is similar to a type found in Iran, while the buxom female figure leaning against it is an Indianyakshini, or tree spirit.
The Kushan period saw several extraordinary developments in Buddhist iconography, including the depiction of the Buddha in human form (before that he was represented by symbols such as a footprint), as well as a renewed interest in stories of his life and the appearance of an ever-expanding cast of buddhas, bodhisattvas, and celestial deities. These artistic innovations coincided with, and reflected, the evolution of Mahayana Buddhist ideas, among them the emphasis on forging an individual relationship with the deity, the concept of the bodhisattva who reaches enlightenment but foregoes nirvana in order to help others, and the notion of multiple here-and now buddhas accessible to the practitioner through meditation and visualization.
As in India, the earliest figural images of the Buddha in Gandharan art most often appeared as part of the carved decorations on stupas—Buddhist reliquaries—and the next section of the show features a variety of architectural details from such monuments. Here, in lively reliefs depicting popular scenes from the life of the Buddha, the Gandharan artists can be seen beginning to consolidate their various influences.
In one particularly charming image Maya, Prince Siddhartha’s mother, smiles as she dreams of her unborn son in the form of an elephant encircled by a halo. Another relief depicts a phalanx of hair-raisingly realistic demons sent by Mara to distract Siddhartha from his meditations. Through such pictures, practitioners could follow the story of the Buddha and his spiritual journey and, by adhering to the same path of renunciation, meditation, and wisdom, likewise achieve enlightenment.
A range of types populates the show’s third section, which is devoted to images of buddhas and bodhisattvas. A muscular second-century bodhisattva in one corner conforms to western ideals of masculine beauty, while across the room, a less buff but dashingly bejeweled and mustached Maitreya, the future Buddha, represents the full flowering of the Gandharan figural style, in which idealized, film starlooks are allied with a naturalistic treatment of the body and its enveloping draperies.
A highlight of the show is the so-called Mohammed Nari stele, which depicts a buddha sitting on a huge lotus surrounded by smaller bodhisattvas and worshippers. It may represent the Sukhavati paradise of Amitabha Buddha, or an unidentified buddha giving a teaching. In either case, as a representation of an enlightened being and his sphere of influence, it reflects a growing emphasis on the Mahayana doctrine of a transcendent buddhanature.
In Gandharan Buddhist art, dating is uncertain, messages are mixed, influences come and go, and works range from clumsy to sublime and from suave to kitschy. Looking at this show, which is full of gaps and cross-pollination, can be a little like trying to listen to a garbled radio transmission. But the overall impression is of vivid life and of a system of thought in development—one that would demand new visual languages and find one of them in Gandhara’s syncretic art.
Anne Doran is a writer and editor for the visual arts. She lives in New York City.
Early Gandhāran art: artists and working processes at Saidu Sharif I
Luca M. Olivieri
DOI: 10.32028/9781803274737-05
In Gandhāran Art in Its Buddhist Context (Archaeopress 2023): 60–76
Gandhara: Tecnologia, produzione e conservazione. Indagini preliminari su sculture in pietra e in stucco del Museo Nazionale d’Arte Orientale ‘Giuseppe Tucci’.
Authors Simona Pannuzi, Paola Biocca, Maurizio Coladonato, Barbara Di Odoardo, Stefano Ferrari, Laura Giuliano, Giuseppe Guida, Giovanna Iacono, Tommaso Leti Messina, Edoardo Loliva, Bruno Mazzone, Luca Maria Olivieri, Maria Gigliola Patrizi, Maurizio Pellegrini, Maurizio Piersanti, Paolo Salonia, Giancarlo Sidoti, Fabio Talarico, Mauro Torre, Massimo Vidale, Gianluca Vignaroli
THE DEVELOPMENT OF BUDDHIST STUPA ARCHITECTURE: RITUAL AND REPRESENTATION
This online exhibition seeks to showcase the development of the stupa throughout India, Gandhara and Indonesia. Historically, the stupa was a “Buddhist monument…generally of a pyramidal or dome-like form and [was] erected over sacred relics of the great Buddha or on spots consecrated as the scene of his acts” (Goswamy, 1) The purpose of the structure itself was twofold: it was meant to express metaphysical notions and perform a votive function. As such, the combination of the architectural form in addition to the stupa’s decorative programme was meant to work in tandem to satisfy physical and metaphysical indigence (Snodgrass, 2-3). This came from the traditional Indian conceptualization of architecture and formed the basis from which the stupa began to embody symbolic meaning (Snodgrass,1) Although the stupa took its canonical shape in India, many stupas in neighbouring countries borrowed from its classical form. Yet, instead of repeating what had been established in India, they each adapted a unique and nuanced style that reflected their singular conceptualizations of Buddhist stylistic traditions. Overall, scholars have noticed that the “architectural evolution of the Buddhist stupa in India and Asian countries…reflected the sectarian development in Buddhism itself” (Le, 141). As such, in this exhibition I have aimed to analyze a myriad of stupas and contextualize their plan and architectural features within the larger corpus of Buddhist stupa architecture.
This exhibition is comprised of five Indian stupas, one Indonesian stupa and four Gandharan Stupas. Piphrawa, Sanchi and Bharhut act as the foundational blocks of the exhibition as they provide a traditional overview of the early Indian stupa. This is followed by an analysis of Amaravati and Kesariya. By showcasing the origins and the architectural developments produced under various phases of Buddhism, a clearer picture begins to emerge that underlines the stylistic tendencies that punctuated the construction of later stupas. Overall, it is notable that Piprahwa, Sanchi, Bharhut and Amaravati seemed to have originally existed as tumuli and were later enlarged with bricks or slabs of stone (Pant, 85). These four Indian stupas were all “built on a solid stone base” (Pant,84) and “possessed a hemispherical dome of moderate height having a truncated top with a harmika and a parasol fitted in a post in the middle of the Harmika.” (Pant, 84). However, as I aim to showcase, it is evident that the format of the “stupa itself was in a process of structural evolution” (Pant, 86). Although these structures share an indissoluble lineage, each architect based their work off of the foundation of his predecessors in order to develop and refine their own structural creations. Yet, this was not the only factor that contributed to the development of the structure. Scholars have noticed that particular phases of Buddhism had a large amount of influence on the stylistic and architectural tendencies of these structures. Whereas the Hinayana phase of Buddhism (circa 300 BCE to circa 100 CE) was overtly interested in the “eight-fold path for the laity” and the subsequent “achievement of Nirvana” (Pant, 81) it was nevertheless characterized by a staunch opposition to image worship. As such, Indian stupas erected or renovated amidst this period (Piphrawa, Sanchi, Bharhut) were salient indications of this phenomenon. Conversely, stupas such as Amaravati became embodiments of the Mahayanist influence. This type of Buddhism emerged in the 1st century CE and became popular as a result of its greater appeal to common people (Pant,83). Under Mahayana Buddhism, Buddhist art and ornamentation developed significantly (Pant, 83). As such “sculptural technique and forms bec[ame] more pronounced.” (Pant, 81) and this played an important role in assessing the difference between earlier and later stupas.
Between the 4th Century BCE and the 7th Century CE “the circular base [of the stupa] became square in plan, the drum was elongated and the low hemisphere of the age of Asoka was transformed into a lofty ornamental tower, decorated with mouldings and figures” (Pant, 86-87). This was sustained until Buddhism noticed a considerable decline in the 7th century CE. From this point on, the stupa shared striking resemblance and architectural proportion to the later temple. (Pant, 87). This exhibition has worked to highlight the notable steps of this gradual transition. Whereas Piphrawa has been described as rather archaic, Bhamala and Kanishka are overt indications of the movement towards elongation that has been punctuated by the presence of the four cardinal points. More than this, the Gandharan stupas highlighted in this exhibition work together to showcase the fascinating cross-cultural influences that manifested themselves as stylistic features on the stupas at Taxila and Saidu Sharif. The architectural proportions showcased in Gandhara were informed by both the Indian architectural tradition and Greco-Persian stylistic practices. At Gandhara, we notice acanthus leaf carvings, narrative relief panels along with Bodhisattva and the Buddha figures. (Pant, 91).
Although the gradual development of the stupa appears throughout this project as a rather linear process, we cannot neglect the degree of nuance that ran its course in each construction. The specific architectural detailings and stylistic programmes that showcase the development of stupa architecture over this period was likely the result of “social, economic, political, religious, philosophical and external influences” (Pant, 160). Buddhist philosophy was paramount to the observable stylistic nuances seen on these structures and this was likely compounded by regional and folk traditions. (Pant, 92). In one of the most poignant summations of this process, S. K. Saraswai contends that stupas were “driven by a tendency towards height and elongation, the Stupa ultimately attained a spire-like shape, in which the original hemispherical dome loses its importance, being reduced to insignificance between the lofty basement and the drum on the one hand, and on the other, the tapering series of the Chatravali transformed into a high and conical architecture motif” (Pant, 92). As this exhibition aims to show, the stupas at Kesariya, Dharmarajika, Borobodur, Saidu Sharif, Kanishka and others outlined in this exhibition, are salient exemplars of the gradual evolution from the architectural structures erected at Piphrawa and Sanchi. This was informed by an array of sectarian and social influences.
Works Cited
Goswamy, Brijinder Nath. “The Stupa – Some Uninformed Questions about Terminological Equivalents.” The Stupa: Its Religious, Historical and Architectural Significance . Wiesbaden: Frank Steiner Verlag, 1980. 1-12. Print.
Le, Huu Phuoc. Buddhist architecture. Lakeville: Grafikol, 2010.
Pant, Sushila. The Origins and Development of Stupa Architecture in India. Varanasi: harata Manisha, 1976.
Snodgrass, Adrian. The symbolism of the stupa. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1992. Print.
Further Reading
Faccenna, Domenico. “Columns at Dharmarajika (Taxila).” East and West, vol. 57, no. 1/4, 2007, pp. 127–173., http://www.jstor.org/stable/29757726.
Filigenzi, Anna, “Orientalised Hellenism versus Hellenised Orient:Reversing the Perspective on Gandharan Art Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia,” 18, 111-141 (2012), DOI:https://doi.org/10.1163/157005712X638663
FOGELIN, LARS. “Ritual and Presentation in Early Buddhist Religious Architecture.” Asian Perspectives, vol. 42, no. 1, 2003, pp. 129–154., http://www.jstor.org/stable/42929208.
Lawler, A. “Huge statue suggests early rise for Buddhism.” Science Vol 353.No. 6297 (2016): 336. JSTOR. Web. 10 Apr. 2017.
Macdonell, A. A. “THE BUDDHIST AND HINDU ARCHITECTURE OF INDIA.” Journal of the Royal Society of Arts, vol. 57, no. 2938, 1909, pp. 363–364., http://www.jstor.org/stable/41338530.
Srivastava, K. M. ” Archaeological Excavations at Piprahwa and Ganwaria and the Identification of Kapilavastu,.” The Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies Vol. 3.No.1 (1980): 103-11. Web. 10 Apr. 2017.
Stratton, Eric. The Evolution of Indian Stupa Architecture in East Asia. New Delhi: Vedams, 2002. Print.
Trainor, Kevin. Relics, ritual, and representation in Buddhism: rematerialising the Sri Lankan Theravada tradition. Cambridge: Cambridge U Press, 2007. Print.
The Saidu Sharif Stupa, known as Saidu Sharif I during excavations, holds great significance as a Buddhist sacred site situated near the city of Saidu Sharif in the Swat District of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. It is nestled at the foothills that separate the Saidu River valley from the Jambil River valley. The sacred area encompasses two terraces constructed on the hill’s slope, accessed through a rock cut on the northern side. These terraces include a prominent stupa, surrounded by smaller monuments, as well as a monastery.
The Italian Archaeological Mission initiated excavations at the site in 1963, with the project spanning until 1982, interrupted between 1966 and 1977. The initial excavation campaign focused on the lower terrace, uncovering the main stupa, while the second campaign revealed the upper terrace, housing the monastery.
The lower terrace, referred to as the “Terrace of the Stupas,” features a larger main stupa, encompassed by various minor monuments such as stupas, viharas, and columns. The structure of the main stupa, with its square base and a stairway on the northern side, has been preserved up to the first cylindrical body. Fragments of the harmikā (the square railing around the stupa’s dome) and the umbrellas that once adorned the stupa have been found near the site. One of the cylindrical bodies of the stupa was adorned with a frieze carved in green schist, while the top corners of the rectangular body were adorned with four columns on pedestals, each topped with a crouched lion figure.
Archaeologists have divided the lifespan of the Saidu Sharif I sanctuary into three periods. In the first period, from approximately 25 BCE to the end of the 1st century CE, the monuments were arranged symmetrically. Over time, the Terrace of the Stupas became more crowded, leading to its expansion during the second and third periods, which occurred between the 2nd-3rd century CE and 4th-5th century CE, respectively. These three construction periods are also evident on the upper terrace, where the monastery underwent expansions followed by a reduction to its original dimensions during the third period, indicating the decline of the entire sacred area.
2,000-Year-Old Buddhist Temple Unearthed in Pakistan The structure is one of the oldest of its kind in the Gandhara region
Ruins of a 2,000-year-old Buddhist temple, one of the oldest discovered in Pakistan’s Gandhara region.Missione Archeologica italiana in Pakistan ISMEO/UNIVERSITA’ CA’ FOSCARI VENEZIA
Archaeologists in northwest Pakistan’s Swat Valley have unearthed a roughly 2,000-year-old Buddhist temple that could be one of the oldest in the country, reports the Hindustan Times.
Located in the town of Barikot, the structure likely dates to the second century B.C.E., according to a statement. It was built atop an earlier Buddhist temple dated to as early as the third century B.C.E.—within a few hundred years of the death of Buddhism’s founder, Siddhartha Gautama, between 563 and 483B.C.E., reports Tom Metcalfe for Live Science.
Luca Maria Olivieri, an archaeologist at Ca’ Foscari University in Venice, led the dig in partnership with the International Association for Mediterranean and Oriental Studies (ISMEO). The excavation site is in the historical region of Gandhara, which Encyclopedia Britannica describes as “a trade crossroads and cultural meeting place between India, Central Asia and the Middle East.” Hindu, Buddhist and Indo-Greek rulers seized control of Gandhara at different points throughout the first millennium B.C.E., notes Deutsche Presse-Agentur (DPA).
The temple’s ruins stand around ten feet tall; they consist of a ceremonial platform that was once topped by a stupa, or dome often found on Buddhist shrines. At its peak, the temple boasted a smaller stupa at the front, a room or cell for monks, the podium of a column or pillar, a staircase, vestibule rooms, and a public courtyard that overlooked a road.
“The discovery of a great religious monument created at the time of the Indo-Greek kingdom testifies that this was an important and ancient center for cult and pilgrimage,” says Olivieri in the statement. “At that time, Swat already was a sacred land for Buddhism.”
The acropolis in Barikot, Pakistan, where archaeologists began digging last year. Missione Archeologica italiana in Pakistan ISMEO/UNIVERSITA’ CA’ FOSCARI VENEZIA
In addition to the temple, the team unearthed coins, jewelry, statues, seals, pottery fragments and other ancient artifacts. Per the statement, the temple was likely abandoned in the third century C.E. following an earthquake.
Barikot appears in classical Greek and Latin texts as “Bazira” or “Beira.” Previous research suggests the town was active as early as 327 B.C.E., around the time that Alexander the Greatinvaded modern-day Pakistan and India. Because Barikot’s microclimate supports the harvest of grain and rice twice each year, the Macedonian leader relied on the town as a “breadbasket” of sorts, according to the statement.
Shortly after his death in 323, Alexander’s conquered territories were divided up among his generals. Around this time, Gandhara reverted back to Indian rule under the Mauryan Empire, which lasted from about 321 to 185 B.C.E.
Italian archaeologists have been digging in the Swat Valley since 1955. Since then, excavations in Barikot have revealed two other Buddhist sanctuaries along a road that connected the city center to the gates. The finds led the researchers to speculate that that they’d found a “street of temples,” the statement notes.
According to Live Science, Buddhism had gained traction in Gandhara by the reign of Menander I, around 150 B.C.E., but may have been practiced solely by the elite. Swat eventually emerged as a sacred Buddhist center under the Kushan Empire (30 to 400 C.E.), which stretched from Afghanistan to Pakistan and into northern India. At the time, Gandhara was known for its Greco-Buddhiststyle of art, which rendered Buddhist subjects with Greek techniques.
Shingardar Stupa Swat — A Buddhist Marvel of the Ancient Gandhara Civilization
Once rising almost as high as the Pantheon in Rome, the large stupa of Amluk Dara in the Swat valley, Pakistan, is still an imposing building. Yet it is was only one among many such Buddhist structures built in Udyāna, a garden kingdom of the Silk Road.
Owing to its position connecting North India through mountainous Central Asia with the kingdoms and empires beyond, this was a strategic area. It often formed the borders of larger empires, with rulers based in India failing to expand north from here over the mountains and rulers from north of the mountains failing to expand further south from here into the Indian plains. However, one of the early invaders came from much further afield. Alexander the Great (r. 336–323 BC) fought famous battles here during his central Asian campaigns. His army marched east from Alexander on the Caucasus (Bagram)—the city he had founded in the kingdom of Kapisa—and fought many battles to gain control of the region. Some of these were in the Swat valley and culminated with Alexander’s successful siege of Aornos, a seemingly impregnable steep-sided mountain with a flat top watered by a spring where locals had taken refuge. Identifying the site of this ancient battle has occupied scholars for well over a century, but two places stand out as the most probable candidates. Pir Sar, a mountain rising west of the Indus valley, was selected by the archaeologist Aurel Stein (1862–1943) after his survey of the region in 1926. However, although this is not rejected by all, the consensus now veers toward Mount Ilam, the summit of which is a day’s walk from the Amluk Dara Stupa (Stein 1929; Rienjang 2012; Olivieri 2015).
Legend tells of a serpent king, the Apalala, who lived in a lake high in the peaks of the Hindu Kush. Every year he demanded an annual offering of grain from the people living in the valley of the Swat river, which flowed from the lake. The valley was fertile, hence its name — Udyāna, the garden. But one year the people refused to give the offering and Apalala flooded their lands in revenge. The people duly asked help of Buddha. He came to the valley, converted Apalala and left his footprint on a rock as a sign of his visit.
The footprint survives (now in the local museum), the Swat River still floods, and for many centuries the valley kingdom remained a centre of Buddhism. The location of Amluk Dara and its central stupa was dependent on the landscape. The fecundity of the Swat valley is well captured by the description of the Aurel Stein: “The deep-cut lane along which we travelled was lined with fine hedges showing primrose-like flowers in full bloom, and the trees hanging low with their branches, though still bare of leaves, helped someone to recall Devon lanes. Bluebell-like flowers and other messengers of spring, spread brightness over the little terraced fields.” (Stein 1919: 32-5) And the Italian archaeologists working there since 1956 have noted that “the entire complex blended in with the surrounding nature. From this it drew its charm, importance and beauty—all elements that are believed to have been taken into consideration both in the original plans and subsequent extension.” (Faccenna and Spagnesi 2014: 550)
Gregory Schopen has argued that monasteries were very closely linked to the Indian ideal of a garden containing an arbor or pleasure grove, evidenced by the shared lexicon in the first century AD. He writes that “Buddhist monks . . . attempted to assimilate their establishments to the garden, or actually saw them as belonging to that cultural category.” (Schopen 2006: 489). The framing of views from within the garden or monastery was an important element in its siting, a point noted by many later travelers. So Stein writes of another site in the Lower Swat that it “proved a pleasing example of the care in which these old Buddhist monks knew how to select sacred spots and place their monastic establishments by them. A glorious view down the fertile valley to Thāna, picturesque rocky spurs around, clumps of firs and cedars higher up, and the rare boon of a spring close by—all combined to give charm to the spot. Even those who do not seek future bliss in Nirvāṇa could fully enjoy it.” (Stein 1929: 17-18). Rock-cut or other seats were often placed at points giving a particular view.
During its heyday, monks and merchants carried news of Udyāna’s Buddhist sights and temples along the Silk Road to China and the mountain valley became part of the itinerary for pilgrim monks en route to India. The first to leave a record was Faxian, who arrived in about 403. He stayed for several months visiting the Buddha footprint along with the rock on which he dried his clothes, and the place where he converted ‘the wicked serpent.’ He noted that there were 400 Buddhist monasteries.
Other pilgrims followed, including Xuanzang in 630 and the Korean monk, Hyecho, around 727. By their time Buddhism was in decline in the plains below Swat, but the valley provided an enclave. Indeed, recent archaeological work by Dr Luca Olivieri and his colleagues of the Italian Archaeological Mission has shown that rebuilding of Buddhist shrines and temples continued into the tenth centuries, long after Buddhism had disappeared in its Indian homeland.
Thanks to Luca Olivieri for his generous responses to my many queries and ready supply of excellent photographs for the book.
References and Further Reading Faccenna, Domenico, and Piero Spagnesi. 2014. Buddhist Architecture in the Swat Valley, Pakistan: Stupas, Viharas, a Dwelling Unit. Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications. Olivieri, Luca M. 1996. “Notes on the Problematic Sequence of Alexander’s Itinerary in Swat. A Geo-Historical Approach.” East and West 46.1-2:45–78. ———. 2014. The Last Phases of the Urban Site of bir-Kot-Ghwandai (Barikot): The Buddhist Sites of Gumbat and Amluk-Dara (Barikot). Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications. ———. 2015. “‘Frontier Archaeology’: Sir Aurel Stein, Swat and the Indian Aornus.” South Asian Studies 31 (1): 58–70. Olivieri, L. M. and Vidale, M. 2006. “Archaeology and Settlement History in a Test Area of the Swat Valley. Preliminary Report on the AMSV Project (1st Phase). East and West 54.1–3”73–150. Rienjang, Wannaporn. 2012. “Aurel Stein’s Work in the North-West Frontier Province, Pakistan.” In H. Wang ed. Sir Aurel Stein: Colleagues and Collections.British Museum Research Publication 194. London: British Museum: 1–10. . Schopen, Gregory. 2006. “The Buddhist ‘Monastery’ and the Indian Garden: Aesthetics, Assimilations, and the Siting of Monastic Establishments.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 126 (4): 487–505. Stein, M. Aurel. 1929. On Alexander’s Track to the Indus: Personal Narrative of Explorations on the North-West Frontier of India. London: Macmillan. http://archive.org/stream/onalexanderstrac035425mbp/onalexanderstrac035425mbp_djvu.txt.
“Aspects of the Architecture of the Buddhist Sacred Areas in Swat.”
Jambil River, a tributary of the Swat River, meanders through a picturesque valley rich in natural landscapes. This valley is not only a treat for the eyes but also holds significant historical importance, with numerous Buddhist remains and carvings discovered in the past. On the eastern side of the Jambil River, an excavation at Panr has unveiled a stupa and monastery dating back to the 1st to 5th century AD.
Brief Description of the Structure:
The site at Panr spans three distinct terraces, each offering a unique glimpse into the past.
On the lower terrace, the remnants of a monastery have been found. This area was divided into a dining hall and living quarters, though only the foundations of the base platforms remain visible today.
The middle terrace, often referred to as the “Sacred Area,” is home to the remains of the main stupa. This stupa, with its square base and a mound that once topped the drum, stands as a testament to the architectural prowess of its time. On all four sides of the main stupa, one can observe the foundations of standalone columns. Additionally, scattered throughout this terrace, one can find the foundations of small votive stupas.
Unfortunately, the main stupa has suffered significant damage due to the illegal excavations carried out by treasure hunters. Despite the damage, the site still exudes a sense of grandeur and provides valuable insights into ancient Buddhist architecture.
Moving to the upper terrace, one encounters the remains of the monks’ cells. These cells, constructed with walls made of small diaper masonry, offer a glimpse into the early Kushan period, dating back to the 1st to 2nd century AD.
List of Architectural Spatial Components:
The monastery and stupa at Panr showcase various architectural spatial components that highlight the ingenuity of the builders:
Square Base: The main stupa sits atop a square base, providing a stable foundation for the structure.
Mound: The stupa features a mound on top of the drum, adding height and prominence to the monument.
Drum: The drum of the stupa serves as a transition between the base and the mound, often adorned with intricate carvings or designs.
Stairway: A stairway, leading to the top of the podium or the base of the stupa, allows access for religious rituals and circumambulation.
Free-standing Columns: Standalone columns, positioned around the main stupa, serve as decorative elements and symbolize architectural elegance.
Bastion: A bastion, strategically placed within the structure, offers additional support and stability to the stupa.
Square Pillar: Square pillars can be seen within the monastery and stupa complex, providing architectural variety.
Octagonal Plan: Some elements of the structure, such as the base or the drum, may follow an octagonal plan, adding geometric beauty to the design.
Corridor and Double Corridor: Corridors, both single and double, create pathways within the monastery complex, facilitating movement and providing a tranquil ambiance.
Overall, the stupa and monastery at Panr offer a captivating glimpse into the architectural brilliance and spiritual heritage of the region, inviting visitors and scholars to delve deeper into its history and cultural significance.
On the front remains of Main Stupa, on a lower terrace monastery in the background Jumbail Valley
Google Earth Image
Religious Architecture of Gandhara – Pakistan, Buddhist Stupas and Monasteries
Khan, Ansar Zahid. Pakistan Historical Society.
Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society; Karachi Vol. 62, Iss. 4, (Oct-Dec 2014): 111-112.
The Global Connections of Gandhāran Art: Proceedings of the Third International Workshop of the Gandhāra Connections Project, University of Oxford, 18th-19th March, 2019
Archaeopress archaeology
Editors Wannaporn Rienjang, Peter Stewart Edition illustrated Publisher Classical Art Research Centre, 2020 ISBN 1789696968, 9781789696967 Length 264 pages
De-fragmenting Gandhāran art: advancing analysis through digital imaging and visualization
Ian Haynes, Iwan Peverett, Wannaporn Rienjang with contributions by Luca M. Olivieri
Buddhism in Pakistan took root some 2,300 years ago under the Mauryan king Ashoka who sent missionaries to the Kashmira-Gandhara region of North West Pakistan extending into Afghanistan, following the Third Buddhist council in Pataliputra (modern India).
Majjhantika, a monk from Varanasi was the first Buddhist to preach in Kashmir and Gandhara.
Buddhist sites in Sindh are numerous but ill preserved in various stages of deterioration.
Sites at Brahmanabad (Mansura Sanghar district) include a Buddhist stupa at Mohenjo-daro; Sirah-ji-takri near Rohri, Sukkur, Kahu-Jo-Daro at Mirpur Khas, Nawabshah, Sudheran-Jo-Thul near Hyderabad, Thul Mir Rukan stupa, Thul Hairo Khan Stupa, Bhaleel-Shah-Thul square stupas (5th-7th century A.D) at Dadu, and Kot-Bambhan-Thul buddhist tower near Tando Muhammad Khan.
List of Buddhist Stupas in Pakistan
This is a list of historical Buddhist Stupas in Pakistan.
Sikri stupa
The Sikri stupa is a work of Buddhist art dated to 3rd-4th century from the Kushan period in Gandahara, consisting of 13 narrative panels that tell the story of Buddha. Modern restoration accounts for their order in the Lahore Museum. The restoration began while Harold Arthur Deane was still assigned to the North-West Frontier Province in what was then British India. Three photos taken around 1890 show the order of the panels in the earliest restoration.
Amluk-Dara stupa
Amluk-Dara stupa is located in Swat valley of Pakistan. It is a part of Gandhara civilization at Amluk-Dara. The stupa is believed to have been built in the third century. The stupa was first discovered by a Hungarian-British archaeologist Sir Aurel Stein in 1926. It was later studied by Domenico Faccena in the 60s and 70s.
Mohra Muradu
Mohra Muradu is the place of an ancient Buddhist stupa and monastery near the ruins of Taxila built by the Kushans. The ancient monastery is located in a valley and has views of the surrounding mountains. The monks could meditate in all stillness at this place but were near enough to the city of Sirsukh to go for begging as it is only around 1.5 km away.
Thul Hairo Khan
The Thul Hairo Khan is a Buddhist Stupa, built possibly between the 5th to 7th century CE near the modern-day town of Johi, in Sindh, Pakistan. It is constructed with baked and unbaked bricks fixed with a material made from mud mixed water. The stupa is 50 feet high and 30 feet wide in size. The stair from the north side of stupa leads to its top. The stupa has an arched tunnel at ground level which crosses from north to south. It is believed that stupas like Hairo Khan were built in Sindh between 5th to 7th centuries CE. Thul of Hairo Khan appears to be series of discovered in other regions of Sindh.
Sudheran-Jo-Thul
Sudheran-Jo-Thul is a Buddhist stupa which is situated near Tando Muhammad Khan city of Tando Muhammad Khan District, Sindh, Pakistan. The stupa is close to Badin city as well. This Buddhist monument in Sindh is located at the mound which shows the remains of an ancient big city. It is located towards South of Hyderabad city. Locally it is famous as Tower of Sudheran. According to some accounts this stupa is believed to be cinerary.
Sphola Stupa
Sphola Stupa is a Buddhist monument located in the Khyber Pass, Federally Administered Tribal Areas of Pakistan. The monument located about 25 kilometers from Jamrūd is on a high rocky ledge and consists of a stone mound supported by a tiered base. Large sections of the stone have fallen away, particularly to the right of the mound. A man is standing on the top of the mound, and another man is standing on a pile of rubble to the right. There is a valley beyond with steep mountains rising behind it.
Nemogram stupa is located 45 km west of Saidu Sharif and 22 km from Birkot, on the right bank of Swat river in Pakistan.This site was discovered in 1966 and excavated in 1967–68.Swat is rich in historical landmarks as well as natural beauty. In every direction, these are tangled in the wide valley. Aurel Stein, a British archaeologist, and Tucci, who was followed by other Italians, worked tirelessly to document and preserve these monuments.
Mankiala stupa
The Mankiala Stupa is a 2nd-century Buddhist stupa near the village of Tope Mankiala, in Pakistan’s Punjab province. The stupa was built by the Kushans and is said to commemorate the spot, where according to the Jataka tales, an incarnation of the Buddha called Prince Sattva sacrificed himself to feed seven hungry tiger cubs.
Barikot
Barikot is a town located in the middle course of the Swat River in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. It is located about 20 km (12 mi) away from Mingora and the Butkara Stupa. It is the entrance town to the central Swat Valley with a population of approximately 25,000 people. Barikot is the location of an ancient citadel captured by Alexander the Great, with Chalcolithic remains dating back to c. 1700 BCE, and an early-historic period town dating back to c. 500 BCE. The Italian Archaeological Mission founded by Giuseppe Tucci has been excavating ruins of the ancient town of Bazira under Barikot since 1984.
Mankiala
Mankiala is a village in the Potohar plateau, Punjab near Rawalpindi, Pakistan, known for the nearby Mankiala stupa – a Buddhist stupa located at the site where, according to legend, Buddha sacrificed some of his body parts to feed seven hungry tiger cubs.
Kunala Stupa
Kunala Stupa is a Kushan-era Buddhist stupa and monastery complex to the south-east of Taxila, on a hill about 200 meters just south of Sirkap, Punjab, Pakistan, thought to date to the 2nd century CE. It is located on a hill overlooking the ancient Indo-Greek city of Sirkap.
Kanishka Stupa
The Kanishka Stupa was a monumental stupa established by the Kushan king Kanishka during the 2nd century CE in today’s Shaji-ki-Dheri on the outskirts of Peshawar, Pakistan.
Kalawan
Kalawan is the name of an archaeological site in the area of Taxila in Pakistan, where it is one of the largest Buddhist establishment. It is located about 2 km from the Dharmarajika stupa.
Gumbat Stupa
Gumbat Stupa is a 2nd-century Buddhist stupa located in Swat valley in Pakistan. It is situated about 9 kilometres south of Birkot in the Kandag Valley of Gandhara.
Dharmarajika Stupa
The Dharmarajika Stupa, also referred to as the Great Stupa of Taxila, is a Buddhist stupa near Taxila, Pakistan. It dates from the 2nd century CE, and was built by the Kushans to house small bone fragments of the Buddha. The stupa, along with the large monastic complex that later developed around it, forms part of the Ruins of Taxila – which were inscribed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 1980.
Butkara Stupa
The Butkara Stupa is an important Buddhist stupa near Mingora, in the area of Swat, Pakistan. It may have been built by the Mauryan emperor Ashoka, but it is generally dated slightly later to the 2nd century BCE.
Thul Mir Rukan
The Thul Mir Rukan is a Buddhist stupa, built possibly between the 6th to 11th century CE, near the modern cities of Kazi Ahmed and Daulatpur in the Sindh province of Pakistan. This monument has domed ceiling and it is 60 feet high, constructed with baked bricks. Details indicate the site being a religious Buddhist center since antiquity. Many evidences were explored from this site are related to Gautama Buddha.
The Origin and Development of Cross-planned Stupa: New Perceptions based on Recent Discoveries from Bhamala
December 2017 Authors: Shakirullah Khan Hazara University Abdul Hameed Hazara University Abdul Samad Veterinary Research Institute, Pakistan Jonathan Mark Kenoyer University of Wisconsin–Madison
An Infinity of Stupas: Design and Architecture of Chinese Buddhist Temples and Pagodas
Key Terms
Mount Wutai in Shanxi province was recognized as the earthly abode of the bodhisattva Mañjusri
Gates
Palaces
Halls
Pillars
Pagodas
Stupa
Bilateral Symmetry
Cosmograms
Chinese Cosmology
Heaven and Earth
futu 浮圖, fotu 佛圖, or ta 塔
11 Headed Guanyin
Square and Circle
Yin and Yang
Horizontal and Vertical
Nan Wang
Research of Chinese Buddhist Temples Space Design
Source: Research of Chinese Buddhist Temples Space Design
Source: Research of Chinese Buddhist Temples Space Design
Source: Research of Chinese Buddhist Temples Space Design
Source: Research of Chinese Buddhist Temples Space Design
Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Source: Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda
Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Source: Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Research on Order Aesthetics of Traditional Chinese Architecture from the Perspective of Design Geometry
Source: Research on Order Aesthetics of Traditional Chinese Architecture from the Perspective of Design Geometry
Source: Research on Order Aesthetics of Traditional Chinese Architecture from the Perspective of Design Geometry
Source: Research on Order Aesthetics of Traditional Chinese Architecture from the Perspective of Design Geometry
Source: Research on Order Aesthetics of Traditional Chinese Architecture from the Perspective of Design Geometry
Source: Research on Order Aesthetics of Traditional Chinese Architecture from the Perspective of Design Geometry
Source: Research on Order Aesthetics of Traditional Chinese Architecture from the Perspective of Design Geometry
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GEOMETRY AND ARCHITECTURAL REPRESENTATION IN PREMODERN CHINA
By XIUYUAN WU A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2020
Modernization of traditional Chinese Buddhist temples
by Rui Wang A thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfilment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Master of Architecture Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, 2019
The Chinese Buddhist monastery or temple is fashioned after the imperial palaces and bears very little resemblance to the temples in India or other Buddhist countries. Generally there are three groups of buildings separated by courtyards. The monastery, like other Chinese structures, normally faces south.[ Phor Kark See Monastery Ordination Hall, Singapore ]Entering the front hall, one is confronted by four huge images, usually made from wood, two on each side. These are the Four Heavenly Kings or Devas, the Guardians of the Four Directions and the hall is named after them as the ‘Si-Tien Wang Tien’. In this hall, one is greeted at the entrance, by the lovable and kindly Buddha-to-be, Maitreya Buddha, known to the Chinese as the ‘Laughing Buddha’ or ‘Ta-pao Mi-Lei-Fwo, with his fat paunch, looking joyously towards the entrance. Directly behind Mi-Lei-Fwo, often separated by a wall, is the great deva Wei-to, the Projector of Buddhist temples and the Faith. He is depicted clad in full armour and holding either a gnarled staff or a sceptre-shaped weapon resting on the ground. Wei-To, who is a general under the Four Heavenly Kings, is also accorded the title of ‘Protector of Buddhist Books’. He is always facing the Great Hall known as the ‘Ta-Hung-Pau-Tien’ which is separated from the front hall by a wall or a courtyard.
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In the Great Hall the main altar is found and on it is the image of Sakyamuni Buddha and his twoforemost disciples, Mahakasyapa and Ananda, or other Buddhas of the past eras. The arrangment and choice of personages in this altar varies from temple to temple. Most of the time Sakyamuni Buddha is depicted in an attitude of comtemplation with his disciples flanking him. Temples dedicated to Amitabha Buddha have his image at the centre, Sakyamuni Buddha and Bahaisajyagura, better known to the Chinese as ‘Yao-Shih-Fwo’, are each accompanied by two disciples. To the right and left of the main altar one usually finds the two Great Bodhisattvas, Manjusri (Wen-Shu-Shih-Li) and Samantabhadra (Pu-Hsien). The placement of personage are not really fixed so that one may often find Sakyamuni Buddha being flanked by Amitabha (O-Mi-Two-Fwo) and Yao-Shin-Fwo (Medicine Buddha), the two great Buddhas of past eras. At other times a single Buddha is seen seated between his two Bodhisattvas, Sakyamuni (Shih-Jia-Mo-Ni-Fwo) between Manjusri and Samantabhadra or Amitabha Buddha with Avalokitesvara (Kuan Yin) and Mahasthamaprata (Ta-Shih-Chih). Temples dedicated to Kuan Shih Yin P’usa will have her flanked by Wen-shu-Shih-Li and P’u-Hsien.On the east and west walls of this Great Hall are often arranged the figures of the Eighteen Arhats (Lohas) who are represented as possessing various kinds of supernatural powers. Along the north wall can be found the images of Jan-teng Fwo or Dipankara, the ancient Buddha who predicted Sakyamuni’s Buddhahood, and popular Bodhisattvas such as Kun Yin, Wen-shu, Pu-Hsien and Ti-stsang (Ksi-tigarbha), or other Bodhisattvas. Very often, an image of Kuan Ti, the Protector of Buddhism, can also be found in this hall. It is here at the Ta-Hung-Pau-Tien that devout Buddhist offer their prayers and offerings of flowers, fruits and other gifts which are placed on the table in front of the main altar. Very often, behind the central images of this hall and facing northwards, is placed the images of Kuan-Yin P’usa. The third, of Back Hall, is usually divided into several smaller halls (Tien) or rooms. The central hall is generally the altar of a Buddha or a Bodhisattva, the right housing the funerary tablet of the temple founder, while the left may be the Teaching or Meditation Hall. On the side or behind these main buildings are the living quarters, the dining area and the kitchen.
Mount Wutai: Visions of a Sacred Buddhist Mountain,
WEN-SHING CHOU,
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2018. 240 pp. $65. ISBN 9780691178646
Building a sacred mountain: The buddhist architecture of China’s Mount Wutai
The development of Chinese Buddhist architecture can be traced back to the introduction of Buddhism. The main Buddhist architectural items include temples, pagodas, and grottos. Buddhist architecture is regarded as a great art treasure where Chinese calligraphy, sculpture and Chinese painting combine. Being the spiritual symbols of Buddhism, they are not only monastic holy places, but also serve as sacred land that can purify souls.
The Buddhist temple is the holy place where Buddhist doctrine is maintained. Differing from other religions’ temples, Chinese Buddhist temples have many characteristics of their own. For example, similar to Chinese palaces and dwelling houses, they are comprised of a number of small yards. The oldest temple in China – White Horse Temple is a typical example of this.
The architectural styles of Buddhist temples in China were mainly formed in three periods: Han Dynasty (206BC-220), Northern and Southern Dynasties (386-589), and Tang Dynasty (618-907). The first period sees the retention of Indian styles. In the second period, wooden framework was added to the original styles. In the third period, the styles of Buddhist temples were totally Sinicized and the pavilion-like pagoda, which is unique to China, became popular.
Pagoda
As the symbol of Buddhism where people climb to have a bird’s-eye-view, it is often erected in temples. Pagodas can be made of stone, wood, colored glaze or metal. Pagodas have an odd number of layers. Seven-layer and Nine-layer pagodas are commonly built. The shape of cross-section is rectangular, eight-sided or even circular. Initially, the pagoda served as the central axis alongside which rows of halls and monks’ rooms spread out. Later, pagodas were built near the main palace hall.
It is another type of Buddhist architecture, which is often chiseled into cliffs. In the 3rd century, Chinese Buddhists began to build grottoes and Xinjiang is the first area where grottoes were hewn. Grottoes are decorated with painted sculptures, carvings and frescos. Craftsmen revealed real life pictures and their understanding of society in these art works, which gave them great historical and cultural value. The four famous grottoes in China are: Mogao Caves, Longmen Grottoes, Yungang Grottoes and Maiji Caves. They are well preserved and attract many visitors from home and abroad.
1. Feihong Pagoda in Hongdong County Shanxi Province 2. Songyue Pagoda in Dengfeng City 3. Qianxun Pagoda in Dali City 4. Yingxian Wooden Pagoda in Shanxi Province 5. Big Wild Goose Pagoda in Xi’an City 6. Leifeng Pagoda in Hangzhou City 7. Tiger Hill Pagoda in Suzhou City 8. Six Harmonies Pagoda in Hangzhou City 9. Bao’en Temple Pagoda in Suzhou City 10. Iron Pagoda in Kaifeng City
“The Creation of “Sacred Place” through the “Sense of Place” of the Daci’en Wooden Buddhist Temple, Xi’an, China”
As the earliest full-size towering pagoda extant in China, the pagoda at Songyuesi 嵩岳寺 in Dengfeng, Henan (ca. 523 CE) is one of the most important objects we have for understanding the creation of Buddhist sacred space in Asia. Yet the plan of this structure, incorporating both dodecagon and octagon, is mysterious in its complexity－doubly so because it may be the only surviving example of its kind. By focusing on the geometry used in its creation, in this paper describe one possibility for determining the interior and exterior dimensions of the Songyuesi Pagoda plan, effectively encoding the structure with the potential for replication and regeneration important in the Buddhist sūtras as well as Indic temple designs of the period. I also show how the same technique could have been used to create cosmological diagrams prior to the influence of Buddhist theology on Chinese society. Thus, similarities in the use of geometry to describe the structure of, and potentially control, the cosmos in South and East Asia the may have facilitated the rapid spread of Buddhism across this vast region.
LIGHT IN SACRED ARCHITECTURE: BUDDHIST AND HINDU TEMPLES
ZHANG Dongxu1, a, LIU Daping2,b, WEI Xinru 3,d and XIAO Meng 4,c 1 Department of Architecture, NEU, Shenyang, Liaoning, 110004, China 2 School of Architecture, HIT, Harbin, Heilongjiang, 150006, China 3 Liaoning Urban and Rural Construction and Planning Design Institute, LURDI, Shenyang, Liaoning, 110004, China 4 School of Management, SUT, Shenyang, Liaoning, 110178, China aDongxu75@163.com, bldp_abc@sina.com, c1090923309@qq.com,dxiaototo80@163.com
Buddhism was introduced into China mainly during Eastern Han Dynasty (25 – 220) via the South China Sea and Western Region. The Buddhist temple was adapted to Chinese tastes when it arrived in China. Its general layout follows Chinese traditional type – courtyard with dome-shaped structure called a stupa as its principal part. A lecture hall, refectory, sutra depository and monks’ rooms are distributed along the central axis. Unlike the paintings and decorations in Christian churches which present a heavenly afterlife, Chinese Buddhist temples reveal an atmosphere closer to worldly life.
Figures of Buddha and the bones of Buddha’s relics are worshipped in the temples which were called Futu, Lanruo, Chanlin, Daochang, Jialan and Zhaoti in different dialects of Chinese.
The general development of Chinese Buddhist temples went through the following periods:
Eastern Han Dynasty – Eastern Jin Dynasty (317 – 420): Buddhism was introduced to China during this period. The early Chinese Buddhist temples followed Indian style, which set the stupa as its center. They once had a traditional Chinese name – Ci (ancestral temple) and the number was very limited. White Horse Temple in Luoyang is a typical example of this period.
Northern and Southern Dynasties (386 – 589) to Five Dynasties (907 – 960): Buddhism was at its height of splendor and power during this period. In the Tang Dynasty (618 – 907), a lot of Buddhist doctrines were translated and the main Buddhist sects were formed and developed. Many more Buddhist temples were built with larger dimensions. Walls of the courtyard were decorated with exquisite embossment. A niche was placed in the middle of the north wall. A Buddhist pylon stood in the centre of the temple. The Big Wild Goose Pagoda in Xi’an was built in this period.
Song Dynasty (960 – 1279) – late Qing Dynasty (1644 – 1911): The social position of Buddhism overall was weakened in the Song Dynasty but Zen, a major sect of Chinese Buddhism, began to flourish in this period. The layout of temples changed little by little. Xiangguo Temple in Kaifeng City is an example of this period.
Temple Layout
The layout of Buddhist temples has been long established. Generally speaking, the mountain gate (front gate) is the entrance part. The Bell Tower and Drum Tower stand on the two sides inside the mountain gate. The Hall of Heavenly Kings, where sculptures of Four Heavenly Kings stand on the two sides with two in a group and Maitreya (the fat laughing Buddha) laid in the middle altar, is the first main hall. Next follows the Grand Hall where the sculpture of Sakyamuni sits.
Bodhisattva Hall worships the main Bodhisattva of a temple, the enlightened being who seeks to enlighten others, is located behind. Next is the lecture hall, the place where Buddhist doctrines are delivered. Sutra Depository, where Buddhist books, sutras and scriptures are stored is situated at the back. Refectories, monks’ rooms and other attached architecture are distributed along the central axis. Buddhism advocates that people act with leniency. An area where captive animals are freed to show the charity of human souls and to accumulate merit for the afterlife can be found in most Buddhist temples. Generally speaking, this is the common layout of Chinese Buddhist temples.
Buddhism is a religion that respects the environment. Most Buddhists aim to transcend worldly, material desires and establish a close relationship with nature. Disciples could establish and sustain a calm and joyful mind, especially during the Buddha’s lifetime when they frequently resided in very primary and unfinished thatched homes. They were at ease wherever they lived, whether in a suburban neighbourhood, a forest, by the water, in a chilly cave, or under a tree. However, as the number of Buddhist adherents increased, King Bimbisara and a follower of Sudatta suggested that a monastery be constructed, allowing practitioners to congregate in one location and engage in a more organized practice. The Buddha approved for followers to donate to monasteries after giving the idea careful thought and subsequent wholehearted agreement. The Megara-matr-Prasada Lecture Hall, the Bamboo Grove, and the Jetavana Monastery—all of which bear the donor’s Sanskrit name—were built as a result. This marked the start of Indian Buddhist architecture.
The hub of cultural activities is frequently a Buddhist temple. From a contemporary perspective, temples can be compared to museums because they house priceless and unique works of art and are, in and of themselves, stunning works of art. They combine architecture, sculpture, painting, and calligraphy-like art museums do. One can find peace and tranquillity in temples because they provide a harmonious environment and a spiritual atmosphere. They are helpful locations for people in distress to unload their burdens, calm their minds, and find peace.
Stupas were the primary type of architectural construction in early China. The hall (or shrine) started to take centre stage in the Sui and Tang dynasties. A stupa, also known as a pagoda, is sometimes referred to as the “high rise” of Buddhist architecture because of its tall, narrow shape that extends upward, sometimes with enormous height. India is where the idea and physical form of the Chinese stupa was developed. A stupa serves as a shrine for the Buddha’s relics, where visitors can then make offerings to the Buddha. The stupa has undergone significant changes in China, where it originally had a relatively straightforward design. These changes and advancements show off the nation’s artistic and architectural prowess. Stupas are built in different sizes, proportions, colours, and imaginative designs while retaining a generally recognizable shape. Although stupas can be found near water, in cities, mountains, or the countryside, they were all built to blend in with and enhance their surroundings. One of the most well-liked styles of architecture in China is the stupa.
Every region’s Buddhist architecture has a distinctive personality due to its varied cultural and natural environments. India and Ceylon share a close architectural resemblance. Similar architecture can be found in Burma, Thailand, and Cambodia, where wood is incorporated into the design of the buildings. The stupas in Java are similar to those in Tibet, which are made of stone and symbolize the nine-layered Mandala (a symbolical circular figure representing the universe and the divine cosmology of various religions: used in meditation and rituals). Large monasteries in Tibet are frequently built on hillsides and resemble European architecture in terms of how the structures are linked to one another to create a kind of street-style arrangement.
It is common practice in China to construct Buddhist temples in the emperor’s palace style, known as “palace architecture.” The main gate and main hall are in the centre, and other facilities, such as the celestial and the abbot’s quarters, are lined up on either side. This layout was created with symmetry in mind. There is a ceremonial bell on one side and a ceremonial drum on the other. A guesthousefor lay visitors and the Yun Shui Hall, where staying monastics can be accommodated, will be located behind this symmetrical line of buildings.
Wood and tile, with the roof tiles painted a particular colour, were used to construct the temple’s ancillary buildings. China has very few palace-style temples that have survived from the early ages because wood is a complex material to preserve over long periods. However, it is a blessing that the Tang-era wooden construction of Fo Guang Temple is still standing. Fo Guang Temple’s main palace-style hall is still remarkably sturdy and pristine, giving us an impression of the era’s opulence. This still-standing temple still features exquisite Tang Dynasty artwork, which includes sculpture, paintings, and murals. This allows us to realize that this period was the pinnacle of Chinese artistic expression. This temple, designated a national treasure, serves as a reminder of China’s glorious period of art and architecture.
The modifications of structure, decoration, and construction techniques that change and evolve through various eras can be seen in Fo Guang Temple and the other temples that have endured through the years—although there are not many. Additionally, they act as the tangible visual memory of a particular time and place, enabling us to study the architectural and cultural history of the area. Despite China’s 5,000-year history, very little of its architecture has been preserved, as was already mentioned. The reason we do not have more standing temples from the early ages to study today is not just because they were built with wood, which is highly flammable and prone to decay. There are other explanations for why there are not many temples left. For instance, some dynasties that gained power around the 16th century mandated the destruction of the essential structures built by the previous dynasty. Alternatively, temples were damaged or even destroyed during various wars and acts of aggression. Regardless of the building materials employed — wood, stone, clay, etc. – Human rivalry made it almost impossible for many temples to endure. Buddhist cave temples, fortunately, were largely safe from human vandalism and weather damage. They are well-preserved and enable the viewing of conventional architecture and historical art. It is common for contemporary Buddhist temples to copy older designs. For instance, the main shrines of Taiwan’s Fo Guang Shan, the Hsi Lai Temple in the United States, and the Nan Tien Temple in Australia were all modelled after early Chinese architectural styles. The Chinese culture has been introduced and disseminated throughout the world by several Buddhist temples today, in addition to honouring and preserving it.
The rock cave, or cave temple, and all of the art it contains is the most critical link in Chinese Buddhist art and architecture history. A cave temple is a chamber of varying sizes carved out of a single block of rock, sometimes right up against a cliff face. Many are rather large. Ornate statues, sculptures, and vibrant paintings of the Buddha, bodhisattvas, arhats, and sutras can be found inside the rock caves. 366 C.E. saw the beginning of this artistic practice. E. until the 15th century, it was started by a monk by the name of Le Zun. In some places, enormous carved statues and countless cave temples cover mountainsides. The Dung Huang cave is the most well-known for its magnificent and opulent mural among the numerous cave temples. Longmen Caves in Luoyang, Yungang Caves in Datong, and the Thousand Buddhas Cave in Jinang are a few other well-known caves in China. Due to its enormous size, Yungang Cave is particularly well-known.
The construction of cave temples took place over a long period, spanning several dynasties. Unlike wooden temples, which deteriorate due to exposure to the elements, cave temples are protected by solid rock and thus continue to stand as impressive and imposing reminders of how Buddhism once flourished throughout China. The world has been awed by the beauty and grandeur of the Buddhist artwork found in the caves, which has managed to capture the essence and specifics of the teachings for the enjoyment of all who visit. In the opinion of both artists and archaeologists, this kind of Buddhist architecture is particularly vibrant, lovely, and indicative of how Buddhist art has changed and evolved. They are priceless works of art that have an important place in China’s history of culture, art, and architecture.
The design of secular buildings, especially imperial palaces, has long influenced Chinese temple architecture. This custom is upheld in Nan Tien by the structures and colours used throughout. From a distance, grandiose roofs signify status: the higher the rank, the higher the height and slope. Consequently, the Main Shrine has the tallest and most impressive roof. The emperor in dynastic China only wore yellow items. The yellow temple walls and terracotta roof tiles are significant symbols. Traditional fire protection measures include small mythical creatures lining the roof hips. Back when the entire building would have been made of wood, the fire was a real threat. Even though the roof framing on Nan Tien is mainly made of steel, the painted end beams that extend under the eaves give the impression that the building is made of wood.
Associated with the emperor is the colour red, which is also considered lucky. It was applied to imperial columns, beams, and lintels like at Nan Tien. Palace balustrades were typically made of white marble carved; Nan Tien’s concretebalustrades are made similarly and are painted white.
The prominently raised podium for Buddha or Bodhisattva statues found at the back of each shrine is another feature reminiscent of imperial architecture; it is similar to the throne that the emperor was seated upon in royal audience halls.
As in conventional palace design, Nan Tien’s courtyard plan of less important buildings rising to the most important is directed by axial geometry reflecting an established hierarchy. The Main Shrine serves as the head, the surrounding buildings serve as the arms, and the courtyard serves as the lap in a seated Buddha’s arrangement in the courtyard.
A Buddhist’s journey along the Middle Path to enlightenment is analogous to the progression through the complex, which includes climbing stairs to the Front Shrine, more stairs to the courtyard, and continuing along a central walk to a final set of stairs before the Main Shrine.
Temple compounds typically include a meditation hall, sutra library, and lodging for monks in addition to the shrines dedicated to specific Buddhas or Bodhisattvas. In addition to these, Nan Tien includes other amenities required for day-to-day operation: a museum, a conference room with cutting-edge technology for conferences and simultaneous translation, an auditorium that is well-equipped for large gatherings, a dining hall that serves the general public vegetarian buffet lunches, and Pilgrim Lodge, which provides lodging for both visitors and participants in retreats or celebrations held at Nan Tien.
Buddhism is a religion that honours nature. Most Buddhist practitioners seek to transcend worldly, material desires, and try to develop a close kindship with nature. Especially during the time of the Buddha, disciples often lived in very simple and crude thatched houses, and were able to develop and maintain a peaceful and joyful mind. Whether dwelling in a suburban area, a forest, by the waterside, in a freezing cave, or under a tree, they were always comfortable in their living situation. However, as Buddhist disciples grew in number, it was proposed by King Bimbisara and a follower named Sudatta that a monastery be built that would allow practitioners to gather in a common place and practice in a more organised manner. After the Buddha deeply considered and then wholeheartedly agreed with this idea, he gave his assent for devotees to make donations of monasteries. As a result, the Jetavana Monastery, the Bamboo Grove, and the Mrgara-matr-prasada (Sanskrit name of the donor) Lecture Hall were constructed. This was the beginning of Buddhist architecture in India.
In China, in 67 C.E., there was debate between Taoists and two Buddhist monks from India named Ksayapa-matanga and Gobharana. Due to this lively dialogue, the emperor’s interest and belief in Buddhism was ignited. Although Taoism was quite popular at this time, the emperor accepted and honoured Buddhism, ordering the construction of a monastery outside the city for Bhiksus (monk: male member of the Sangha), and a monastery inside the city for Bhiksunis (nun: female member of the Sangha). This was the birth of Chinese Buddhist architecture.
b) Types and Styles of Buddhist Architecture
Buddhist temples are often the center of cultural activities. From a modern viewpoint, temples can be compared to museums, for they contain precious and spectacular art forms, and in fact, are beautiful art forms themselves. Like art museums, they are a combination of architecture, sculpture, painting, and calligraphy. Temples offer a harmonised environment and a spiritual atmosphere that allows one to become serene and tranquil. They are valuable places for distressed persons to lay down their burdens, soothe their minds, and achieve a sense of calm.
In the early period of China, stupas were the main architectural structures being built. It was not until the Sui and Tang Dynasties that the hall (or shrine) became the focus. A stupa, sometimes referred to as a pagoda, can be considered the “high rise” of Buddhist architecture due to its tall, narrow shape that reaches toward the sky – sometimes with immense height. The concept and form of the Chinese stupa originated in India. The purpose of a stupa is to provide a place to enshrine the Buddha’s relics, where people can then come and make offerings to the Buddha. Beginning with a relatively simple style, the stupa has been transformed in China, with improvements and innovations that demonstrate the country’s artistic and architectural abilities. While maintaining a relatively consistent shape, stupas are constructed in a variety of sizes, proportions, colours, and creative designs. Although you can find stupas by waterfronts, in the cities, in the mountains, or in the country, they are all constructed to harmonise with and beautify the environment. The stupa is indeed one of the most popular types of architecture in China.
The Buddhist architecture of every region has its own unique character due to differing cultural and environmental factors. Close in proximity, Ceylon’s architecture is similar to India’s architecture. Burma, Thailand, and Cambodia also share a similar style, with structures that incorporate the use of wood into their design. Java’s stupas resemble those of Tibet, which are made of stone and represent the nine-layered Mandala (symbolic circular figure that represents the universe and the divine cosmology of various religions: used in meditation and rituals). Tibet’s large monasteries are typically constructed on hillsides and are similar in style to European architecture in which the buildings are connected to each other, forming a type of street-style arrangement.
Buddhist temples in China are commonly built in the emperor’s palace style, categorising them as “palace architecture.” This layout is designed with symmetry in mind, with the main gate and main hall in the center, and other facilities – including the celestial and the abbot’s quarters – lined up on either side. On one side a ceremonial drum is placed, and on the other, a ceremonial bell. Behind this symmetrical line of structures will be a guesthouse for lay visitors and the Yun Shui Hall for visiting monastics to reside during their stay.
The materials used in constructing the temples associated facilities include wood and tile, with the roof tiles painted a certain colour. Because wood is a difficult material to preserve over long periods of time, China has very few palace-style temples that have survived from the early ages. We are fortunate, however, that Fo Guang Temple, built out of wood during the Tang Dynasty, still stands. The main palace-style hall of Fo Guang Temple is still relatively pristine in appearance and sturdiness, and gives us a sense of the grandeur of this time. The exquisite art of the Tang Dynasty, including sculpture, paintings, and murals, is still displayed today in this surviving temple, and allows us to understand that this era was China’s high point of artistic expression. This temple became a national treasure and reminds us of China’s golden age of art and architecture.
Fo Guang Temple and the other temples that have persevered through the passage of time – although there are not very many – reveal the modifications of structure, decoration, and construction methods that change and evolve through different eras. They also serve as the visual, material memory of a certain age and area, helping us to study the region’s architectural and cultural history. However, as mentioned above, despite the fact that China has 5,000 years of history, preserved architecture is very limited. It is not simply due to the use of wood, which is highly susceptible to fire and decay, that prevents us from having more standing temples from the early ages to study today. Other reasons exist for the rarity of remaining temples. For instance, around the 16th century, some dynasties that rose to power ordered the demolition of the previous dynasty’s major architecture. Or, temples were harmed or even destroyed in various bouts of war and aggression. Regardless of the materials used in construction – wood, stone, clay, etc. – it was nearly impossible for an abundance of temples to survive due to human rivalry. Fortunately, Buddhist cave temples were relatively immune to weather destruction, and for the most part they also escaped human desecration. They are well preserved and make it possible to witness traditional architecture and ancient art.
Modern Buddhist temples often imitate ancient architecture. For example, the main shrines of Taiwan’s Fo Guang Shan, the United State’s Hsi Lai Temple, and Australia’s Nan Tien Temple are all designed based on Chinese architecture from the early ages. Many Buddhist temples today not only honour and preserve the Chinese culture, they have introduced and spread Chinese culture around the globe.
c) Cave Temples
In the history of Chinese Buddhist art and architecture, the most important link is the rock cave, or cave temple, and all of the art contained within. Cave temples are cavities of various sizes that are chiseled directly out of solid rock, sometimes directly on the face of sheer cliffs. Many are quite enormous. Within the rock caves, there are ornately carved statues, sculptures, and colourful paintings of the Buddha, bodhisattvas, arhats, and sutras. This artistic practice was started in 366 C.E. by a monastic named Le Zun, and continued until the 15th century. In some places, entire mountainsides are decorated with innumerable cave temples and gigantic carved statues. Among these countless cave temples, Dung Huang cave is the most famous for its impressive and grandiose mural. Other well-known caves in China include Longmen Caves in Louyang, Yungang Caves in Datong, and the Thousand Buddhas Cave in Jinang. Yungang Cave is especially well known for its grand size.
The creation of cave temples occurred over thousands of years, spanning several dynasties, and, unlike wooden temples that suffer dilapidation from the elements, are sheltered by massive rock and therefore remain standing as remarkable and majestic testimonials to Buddhism flourishing throughout China. The magnificence and grandeur of Buddhist art within the caves has awed the world and has captured the essence and detail of the teachings for all visitors to behold. In the eyes of artists and archaeologists, this type of Buddhist architecture is especially full of life, beauty, and evidence of the transformation and evolution of Buddhist art throughout time. They are treasures that hold an important place in China’s cultural, artistic, and architectural history.
-From the booklet, Building Connections: Buddhism & Architecture published by Buddha’s Light International Association, Hacienda Heights, USA.
Significance of architectural elements and layout of Nan Tien Temple
Chinese temple architecture has long been influenced by secular building design, especially that of imperial palaces. Structures and colours used throughout Nan Tien perpetuate this tradition. Grandiose roofs, visible from afar, indicate status: The greater the height and slope, the higher the rank. The Main Shrine thus has the most lofty and impressive roof. In dynastic China the colour yellow was used exclusively by the emperor. Hence, terracotta yellow roof tiles are symbols of importance, as are the yellow temple walls. Small mythical creatures lining the roof hips are traditional guardians against fire, a real danger in the days when the entire structure would have been built of wood. While much of Nan Tien’s roof framing is largely made of steel, it mimics timber construction with painted end beams extending under the eaves.
Red is another auspicious colour associated with the emperor. It was used to cover imperial columns, beams, and lintels, as is also the case at Nan Tien. Palace balustrades were typically carved white marble; Nan Tien’s concrete balustrades are fashioned in a similar manner and painted white.
Another element reminiscent of imperial design is the prominent raised podium used for Buddha or Bodhisattva statuary located at the rear of each shrine; it is akin to that upon which the emperor was enthroned in royal audience halls.
As in traditional palace layout, axial geometry reflecting an established hierarchy directs Nan Tien’s courtyard plan of lesser buildings leading up to the most significant. The courtyard arrangement furthermore implies a seated Buddha with the Main Shrine as the head, the surrounding buildings as the arms, and the courtyard as the lap.
The path of progression through the complex – ascending stairs to the Front Shrine, more stairs to the courtyard, continuing along a central walk to a final set of stairs before the Main Shrine – is similar to a Buddhist’s journey along the Middle Path to enlightenment.
In addition to the shrines dedicated to particular Buddhas or Bodhisattvas, temple compounds usually include a meditation hall, sutra library, and residence for monastics. Nan Tien incorporates these plus other facilities necessary for day-to-day function: A museum, conference room with advanced technology for conferences and simultaneous translation, auditorium which is well equipped for large gatherings, dining hall which provides vegetarian buffet lunches to the public and Pilgrim Lodge which offers accommodation for visitors as well as participants for retreats or celebrations held at Nan Tien.
-From the book, Entry Into the Profound: a first step to understanding Buddhism published by International Buddhist Association of Australia Incorporated.
Top 10 Buddhist Temples and Monasteries in China 2024
The Buddhism was introduced to China during the Christian era, gaining a foothold during the Western Han and Eastern Han Dynasties (202 BC – 220 AD). Rooted in the teachings of Siddhartha Gautama, this profound philosophy found resonance across diverse realms of Chinese society. As Buddhism flourished, it became a pervasive influence, leaving an indelible mark on Chinese philosophy, literature, art, politics, medicine, and material culture.
Geographically, Buddhism is traditionally categorized into Han Buddhism, Tibetan Buddhism, and Theravada Buddhism. Doctrinally, Buddhism is classified into Mahayana Buddhism and Theravada Buddhism. In terms of practice, Buddhism is further divided into Exoteric Buddhism (Mahayana) and Esoteric Buddhism (Vajrayana or Tantric Buddhism). Within Exoteric Buddhism, there are ten major schools including Chan (Zen), Pure Land, Tiantai, and Huayan.
The subsequent centuries witnessed the construction of numerous temples and monasteries, becoming sanctuaries where Buddhist teachings thrived with spiritual messages. Thus, to explore the top 10 Buddhist temples and monasteries in China becomes a journey through time. Also, more Buddhist destinations have been devotees’ top choices such as Top 10 Buddhist Grottoes & Caves in China and Four Sacred Buddhist Mountains in China ,etc.
1. Shaolin Temple (Zhengzhou) – China’s Premier Monastery and Birthplace of Martial Arts Mastery
Type: Chinese Buddhist Temple, Zen Buddhist Temple, UNESCO Cultural Heritage
History: over 1500 years
Recommended Visiting Time: 3~4 hours
Location: Songshan Mountain, Dengfeng, Zhengzhou
Highlights: Arhat Hall, Forest of Steles, Tripitaka Sutra Pavilion, Kungfu Show
Originally established in 495 during the Northern Wei Dynasty, Shaolin Temple perches majestically on Wuru Peak of Mount Songshan. Commissioned by Xiaowen Emperor to house the revered Indian monk Buddhabhadra, this sacred site became a cradle of spiritual wisdom. Just 32 years later, the venerable Indian monk Bodhidharma arrived, bringing with him the teachings of Zen Buddhism. Bodhidharma, now revered as the ancestor court of Zen Buddhism, transformed Shaolin Temple into the ancestral haven of Zen. This tale of spiritual evolution intertwines seamlessly with the roots of Chinese Martial Arts, as Shaolin Temple emerged as the birthplace of Chinese Martial. Spanning over 1500 years, Shaolin Temple has evolved into a globally renowned Buddhist sanctuary. Its architectural gems include the grand Daxiong Hall, the tranquil Chuzu Temple—home to the oldest wooden structure in Henan Province—and the revered Arhat Hall, where enlightened monks find eternal peace.
Venture into the Forest of Steles, where 248 brick pagodas stand sentinel, housing the ashes of eminent monks. This sacred grove represents the largest surviving collection of steles in China, a testament to the profound spiritual legacy of Shaolin Temple. Amidst this historical backdrop, the temple’s dazzling Kung Fu Show has become a magnet for visitors worldwide, adding a vibrant chapter to Shaolin’s narrative that echoes through the ages. After immersing themselves in the serene aura of the Shaolin Temple, many visitors often choose to extend their exploration to iconic sites like the Longmen Grottoes and White Horse Temple. This seamless transition allows them to delve even deeper into the rich tapestry of Buddhist culture, unlocking a more multifaceted experience.
2. White Horse Temple (Luoyang) – Trailblazing Sanctum of Chinese Buddhism’s Genesis
In the year 64 AD during the Han Dynasty, a captivating tale unfolded that would shape the destiny of White Horse Temple . Legend has it that the emperor, in a visionary slumber, witnessed a golden figure believed to be Buddha soaring to his palace. Fueled by this celestial encounter, the emperor dispatched envoys on a three-year odyssey to the enigmatic western regions in pursuit of sacred Buddhist scriptures. The culmination of this journey saw the arrival of two revered Indian monks, Kasyapamatanga and Dharmaratna, astride white horses laden with precious Buddhist statues and scriptures. In 68 AD, inspired by a fervor for Buddhism, the emperor conceived the idea of a temple dedicated to the teachings of the enlightened one. Thus, White Horse Temple emerged—the inaugural beacon of Chinese Buddhism. Within its sacred precincts, the two monks embarked on the monumental task of translating the Forty-two Chapters Buddhist Sutras, giving birth to the first Chinese Buddhist scripture. A pilgrimage of western monks followed, converging upon White Horse Temple to impart sermons and translate scriptures. In the next 150 years, 395 scriptures were translated to Chinese. As a result, the temple became the first Ashram for translating scripture.
Stepping into the temple, one encounters the architectural symmetry typical of Chinese tradition. Amidst the echoes of bygone eras, remnants of precious statues bear witness to the temple’s resilience through times of destruction. Guarding the entrance are stone horses, silent sentinels to the tales that unfold within. Traverse the halls in sequence, and you’ll stumble upon the tombs of the pioneering Indian monks. The journey culminates in the Cool and Clear Terrace—an erstwhile palace of translating scriptures, resonating with the wisdom of ages. Outside the temple is tiered with Qiyun Pagoda (oldest pagoda in China) and foreign temple, including Indian Temple, Thailand Temple and Burmese Temple, showing the cultural exchange and harmonious interplay between China and the world. Following a visit to the White Horse Temple, many travelers opt for an enriching detour to the legendary Shaolin Temple . Here, they can immerse themselves in the authentic world of Chinese martial arts.
3. Jokhang Temple (Lhasa) – Spiritual Center of Tibetan Buddhism Enshrining Shakyamuni Buddha’s Presence
Type: Tibetan Buddhist Temple, UNESCO Cultural Heritage
Highlights: Life-size Statue of Sakyamuni, Gold Roof
Jokhang Temple stands as the beating spiritual heart of Tibet, a hallowed pilgrimage site for devoted Buddhists. Its origins weave a tale back to the 7th century when the visionary Tibetan King Songtsan Gampo issued a decree to construct the temple, a sanctuary intended to cradle the sacred statue of Shakyamuni, a precious gift from Nepal. Initially dubbed Rasa, it is whispered that the name Lhasa itself found its inspiration in this revered artifact. Soon after, the enchanting saga expanded as the Wencheng Princess journeyed from China, gracing Jokhang with a life-sized statue of the 12-year-old Jowa Sakyamuni. This gift not only bestowed the temple with its identity, Jokhang, meaning the “house of Buddha,” but also infused it with an unparalleled spiritual vigor.
The architectural symphony of Jokhang Temple resonates with the sacred geometry of the Manda, a design that captivates the beholder from the very first glance. The crowning jewel is the resplendent Gold Roof, a beacon that guides one’s gaze to the panoramic vistas of Barkhor Street and the majestic Potala Palace. Venture within, and you’ll encounter a celestial congregation of Buddha statues, each cradled within its own chapel. The ethereal allure extends to the hanging Thangkas, inviting admiration from all who behold them. Beyond the temple’s confines, Jokhang Temple Square pulses with an unceasing rhythm of devout pilgrims, who prostrate themselves day and night. These fervent seekers traverse vast distances, arriving from the far reaches of the countryside annually, driven by an unwavering belief that their sincere devotion will usher happiness, safety, and well-being into the lives of their cherished families. Many travelers are drawn to embark on a classic journey through Lhasa. The spiritual ambiance of the sacred site sets the perfect tone for an immersive experience, making it a natural segue into the enchanting wonders that await in the heart of Tibet’s capital.
4. Lingyin Temple (Hangzhou) – Tranquil Retreat Amidst Lush Forests Eminent in Southeastern China
Highlights: Hall of Heavenly Kings, Palace of Medicine Buddha, Statues in the Grand Hall, Feilai Peak
Lingyin Temple, founded in 326 AD by an Indian monk enchanted by the ethereal peaks of Hangzhou, unveils a rich tapestry of history and spirituality. Picture this: an awe-inspiring temple nestled between the foliage-draped Feilai Peak and the majestic Begao Peak, aptly named “Linyin,” translating to the soul’s retreat. During the Northern and Southern Dynasty, the temple flourished, its growth fueled by the benevolence of Liangwu Emperor, endowing it with vast lands. At its zenith, Lingyin Temple was a vibrant community, boasting a staggering population of 3,000 monks. In the Song Dynasty, the revered Feilai Peak earned acclaim as one of the five Jiangnan Zen Buddhist Mountains in Jiangnan, a testament to Lingyin Temple‘s esteemed status.
Embarking on a journey to this ancient sanctuary, one unravels a tapestry of natural wonders and cultural marvels. Picture the Hall of Heavenly Kings, standing proudly as the first structure along Lingyin Temple’s axis, housing the divine Future Buddha. Within the Grand Hall of Great Sage, a captivating statue of Sakyamuni, perched on a lotus flower, emanates a palpable energy. Behind this masterful creation, a cluster of tridimensional statues, featuring Bodhisattva and 150 smaller figures, awaits discovery. The Palace of Medicine Buddha beckons worshipers seeking solace from ailments, a revered sanctuary for healing. And who could overlook the mesmerizing Feilai Peak? Venture into the grottoes within, and a treasure trove of Buddhist carvings unfolds, each chiseled masterpiece narrating tales of devotion and artistry. Following Lingyin Temple, tourists often opt to explore the allure of Hangzhou’s West Lake and Wuzhen Water Town, immersing themselves in the cultural wonders of Jiangnan (江南).
5. Dacien Monastery (Xi’an) – Boasting Great Wild Goose Pagoda and the Pinnacle of Xuanzang’s Legacy
Type: Ancient Buddhist Marvel, Tang Dynasty Legacy, UNESCO Cultural Heritage
Embark on a journey through time in the heart of Xi’an, where the Great Ci’en Temple stands as a living testament to over 1300 years of captivating history. Picture the scene during the Tang Dynasty, when this cultural oasis was brought to life, now revered as a UNESCO Cultural Heritage site that whispers tales of ancient Buddhist wonders.
The towering Giant Wild Goose Pagoda, a majestic silhouette against the Xi’an skyline, is the crown jewel of the temple. Imagine the celestial aura surrounding this architectural marvel, a tangible link to the spiritual legacy of the Tang Dynasty. Venture into the pagoda’s embrace, conceived to safeguard the sacred Buddhist scriptures that traversed the vast expanse from India with the fearless Xuanzang. Delve into the narrative of Xuanzang’s extraordinary odyssey as relics and artifacts unfold the chapters of his incredible journey. Traverse the temple grounds, where the echoes of Tang Dynasty architecture whisper secrets of a bygone era. As the sun sets, surrender to the allure of nightly cultural performances that weave a spellbinding tapestry, transforming the temple into an ethereal realm resonating with the spiritual essence of its ancient Buddhist origins. Following a visit to the majestic Giant Wild Goose Pagoda, it’s common for tourists to venture towards the globally acclaimed Terracotta Army and the ancient city walls. This natural progression allows them to delve further into history, seamlessly connecting the tranquility of the temple to the historical wonders.
6. Famen Temple (Baoji) – Custodian of Buddha’s Relics and Global Center of Spiritual Confluence
@法门寺 (famensi.com)
Type: Chinese Buddhist Temple, Imperial Temple
History: over 1700 years
Recommended Visiting Time: 2~4 hours
Location: Famen Town, Fufeng County, Baoji
Highlights: Sarira of Sakyamuni, Underground Palace, Famen Museum
Step into the captivating tale of Famen Temple, a sacred sanctuary with roots tracing back to the end of the Eastern Han Dynasty. Imagine the ebb and flow of its history as it stood resilient through reconstruction, evolving into an imperial templeduring the grandeur of the Tang Dynasty. Yet, the winds of change blew after the Ming and Qing Dynasties, casting a shadow over this once-majestic temple.
Fast forward to 1987, a pivotal year that unveiled the hidden treasures of Famen Temple’s Underground Palace. Picture the moment when over 2000 cultural relics, adorned with the splendor of the Tang Dynasty, emerged into the light. Buddha’s relics, glistening gold and silver artifacts, vibrant colored glaze, delicate ceramics, silk weaving tales of antiquity, and the enigmatic Finger Sarira of Sakyamuni – a discovery that resonated with the divine. Among the findings were four sarira, three deemed as duplicate relics, standing as guardians to the true relic – the sacred finger bone of Sakyamuni. This revelation transformed Famen Temple into a revered pilgrimage site, earning UNESCO’s acclaim as the ninth wonder of the world. Today, Famen Temple unfolds its narrative across three chapters – the Old Famen Pagoda, the Namaste Dagoba, and the Famen Temple Museum. Picture the ancient secrets housed within the Old Famen Pagoda, where the Underground Palace cradles the cherished duplicate relics. The Namaste Dagoba, a modern marvel shaped like folding hands, designed by the renowned architect Mr. Li Zuyuan, cradles the revered sarira of Sakyamuni since its construction in 2009. As you venture into the Famen Temple Museum, immerse yourself in valuable treasures, from the resplendent Gilded Bronze Buddha to the intricate Mystic Color Ceramics.
Tips : The Finger Sarira of Sakyamuni was only displayed in weekends, the lunar 1 st and 15th day of every month, and some special festivals usually. If you want to pay homage to the sarira, make sure you visit in the right day.
7. South Puto Temple (Xiamen) – Globally Revered Buddhist Academy, Nurturing Devotees and Facilitating Cross-Cultural Exchange
Type: Chinese Buddhist Temple, Buddhist Academy, Cultural Heritage Site
History: over 1000 years
Recommended Visiting Time: 2~3 hours
Location: Xiamen, Fujian Province
Highlights: Grand Hall of Buddha, Lotus Pond, Buddhist Scriptures Repository, Cultural Exchange Center
Established more than a millennium ago, South Puto Temple stands as a beacon of Buddhist spirituality, nestled in the coastal city of Xiamen, Fujian Province. The temple’s origins trace back to the Tang Dynasty, making it a venerable site of over 1000 years.The heart of South Puto Temple lies in its Grand Hall of Buddha, an architectural masterpiece that echoes with ancient chants and serenity. Adorned with intricate carvings and vibrant murals, the hall houses majestic statues of Buddhist deities, creating a sacred atmosphere for worship and meditation. As you stroll through the temple grounds, you’ll encounter the tranquil Lotus Pond, where delicate lotus flowers bloom in a serene aquatic dance. This scenic spot provides a perfect setting for contemplation and spiritual reflection
South Puto Temple takes pride in its Buddhist Scriptures Repository, a treasure trove of ancient texts and teachings. The repository is a testament to the temple’s commitment to preserving and disseminating Buddhist knowledge, attracting scholars and devotees alike. The temple serves as a hub for cultural exchange, welcoming visitors from around the world to explore the richness of Chinese Buddhism. The Cultural Exchange Center within the temple premises offers programs and activities that promote understanding and harmony among diverse communities. South Puto Temple, with its rich history and cultural significance, has garnered recognition as a prominent Buddhist academy. It continues to be a magnet for overseas followers seeking spiritual enlightenment and a deeper understanding of Buddhist teachings. The temple’s reputation extends far beyond its physical boundaries, making it a revered destination for those in search of tranquility and wisdom. After a serene visit to the South Putuo Temple, many travelers choose to extend their journey to the enchanting Tulou with its mesmerizing nightscapes and the charming island of Gulangyu for both cultural and scenic delights.
8. Hanging Temple (Datong) – Architectural Marvel Perched on a Cliff, an Enchanting Fusion of Three Religions
Type: Chinese Buddhist Temple, Taoist Temple, Confucian Temple
History: over 1500 years
Recommended Visiting Time: 2~4 hours 2 ~ 3 hours
Location: Hengshan Mountain, Hunyuan County, Datong
Highlights: Southern Pavilion, Northern Pavilion and Changxian Bridge
Perched daringly on a cliff, Hanging Temple lives up to its name, suspended a jaw-dropping 50 meters above the ground. Imagine the audacity of a temple clinging to the rock face without any visible crutches, a marvel that even earned it a spot on Time magazine’s list of the world’s top ten most bizarrely precarious structures. The temple’s saga unfolds like a gripping tale – a fearless feat of construction, defying gravity and leaving visitors awe-struck. Delve into the secrets of the Hanging Temple, where architectural ingenuity meets ancient mysticism. It was constructed without any supportive structures, Which adds an element of suspense to the narrative, eventually leading to the incorporation of pillars as a testament to the collective hesitation of those daring to step into this cliffside sanctuary. Behind the scenes, hidden upholders within the bedrock reveal a dance with mechanics, turning the temple into a masterpiece of engineering artistry. As the story unfolds, it becomes evident that the Hanging Temple is not merely a physical marvel but a harmonious convergence of China’s three venerable traditions – Buddhism, Taoism and Confucianism.
Navigate the intricacies of the Hanging Temple’s main structures – the Southern Pavilion, Northern Pavilion, and Changxian Bridge – each telling a unique chapter in this cliffside chronicle. Picture the Southern Pavilion, a three-story spectacle housing Chunyang Palace, Sanguan Hall, Sangong Palace, and Leiyin Hall. In the grandeur of Sangong Palace, witness the temple’s largest hall, while the towering sculpture within Sanguan Hall stands as a silent guardian of its history. Traverse to the Northern Pavilion, where Wufo Hall, Guanyin Hall, and Sanjiao Hall unfold their tales. Here, statues of the founders of three religions – Shakyamuni, Laozi, and Confucius – find a sacred abode in the venerable Sanjiao Hall. Adorned with intricate carvings and a myriad of statues, the Hanging Temple invites explorers to unravel its rich tapestry of stories, where the line between architectural marvel and spiritual pilgrimage blurs into a captivating narrative.
Highlights: Five Halls, Dhammapala Weituo’s Statue, Teahouse, Vegetarian Restaurant
Embark on a journey through time at Wenshu Monastery, a spiritual haven that traces its roots back to the Sui Dynasty (605 ~ 617). With long history and strong Buddhist influence, Wenshu Monastery is one of the Four Chinese Zen Buddhist Monasteries. Though it located in the busy downtown area of Chengdu, Wenshu Monastery enjoys a tranquil atmosphere fabulously. Initially a modest courtyard, the monastery underwent a captivating transformation during the Song Dynasty, when it donned the name Xinxiang Temple, only to face the ravages of war. In a mystical twist during the Qing Dynasty, whispers of the Manjusri Bodhisattva’s ethereal presence, cloaked in red light, sparked a resurrection. The temple, now reborn, earned the name Wenshu Monastery, paying homage to the revered Manjusri.
Nestled amidst the hustle and bustle of Chengdu‘s downtown, Wenshu Monastery defies its urban surroundings, cocooning visitors in a serenity that feels almost otherworldly. Picture the main structures, traditional Chinese palaces adorned with the elegance of the Qing Dynasty, their upturned eaves reaching towards the heavens. Here, the axis from gate to Sutra Mansionunfolds like a sacred thread weaving through the tapestry of history. Within these ancient walls, a treasure trove of Buddhist scriptures, paintings, and calligraphy awaits, whispering stories of enlightenment to those who listen.
Beyond the quiet contemplation, Wenshu Monastery reveals itself as a haven for the soul. The revered Teahouse, a bastion of old-school charm, beckons with the aroma of Chinese tea and the allure of traditional folk shows. Step into the nearby Vegetarian Restaurant, where culinary excellence fuses with spirituality, offering a feast of delectable vegetarian dishes. Take a leisurely stroll through the monastery’s hallowed grounds, where every step unveils a chapter of the past. After immersing in the cultural ambiance, visitors often embark on a classic Chengdu tour, exploring attractions like the Panda Base. Moreover, they may opt for a deeper Sichuan experience, venturing to renowned sites such as the Leshan Giant Buddha, Mount Emei, and Jiuzhaigou. This flexible transition caters to diverse preferences, ensuring an enriching journey through the cultural and natural wonders of the region.
10. Foding Palace (Nanjing) – Reverent Abode of Buddha’s Relics with Architectural Grandeur
@牛首山风景区 (niushoushan.net)
Type: Fodin Temple – Ming Dynasty’s Architectural Marvel
History: Over 1200 years
Recommended Visiting Time: 3~4 hours
Location: Nanjing, Jiangsu Province
Highlights: Buddha’s Relic Pagoda, Hall of Heavenly Kings’ Majesty, Ming Dynasty Architectural Splendor, Linggu Pagoda’s Towering Presence
Step into the enchanting tapestry of Nanjing‘s Foding Temple, a resilient architectural masterpiece that has weathered the sands of time for over 1200 years. Here, the grandeur of the Ming Dynasty unfolds like a captivating saga, each stone whispering tales of an era long past. Picture the Buddha’s Relic Pagoda, a sacred space where the air itself seems to shimmer with the divine presence of relics. Immerse yourself in the hallowed ambiance, where the convergence of the sacred and architectural beauty dances through the corridors of time.
As you traverse the temple grounds, be transported to the majestic Hall of Heavenly Kings, where colossal statues stand as sentinels guarding the spiritual sanctuary. It’s not just a hall; it’s a living tableau of devotion and reverence, where the echo of centuries-old prayers reverberates through the air. The temple, a living embodiment of Ming Dynasty opulence, invites exploration into its labyrinth of intricate designs and historical significance. But the journey doesn’t end there; adjacent to the temple rises the towering Linggu Pagoda, a stoic symbol of endurance that pierces the sky, a silent witness to the passage of centuries. Foding Temple beckons you into a time-traveling odyssey, where the legacy of the Ming Dynasty isn’t confined to dusty history books but resonates through the very stones that have stood witness to centuries of stories. Having explored the serenity of Foding Temple, many travelers opt for more highlights of Nanjing including the Confucius Temple Nanjing, the picturesque Qinhuai River. This curated experience allows visitors to feel the essence of “misty rain in the south of the Yangtze”(烟雨江南).
Secular Dimensions of the Ashoka Stupa from the Changgan Monastery of the Song Dynasty.
Of Palaces and Pagodas: Palatial Symbolism in the Buddhist Architecture of Early Medieval China
Tracy Miller
Front. Hist. China 2015, 10(2): 222–263 DOI 10.3868/s020-004-015-0014-1
“Naturalizing Buddhist Cosmology in the Temple Architecture of China: The Case of the Yicihui Pillar,”
Tracy Miller,
In The University of Chicago Oriental Institute Seminars, no. 9,
edited by Deena Ragavan, 17−39. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2013.
“The Mapping of Sacred Space: Images of Buddhist Cosmographies in Medieval China.”
Wong, Dorothy.
In The Journey of Maps and Images on the Silk Road, edited by Philippe Forêt and Andreas Kaplony, 51–79. Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2008.
Towards an Effective Architectural Form: The Composition of Squareness and Roundness Based on Scale Proportion—Evidence from the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda.
The sum of the rules, squares and circles of heaven and earth: a study on the compositional proportions of ancient Chinese capitals, building groups and individual buildings
(text version, illustration version)
Wang Nan’s book on the history and theory of ancient architecture, planning, design and protection of ancient buildings
Heaven and Earth in Early Han Thought: Chapters Three, Four, and Five of the Huainanzi
SUNY series in Chinese philosophy and culture Author John S. Major Edition illustrated Publisher SUNY Press, 1993 ISBN 0791415856, 9780791415856 Length 388 pages
Revisiting the Squinch: From Squaring the Circle to Circling the Square.
“Squaring the circle,” constructing a square that has the same area in a given circle using compass and straightedge, has long been a subject for intellectual investigations among mathematicians and philosophers from antiquity to the pre-modern era. The search for this unattainable ideal articulation found its way into Persian architecture with a different approach: circling the square. This architectonic approach, complementing the philosophical view, started from the square at hand, the chamber, to the circle of the vault. The transformation of the cubic to the domical space is mediated through the squinch, intermediary structural element that unifies the two structures. The two seemingly opposite directions of transforming of one form to another (i.e., square to circle or vice versa) allude to the metaphysical and material attributes involved in this process. This paper discusses the mutual relationship between the intellectual and material transformations and the intermediary role of the squinch.
References
Al–Būzjānī, Abū’l–Wafā Muhammad. 1971. The Arithmetic of Abu Al-Wafa’ al-Buzjani. Introduction and Commentary by A. S. Saidan. Amman: Jamiyat Umal al-Matabi al-Taawinia. (In Arabic)
Ardalan N., Bakhtiar L. (1973) The Sense of Unity: The Sufi Tradition in Persian Architecture. University of Chicago Press, ChicagoGoogle Scholar
Ashrafi, A. and M. R. Ahmadi, M. R. 2005. Al-Kashi’s Method for Calculations of Arches. Ayeneh Miras 3: 61-77.
Blunt W. (1966) Isfahan: Pearl of Persia. Paul Elck Productions, New YorkGoogle Scholar
Buzurgmihri, Z. 1992. Hindisa dar Mimari (Geometry in Persian Architecture). Tehran: Iranian Cultural Heritage Organization. (In Farsi)
Dold-Samplonius, Yvonne. 2002. Calculation of Arches and Domes in 15th Century Samarkand. Nexus II: Architecture and Mathematics, Kim Williams, ed. Pisa: Pacini Editore.
Galdieri, E. 1984. Masgid-i Gum’a. Vol 3, Research and Restoration Activites, 1973-1978, New Observations, 1979-1982. Rome: IsMeo.
Grabar, O. 1990. The Great Mosque of Isfahan. London: I B Tauris & Co. Ltd.
Haji Ghasemi, K. 2001. Ganjnameh, Masajid-i Isfahan. Tehran: Shahid Beheshti University Press and Rowzaneh Press.
Jabal Ameli A. (1995) Esfehan Masgid-I Gum’a. Iranian Cultural Heritage Organization, IsfahanGoogle Scholar
Jazbi, A. 1987. Risāleh Tāq va Ajaz. Tehran: Soroush Publications. (Partial Translation of Miftah al-hisab).
Jazbi, A. 2005. Persian Geometry: Applied Geometry Abul-Wafa Muhammad Buzjani. Tehran: Soroush Publications. (Persian translation with additions)
Necipoßlu, G. 1995. The Topkapi Scroll. Geometry and Ornament in Islamic Architecture. Los Angeles: Getty Center Publication.
We examine how three authors, Dante Alighieri, Margaret Cavendish, and James Joyce, employed allusions to the classical problem of squaring the circle, i.e., using only a compass and a straightedge to construct a square whose area equals that of a given circle. These discussions will be against the background of what was known mathematically about solving the problem when they wrote—respectively, in the fourteenth, seventeenth, and twentieth centuries. We will also discuss, as best as can be determined, what each author believed, knew, or could have known about the mathematical status of the problem and what this reveals about their use of the construction in their writings.
“From Pagoda to Pavilion: The Transition of Spatial Logic and Visual Experience of Multi-Story Buddhist Buildings in Medieval China”
Ancient Chinese architecture boasts a rich variety of styles and high levels of construction. There were residences, official buildings, palaces, temples, altars, gardens, bridges, city walls and so on. Construction took the form of lou (multistoryed buildings), tai (terraces), ting (pavilions), ge (two-storey pavilions), xuan (verandas with windows), xie (pavilions or houses on terraces), wu (rooms along roofed corridors), etc. All these architectural forms were recorded in early documents of Chinese history. Pagodas, however, appeared relatively late in China. A Chinese term for pagoda did not exist until the first century. The reason is that this new form of architecture was introduced to China only when Buddhism spread to the country.
The origin of pagodas, like that of Buddhism, can be traced to India. The relation between Buddhism and pagodas is explained in Buddhist literature, which says that pagodas were originally built for the purpose of preserving the remains of Sakyamuni, the founder of Buddhism. According to Buddhist scripture, when Sakyamuni’s body was cremated after his death, his disciples discovered that his remains crystallized into unbreakable shiny beads. They were called sarira, or Buddhist relics, as were his hair, teeth and bones. Later, the remains of other Buddhist monks of high reputation were also called sarira. Since more often than not, no such precious shiny beads could be found in the ashes of cremated Buddhist monks, other things, such as gold, silver and crystal objects or precious stones, were used instead.In Sanskrit pagoda (or stupa) meant tomb. Before the pagoda was introduced to China, it had already had a considerable period of development in India. Beside serving as tombs, pagodas were built in grottoes or temples for offering sacrifices to people’s ancestors. When the Indian word for pagoda was first translated into Chinese, there were some twenty different versions. A renowned scholar of the Qing Dynasty, Ruan Yuan (1764-1849), summarized the history of the pagoda’s development in China in his essay “On the Characteristics of Pagodas” included in his Yan Jing Shi Ji (Collection of Essays from Yan Jing Studio). He said that during the Eastern Han Dynasty (25-220) both the doctrine and preachers of Sakyamuni’s religion were called futu. Their residence and the object of their worship was a building of seven or nine storeys, each surrounded by banisters.
In Sanskrit this kind of building was called a stupa. From the Jin Dynasty to the Southern and Northern Dynasties (265-589), when the Buddhist scriptures were translated into Chinese, there was no equivalent for the Hindu word for pagoda in the Chinese language, nor was there anything in China similar to the peculiar structure. Therefore, a new Chinese character was created to stand for the Buddhist tower, or pagoda. The new character was ta, which first appeared in Zi Yuan(Essays on Chinese Characters) by Ge Hong (284-364), a scholar of the Eastern Jin Dynasty.
Ta is a much better translation than many other versions, such as futuor fotu, because it contains the radical meaning earth or soil, so it can be understood as an indication of a tomb. Some scholars believed that the character ta could be interpreted as an earthen tomb in which Buddha was buried, so it was a satisfactory equivalent for the word pagoda.
Buddhism spread in China not only because of its doctrines but also because of its concrete images, such as the religious sculptures and pagodas. It became a popular religion after the White Horse Temple was built near Luoyang, Henan Province, during the reign (58-75) of Emperor Ming of the Eastern Han Dynasty. Legend has it that the emperor once dreamed of a golden man more than three meters tall with a halo over his head flying around his imperial palace. The next day the emperor called his ministers to court and asked them to interpret his dream. One of his ministers, Fu Yi, said, “In the West there is a god called Buddha. The golden man Your Majesty saw in your dream looked like him.” So the emperor dispatched officials, Cai Yin, Qin Jing, Wang Zun and others, to India, Sri Lanka and Pakistan to learn the doctrine of Buddhism. When they reached Central Asia, they met two Buddhist masters from India and acquired from them Buddhist scriptures and a statue of Buddha. They also invited the Indian Buddhists to China to lecture on Buddhism.
When the Indian Buddhists arrived in Luoyang, then the capital of the Eastern Han Dynasty, Emperor Ming gave them a warm welcome and built a temple for them to live in the suburbs of Luoyang.
Originally, the Chinese character si, meaning temple, stood for an official building that, in ancient China, ranked second only to the emperor’s imperial palace. To show his respect for Buddhism, the emperor ordered that the residence of the Indian Buddhists be called a si, and ever since, Buddhist temples have been called that.
If pagodas were brought to China from India, what did the pagodas in India look like?
There used to be two kinds of pagodas in India: those used as tombs for Buddhist relics were called stupas; those serving as shrines or monuments were called temples. No relics were buried in the latter in most cases. Both kinds of pagodas underwent great changes in style after being introduced to China and became integrated with China’s traditional architecture and culture.
The latter pagoda was also called caitya in Sanskrit. In India they were originally grottoes dug out of stone cliffs. Religious sculptures were placed inside the caves and small pagodas were built at the back as memorials. Usually space was cleared in front of the pagoda for religious ceremonies. After being introduced to China, this kind of structure developed into the so-called grotto temple. Typical Chinese grottoes were much smaller than their Indian counterparts, so no religious ceremonies could be held inside. Usually a separate temple was built in front of or beside the grottoes to house Buddhist monks and for assemblies as well. The pagoda placed at the back of an Indian grotto changed into an ornamental pillar either at the back or in the middle of the grotto. In fact, the Chinese temple was different from its Indian counterpart in both form and function. In India there was once a kind of special grotto called vihara in which Buddhist monks lived. In the middle of such a grotto a square or rectangular platform was built for Buddhist preachers, to sit on to give lectures on Buddhism. At the back of the grotto a small pagoda sculpture was erected in front of a small niche, serving as a place for praying. Along the front and side walls of the grotto many tiny rooms were dug out, each big enough for only one monk to sleep in. Since each of the rooms was merely one square zhang (about ten square meters) in size, later the bedrooms of the abbots and monks in a Buddhist monastery were called fangzhang(meaning one square zhang) in Chinese. Of course, most Buddhist abbots actually lived in much bigger rooms. Such grotto temples, popular in the early development of Buddhism in India, were found in very few places in China. In fact, the Dunhuang Grottoes in Gansu Province may be the only place where remnants of similar structures can be found today.
For instance, Caves No.267 to 271 at Dunhuang, dug during the Northern Liang period (397-439), used to be a group of related caves, with Cave No. 268 as the center, to which Caves No. 267 and 270 on the southern wall and Caves No. 269 and 271 on the northern wall were attached. In fact, all four attached caves were merely recesses big enough for only one person to sit with bent knee. It is believed that they were dug for the monks to sit in meditation, not for them to live in. Cave No. 285, dug during the Western Wei period (535-556), also contains four such recesses in its southern and northern walls, less than a square meter. On the ceiling of the main cave there is a painting of thirty-five monks sitting in meditation in some remote mountain caves. From their size, the recesses as a place of meditation were only symbolic.
The characteristics of these caves show that the so-called vihara underwent great changes after they were introduced to China from India.
We have learned that the pagodas designed as tombs for Buddhist relics were soon integrated with China’s traditional architecture and culture and assumed Chinese characteristics after they were introduced to China from India. Most ancient pagodas still existing today in China are the so-called temple pagodas of Chinese style. Though they are called sarira pagodas, sometimes Buddhist relics are not inside.
Few stupas believed to hold any relics of Sakyamuni have survived even in India or they have been destroyed and reconstructed repeatedly over the years retaining little of their original features. Among the earliest of such stupas is one built around the first century. It resembles a tomb with a domelike top in the middle. A pole with a dish-shaped object was erected on the top, and a platform surrounded by a balustrade served as the base. Stairs in front lead up to the platform. Four gateways face in four directions. On each side of the front gate is an ornamental column with exquisite relief sculptures of lions. They are similar to the ornamental columns erected in front of ancient tombs in China.
Another stupa featuring an inverted-bowl-shaped body is located forty-five kilometers from the town of Gorakopa in northern India. It is believed to be the place where a famous Indian Buddhist monk attained nirvana. Though it has been destroyed and reconstructed several times, it still resembles the style of the great stupa mentioned earlier, which looks like a big tomb. The Lamaist dagobas in China have inherited this style.
Great changes have also taken place in the structure of Indian pagodas. At Buddh Gaya in Gaya County, Bihar State, there is a pagoda where Sakyamuni is believed to have awakened to the truth of Buddhism. Behind the pagoda there is a bodhi tree and under the tree is a solid rock seat, called vajrasana. Legend has it that Sakyamuni attained his Buddhahood while sitting on this seat. The structure of the pagoda, therefore, is called the vajrasana style, which is completely different from that of the stupas described earlier. Pagodas of the vajrasana style also appeared in China. The earliest images of this kind of pagoda are in a mural in Cave No. 285 of the Mogao Grottoes at Dunhuang, a work of the Northern Zhou Dynasty (557-581), and a small stone sculpture preserved in Chongfu Temple in Shuoxian County, Shanxi Province, believed to have been made in 454. The Dunhuang mural shows a square platform on which stand five pagodas; the one in the middle is much bigger and more spectacular than the ones at the four comers. Each of the five pagodas has seven storeys with a precious bead on top. Another small stone sculpture, made in 455 and found at the old site of Chongfu Temple, and a similar one made during the Tang Dynasty (618-907) and found in Nanchan Temple on Mount Wutai also bear this style, but the Vajrasana in the mural at Dunhuang more closely resembles existing structures than the small stone sculptures at Chongfu Temple.
4 Types of Chinese Architecture That You Need to Know
The Chinese have used the same architectural model for their imperial and religious buildings for more than two thousand years. It consists of three elements: a platform, a framework of pillars and beams, and non-load-bearing walls.
The buildings usually incorporate the main gate, rectangular enclosures or courtyards, and a series of pavilions arranged in a line and facing north. Almost all buildings were constructed of wood, but due to vulnerability to fire very few survive; the oldest date from the Tang period. Here are some representative Chinese architectures.
Pavilions
The structure of the pavilions is always the same. They consist of a platform of rammed earth or stone and a grid of wooden pillars. The front part always incorporates an odd number of intercolumns. The meeting of pillars and beams is fixed with brackets (dougong), which support the structure and allow for overhanging roofs. The wood is lacquered in intense tones, and the roofs are curved, of tile or thatch.
Plant building and plant pavilion
Even before pagodas, multi-storey buildings (lou) were built in China, ranging from two-storey private residences to towering gazebos. The plant pavilions (ge) were used for storage and had only doors and windows at the front. These buildings incorporated the usual three elements: base, pillars, and non-load-bearing walls. Plant pavilions were used to store important items, such as libraries of Buddhist sutras or colossal statues like Puning Si in Chengde.
Pagoda
The pagoda or ta is inspired by the Indian stupa and began to develop with the advent of Buddhism in the 1st century AD. Pagodas, with their multiple storeys, were often erected in Buddhist temple complexes (later built outside of them), with the purpose of housing a religious statue.
They were made of brick, stone or wood. The pagoda, an archetypal element of Chinese architecture, originated as a concept and form in India from the Buddhist stupa. But Chinese architectural traditions and styles were soon incorporated into pagodas as well, as can be seen in the pillar pagodas of the Yungang caves, with their multiple heights. Over 1,500 years, pagodas developed an incredible variety of forms, from pillars to flattened tombs to tall multi-story towers.
They were built of stone, brick, or wood and could be square or multi-sided. When they became typical Chinese buildings, their function changed slightly. Their central role in the temple was taken over by the much more functional pavilion. The feng shui provided the construction of pagodas without temples in the mountains on the outskirts of the cities or next to the rivers, to bring good luck or to avoid floods. The Hindu stupa was a symbolic tomb and receptacle for Buddhist relics that inspired the birth of the Chinese pagoda. But the stupa did not gain strength until the 13th century, when the Yuan imported Tibetan Buddhist stupas (also known as dagobas) and made this architecture popular for later dynasties.
The Dali pagoda is a beautiful example of a pagoda with closely spaced stone eaves. It is square in plan and has a top in the shape of a lotus flower bud. The wooden pagoda of the Fogong Si of Yingxian is one of the most delicate remains. This octagonal building dates from 1056 and is called Sakyamuni pagoda.
Ornamental arch
The pailou or paifang is an arch of wood, brick or stone, sometimes tiled with glazed tiles. It is often inscribed with information about its construction. Pailou were erected at crossroads, temples, bridges, government offices, parks, and tombs.
Defensive walls
The first walls were made of earth, which was crushed and hardened with mallets or moistened to obtain mud and pressed against reed mats. Later brick was used. City walls were usually square, with the main gate to the south. The word for city, cheng, also means wall. Pingyao wall, made of rammed earth and brick and 10 meters high, towers and rampart provided an effective defense. It dates from the Ming period, but part of it has collapsed recently.
Architectural details
The interpretation of detail in Chinese architecture is very interesting. The use of yellow tiles, for example, was reserved for the emperor. The Nine Dragons, present in the Forbidden City and elsewhere, are also imperial: the dragon is a symbol of yang, the masculine principle, and by extension, the emperor.
The chiwen, a bird capable of extinguishing fire with water, appears on the ends of the roofs as protection against fire. The bracket (dougong) transmits the weight of the roof to the pillar. It is a complex constructive and ornamental element that does not carry nails. It fixes the structure of tall buildings, such as the Yellow Crane Pavilion in Wuhan.
More on cities and architecture in China:
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Pagoda, originally meant tomb in Sanskrit, refers to the place where the ashes of ancient Indian monks were buried after their death. It originated in India and was brought into China along with Buddhism in the Han Dynasty. Nowadays, such ancient architecture is still widely respected by the Buddhist disciples and praised as an outstanding architectural form from ancient China.
Origin of Chinese Pagoda
Around the 1st century, the Indian stupa was introduced into China. To better suit the Chinese aesthetics, ancient Chinese people integrated the original stupa styles with the traditional pavilions and attics, creating the pagoda with multiple floors and a nine-layer tower spire.
Chinese Pagoda vs. Indian Pagoda
Like the Chinese, the Indians also believed in the idea of a round heaven and square ground.
Therefore, the semi-circular stupa represented the Buddhist cosmology. When the stupa was brought into China, ancient Chinese people created the round top with square-shaped attics at the bottom functioning as supporters. Not only that, but Chinese people also imposed the humanized content on Buddhism. They built temples together with pagodas. Therefore, where there is a pagoda, there is a temple. Inside the temple, divine halls were built to offer sacrifices to Buddhas along with the pagoda. For instance, the Big Wild Goose Pagoda became an elegant building that attracted numerous scholars to visit. The Six Harmonious Pagoda nearby the Qiantang River has become the beacon for the riverboat at night. While the pagoda inside the Kaiyuan Temple in Hebei province also served as a spot for military observation. The Guojie Tower of Juyongguan Great Wall also functions as a pedestrian passway. In some places, pagodas were built to drive away evil spirits. In various ways, Chinese people changed the mysterious and untouchable Indian stupas to something practical. Therefore, the Chinese pagoda is a human building.
Number Culture of Pagoda
One of the outstanding characteristics of Chinese pagoda is the pagoda roof.
No matter the Dense-eave Pagodas, Pavilion Style Pagodas, or the Fengshui Pagodas, the floors of the pagodas are in an odd number, like one layer, three layers, five layers, or more. It’s sporadic to have a pagoda that has an even number of layers in its roof. In contrast, the pagoda level can be in square, hexagon, octagon, or dodecagon. There is no pagoda level with odd-numbered sides. Besides the structural reasons, such design was meant to echo the traditional cosmology of Yin and Yang. Ancient Chinese people granted the numbers with philosophical significance, like the odd numbers represent heaven, and they are Yang, and the even numbers represent the ground, and they are Yin. Heaven is round and high; therefore, odd numbers must be used. While the ground is square and low, even numbers must be used.
From the perspective of Buddhism interpretation, the four sides of the pagoda symbolize the Four Noble Truths, the six sides represent the Cycle Through the Six Worlds, eight sides symbolize the Eight Phases of Enlightenment, and the twelve sides mean the Twelve-linked Causal Formula. While the odd numbers of layers represent the innocence and sublimity in Buddhism.
The Big Wild Goose Pagoda was first built in 652 AD to store the
scriptures brought back by monk Xuan Zang from India. With a height of 64 meters and seven stories, the pagoda is a wood-and-brick structure without cement. Inside the pagoda, there are stairs from which people can climb to the top of the pagoda and have a bird’s eye view of the surroundings. There are four stone doors on all sides at the bottom of the pagoda and exquisitely engraved Buddha statues on the door lintels. In contrast, the Dharma Preaching Paintings on the western lintel contain the temple buildings in the Tang Dynasty, which became an essential material for studying architecture at that time.
2.Yingxian Wooden Pagoda in Shanxi
The Wooden Pagoda in Yingxian, Shanxi, is the oldest and largest
wooden pagoda in the world. Built in 1056 (Liao Dynasty), the pagoda is 67.13m in height, 30m in diameter at the bottom, and has five layers and six eaves. The pagoda plane is octagonal. The whole pagoda was applied with 54 different kinds of brackets, which makes it the representative pavilion-style pagoda with the most brackets. These brackets are so firm that the pagoda has stood upright for 900 years and survived multiple times of earthquakes.
3.Six Harmonious Pagoda in Hangzhou, Zhejiang
Situated in Yuelun Mountain by the Qiantang River in Hangzhou,
the Six Harmonious Pagoda is a Song-era pagoda. It’s an octagonal pagoda with 59.89m in height. The exterior of the pagoda has 13 floors, while the interior has seven floors. There are stairs inside so people can walk to the pagoda top. The exquisite images of brick carvings on the Sumeru seat like the flying fairies, musicians, sea pomegranates, lotus, phoenixes, lions, unicorns, and cloud patterns are valuable materials in studying the decorations from the Southern Song Dynasty.
4.Three Pagodas of Chongsheng Temple in Dali, Yunnan
Located in front of the Chongsheng Temple in Dali, Yunnan,
the Three Pagodas are standing in a triangle shape. The big pagoda in the middle is named the Qianxun Pagoda; it’s a hollow brick pagoda in dense-eave style. The entire pagoda is 69.13m and has 16 floors. Each floor is carved with stone Buddha statues. The smaller pagodas on both sides of the big pagoda are 42.19m in height, and both of them are 10-layer octagonal solid brick pagodas with a layer of white mudskin on the pagoda body. Inside the pagodas, there are over 600 pieces of relics from Nanzhao (738 – 902) and Dali States (937-1094) Periods.
5.Iron Tower in Kaifeng, Henan
Formerly known as Kaibao Temple Tower, the Iron Tower is built in 1049 (northern Song Dynasty). It’s famous for its outstanding use of traditional wooden structures. The whole tower is 55.88 meters in height and covered with colorful glazed bricks, on which a dozen kinds of patterns and images are carved. Meanwhile, the exterior glazed bricks are all in brown color, and they are very solid. Therefore, people call the tower the Iron Tower.
6.Tiger Hill Pagoda in Suzhou, Zhejiang
Tiger Hill Pagoda is first built in 601 (Sui Dynasty) and restored in the early Song Dynasty. It’s 47.5 meters high, about 6000t in weight. There are seven floors, and the pagoda plane is octangular. Due to the foundation problems, the Tiger Hill Pagoda has been titled northwest for 2°40′ degrees since the Ming Dynasty (1368 – 1644). Therefore, the Tiger Hill Pagoda is regarded as the oriental Leaning Tower of Pisa.
7.Songyue Temple Pagoda
First built in 523 (Northern Wei Dynasty), Songyue Temple Pagoda is the earliest brick pagoda in existence and the only dodecagonal pagoda in China. The pagoda plane is almost circular, and the pagoda body is divided into upper and lower parts, which is very similar to the Indian stupa. Therefore, the Songyue Temple Pagoda is regarded as a representation of the early dense-eave pagoda. The whole pagoda is made from small thin bricks and mud. It’s quite a miracle that the pagoda can stand upright for 1400 years.
8.Zhenfeng Pagoda in Anqing, Anhui
Standing inside the Yingjiang Temple nearby the Yangtze River,
the Zhenfeng Pagoda is built in Ming Dynasty (1368 – 1644). It’s a pavilion-style octagonal pagoda in a masonry structure. The entire pagoda is 60.86m in height, and it has seven floors. It’s said that the pagoda was built to rejuvenate the literary culture in Anqing. Before the Ming Dynasty, there were no famous scholars from Anqing. After observing the geography in Anqing, some astrologists believed that the lack of scholars lies in the nearby Yangtze River. A pagoda must be built to control it and retain scholars. The story itself is absurd; what interesting was that after the building of Zhenfeng Pagoda, some famous ministers and scholars like Fang Yizhi, Zhang Ying, Zhang Tingyu, Zhao Wenkai, and others did emerge in Ming and Qing Dynasties.
9.Leifeng Pagoda in Hangzhou, Zhejiang
Located on the Xizhao Mountain on the south bank of the West Lake,
the Leifeng Pagoda was built by the King Zhongyi of Wuyue State (907-978); his concubine had a son. It’s an octagonal pagoda in pavilion style and has five floors. According to the folklore Tale of the White Snake, this pagoda used to contain the Madam White Snake after she was defeated by the monk Fahai until the pagoda fell. Therefore, some people believed that Leifeng Pagoda has the power to control supernatural things. The fact is that the old Leifeng Pagoda collapsed in 1924. The one people see today is a replica of the original pagoda.
10.Lingguang Pagoda in Changbai, Jilin
Lingguang Pagoda is located on the southwest side of Changbai County,
Jilin. Built in Bohai State (698 – 926) of the Tang Dynasty, the pagoda is the oldest brick pagoda in northeast China and a representative relic from Bohai State. The whole pagoda is in pavilion style, and it is 12.86m in height and has five layers. The decorative bricks, the characteristic windows, and the underground palaces are valuable materials for studying the relationship between Bohai State (698-926) and Tang Dynasty (618-907).
Performing Center in a Vertical Rise: Multilevel Pagodas in China’s Middle Period
Round Heaven and Square Earth, Unity of Pagoda and Statuary— A Study on the Geometric Proportions of Space and Statues inside the Timber Pagoda in Ying County[J].
Nan Wang received his Bachelor of Architecture at the School of Architecture, Tsinghua University in 2001 and his Ph.D. in the School of Architecture, Tsinghua University in 2008, studying under Professor Wu Liangyong. Since 2009, he has been a lecturer at Tsinghua University, teaching architectural and urban design courses. He has been a Visiting Professor at the Institute of The Forbidden City in Beijing since 2019. His main research interests are the history and proportions of traditional Chinese architecture. His most important academic books are Rules of Square and Circle, Harmony of Heaven and Earth: A Research on the Proportions of Chinese Traditional Capital Cities and Architectures (2018), The Traditional Architecture of Beijing (2016), and Ancient Capital City Beijing (2012). Since 2013, Nan Wang has published nine volumes of the series of “Epic of Architecture” in Duku, a famous Chinese magazine on arts and humanities, including “The Pantheon,” “Tombs of Han Dynasty,” “Pagodas and Grottoes Coming to the East, “Stone Remains of the Six Dynasties, “Golden Heaven, “Dreams back to Tang Dynasty,” “Sacred Monasteries,” ”Mysterious Book of Ying Zao,” and “Structure of Wood and Spirit of Zen.”
Nan Wang 王南 received his Bachelor of Architecture at the School of Architecture, Tsinghua University in 2001 and his Ph.D. in the School of Architecture, Tsinghua University in 2008, studying under Professor Wu Liangyong. Since 2009, he has been a lecturer at Tsinghua University, teaching architectural and urban design courses. He has been a Visiting Professor at the Institute of The Forbidden City in Beijing since 2019. His main research interests are the history and proportions of traditional Chinese architecture. His most important academic books are 《規矩方圓天地之和 – 中國古代都城，建築群與單體建築之構圖比例研究》 (Rules of Square and Circle, Harmony of Heaven and Earth: A Research on the Proportions of Chinese Traditional Capital Cities and Architectures), 2018, 《北京古建築地圖》 (The Traditional Architecture of Beijing), 2016, and 《古都北京》 (Ancient Capital City Beijing), 2012. Since 2013, Nan Wang has published nine volumes of the series of 建築史詩 (Epic of Architecture) in Duku, a famous Chinese magazine on arts and humanities, including 《萬神殿堂》 (The Pantheon), 《漢家陵闕》(Tombs of Han Dynasty), 《塔窟東來》(Pagodas and Grottoes Coming to the East), 《六朝遺石》(Stone Remains of the Six Dynasties), 《金色天國》 (Golden Heaven), 《夢迴唐朝》 (Dreams back to Tang Dynasty), 《修道聖所》(Sacred Monasteries), 《營造天書》(Mysterious Book of Ying Zao), and 《木骨禪心》(Structure of Wood and Spirit of Zen).
An Infinity of Stupas: Types of Chinese Buddhist Pagodas
浮图万千：中国古代佛塔三讲
#1 Multi-storied 独上高楼 #2 Multi-eaved and Flower-shaped 密檐如华 #3 Bottle-shaped and Vajra-based 梵藏壇城
WANG Nan 王南 Ph.D., Lecturer School of Architecture, Tsinghua University, Beijing Visiting Professor Institute of The Forbidden City, Beijing Visiting Scholar Department of History of Art and Architecture, Harvard University
Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture
Key Terms
China
Korea
Japan
Architecture
Buddhism
Buddhist Architecture
Stupas
Pagodas
Palaces
Pavalion
Pillars
Ancient
Art
History
Religion
Zhoubi Suanshu (周髀算經) [The Arithmetical Classic of the Gnomon and the Circular Paths of Heaven]
Zhou bi suan jing (The Arithmetic Classic of the Gnomon and the Circular Paths of Heaven), which is sometimes written as Chou Pei Suan Ching
Jiuzhang Suanshu (九章算術) [The Nine Chapters on the Mathematical Art]
‘Jiuzhang Suanshu’ and ‘Zhoubi Suanjing’
Chiu chang suan shi (The Nine Chapters on the Mathematical Art), which is sometimes written as Jiu zhang suan shu
Tianyuan difang (Heaven is round and Earth is square)
Xiangtianfadi Guijufangyuan
Guijufangyuan Futuwanqian
Guijufangyuan Fuzhijusuo
Guijufangyuan Duxianggouwu
Jinchenggongque Taiziyuanfang
Guijufangyuan Tiandezhongzhou
Yingzao Fashi 營造法式 (Treatise on Architectural Methods, 1103 CE)
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: “Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Source: Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Source: Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Source: Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Source: Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Source: Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Source: Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Source: Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Source: Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Source: Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Source: Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Source: Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Source: Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Source: Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Source: Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Source: Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
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Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture
“Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chŏngnimsa and Kamŭnsa Buddhist Temples”
Ritual architecture, or lizhi jianzhu 禮制建築, is a unique category in traditional Chinese architecture. Compared to other traditional Chinese architectural types-for instance, Buddhist architecture 佛教建築, palace architecture 宮殿建築, or mausoleum architecture 陵墓建築-ritual architecture is not as clearly defined and contains a much broader range of buildings with a variety of functions.1 Ritual architecture originally refered to structures built to fulfill the Confucian ideals. However, since Confucianism as a religious practice is not as specifically defined as Buddhism or Daoism, structures for worship, ritual sacrifice, or memorial function that cannot be fitted into Buddhism or Daoism are all grouped under the category of ritual architecture, including such diverse building types as the memorial archways for chaste women, shrines dedicated to gods of the five sacred peaks, Confucian temples, and the Altars of Heaven. The complicated nature of ritual architecture originates from the diversity of local beliefs in traditional Chinese society, which cannot be simplified as merely “Confucian.” Tracy Miller’s book The Divine Nature of Power: Chinese Ritual Architecture at the Sacred Site of Jinci takes up the challenge and makes a fine contribution to our understanding of the complexity of both ritual practices in ancient China and the physical environment that was created by and for such diverse and often contradictory practices. The main argument of the book is that the original source of divinity at the site of modern day Jinci is neither the founder of the Jin state, Shu Yu of the Zhou Dynasty, nor his mother, Yi Jiang, as is widely assumed,2 but the life-giving water as represented by the local water goddess-the Spirit of the Jin Springs (pp. 10, 178). Such a conclusion is supported by recent archaeological discoveries (p. 177), a closer examination of historical documents (p. 178), and the extant buildings, sculptures, and paintings in and the general layout of the Jinci complex (pp. 12-13, 179-184). What led to the confusion and opposition about the identity of the main deity worshiped at Jinci are the competing local patronages, whose wills were materialized in various documents and folklores as well as art and architectural forms (pp. 13-14, 181-183). Such a thesis and reasoning procedure are clearly delineated in the introduction and conclusion of the book. Like other ritual architecture throughout China, Jinci is a collection of shrines and temples dedicated to a variety of deities. The most important ones and at the same time the most relevant to the thesis of the book are the Sage Mother Hall 聖母殿 and the Shu Yu of Tang Shrine Complex 唐叔虞祠, on which most of the chapters of this book focus. Chapter 2 discusses the ambiguous meaning of the name “Jinci 晉祠” and its potential for different interpretations on the identity of main deities. The author argues that the term “Jinci” allows the site to be interpreted as either dedicated to the rulers of Jin State or the Spirit of the Jin Springs. It also provides a general introduction of the present physical layout of the complex in the beginning section. Chapters 3 and 4 focus on the changing significance of Shu Yu across time and the impact that had on the shrine complex built for him. Chapter 3 also discusses the significance of the Taiyuan city, where Jinci is located, as a seat of local power, and suggests that this might be the reason why it was misunderstood as the place where the Jin State was originally founded. In chapter 4, based on historical documents from official dynastic histories to stele inscriptions, the author tries to delineate a picture of both an idealized Shu Yu shrine and the evolvement of the cult of Shu Yu as a state founder. Chapters 5 and 6 turn to the worship of the Spirit of the Jin Springs. Chapter 5 focuses on the textual study of the importance of the spring water to the local agrarian community and the purpose for building a temple at the site of the Jin Springs-to provide shelter for human encounters with the nature spirits that reside there. Chapter 6 offers the most in-depth stylistic analysis of the art and architecture of the Sage Mother Hall in this book, including a…
佛寺設計：空間•結構•場所 The Design of Chinese Monasteries: Space, Structure, and Place Online Symposium on Buddhist Architecture
Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Ten-story Stone Pagoda from Gyeongcheonsa Temple Site
Exhibition Name Ten-story Stone Pagoda of Gyeongcheonsa Temple Nationality/Period Goryeo Dynasty Provenance Gyeonggi-do Materials Stone Category religion – Buddhism – adoration – pagoda Dimensions H. 1,350.0cm Designation National Treasure 86 Accession Number Bongwan 6753 Location Path to History
Pagodas were first erected in East Asia after the arrival of Buddhism. Chinese Buddhists usually built brick pagodas, while those in Japan and Korea erected wooden and stone pagodas, respectively. Most Korean stone pagodas were made from granite, but this massive ten-story pagoda is the first one known to be made from marble. It once stood on the grounds of Gyeongcheonsa Temple, located at the foot of Mt. Buso in Gwangdeok-myeon, Gaepung-gun, Gyeonggi-do Province. This pagoda is also extraordinary in terms of its form, which is much more complex than most other pagodas. Its shape is very unusual, with a three-tier base, a complex polygonal shape for the lower part (from the first to the third tier), and a square upper part. The base and the main body are elaborately decorated with carvings of Buddhas, bodhisattvas, and floral designs, and there is an inscription engraved on the body of the first story, stating that the pagoda was built in 1348 (4th year of Goryeo King Chungmok). The eaves of the roof stones reflect the influence of Goryeo wooden architecture, which would later also influence the Ten-story Stone Pagoda at the Wongaksa Temple Site (National Treasure No.2), built during the Joseon Dynasty. This pagoda was taken from its original site and smuggled to Japan in 1907 by Tanaka Mitsuaki, the Japanese Minister of Imperial Household Affairs. It was eventually recovered with the help of two Western journalists, Ernest T. Bethell from England and Homer Hulbert from America, who launched an international press campaign denouncing the theft. The pagoda was reconstructed at Gyeongbokgung Palace in 1960, where it remained until 1995, when it was dismantled to repair serious damage from weathering and acid rain. The exhaustive conservation treatment project took ten years, and in 2005 the restored pagoda was reconstructed at its current location, prominently displayed on the “Path to History” inside the National Museum of Korea.
Pagodas of Bulguksa Temple
Feb 17, 2014
Bulguksa Temple’s two most famous features are the Dabotap Pagoda, the Pagoda of Many Treasures or of Multiple Jewels, and the Seokgatap Pagoda, the Sakyamuni Buddha Pagoda. They stand within the central courtyard in front of the historic main hall, dedicated to the Sakyamuni, one of the Buddha’s titles. When the Royal Asiatic Society brings visitors on its annual Gyeongju Tour, these are the most impressive monuments that we see.
Pagodas evolved from the ancient Hindu and Buddhist stupa funerary-monuments of northern India as the new faith spread along the Silk Road into China almost two millennia ago, becoming wooden and brick towers. In Korea, this architectural tradition evolved into solid granite pagodas, usually about three to seven meters tall, with hollow spaces in one of their lower stories to contain holy relics such as sarira crystals or sutra scriptures.
More than 1,000 of these remain extant today, especially common in the southern regions of Korea. However, the Dabotap Pagoda and the SeokgatapPagoda tower over all the others as being the most excellent specimens for their complex ingenious architecture, profound philosophical depth and aesthetic charm. They are considered to be an inseparable and opposite-but-complimentary eum-yang pair, a yin-yang pair, standing together in view of the Buddha, offering all those who look upon them a lesson in monumental stone.
According to this view, the Dabotap Pagoda represents the eum characteristics of being female, dark, cold, of energy moving downward and inward, and of the transformation of heavenly principles into the myriad physical forms we enjoy on this earth. In contrast, the Seokgatap Pagoda represents the yang characteristics of being male, bright, hot, of energy moving upward and outward and of the spiritual aspirations of humankind.
Another classical way of looking at their polarities is to interpret the SeokgatapPagoda as the historical Buddha himself when he was teaching the Lotus Sutra, and the Dabotap Pagoda as his disciples listening to him. This is symbolized by the Dabo, or the Prabhutaratna Buddha-icon, which is said to manifest itself whenever and wherever the sutra is taught. The disciples are enlightened by the Buddha’s teachings and become beings who shine like precious jewels.
The Dabotap Pagoda or Many Treasures Pagoda is considered one of the most remarkable traditional structures in East Asia. Koreans are very proud of it and they depict it on their 10-won coin. Some 10.4 meters tall, this highly decorative pagoda’s fame comes from its extremely complex and delicate philosophically-based design. At the base are four sets of steps, which lead to four lion guards, symbolizing wisdom in Buddhism. Above the lions are a number of well-fitted granite blocks. The pillars stand on an elevated platform approached by four staircases, each with ten steps signifying the Ten Perfections or Virtues, the paramitas, of Buddhist thought.
This pagoda has had an unfortunate modern history. It was disassembled by the Japanese for repair in 1924 when Korea was under colonial rule. As this grand-scale project was underway, the lack of thorough protection resulted in its inner sarira caskets and three of the original stone lions being stolen, and they have never been recovered.
The Seokgatap Pagoda, or Sakyamuni Buddha Pagoda, stands 8.2 meters tall and is the finest example of a typical Korean Buddhist pagoda, being the cumulative apogee of all the earlier tradition and the prototype for many subsequent constructions. It is also called the Muyeongtap Pagoda, or Pagoda Without a Reflection, denoting the sad legend of the Baekje stonemason, Asadal, who built these pagodas. An old myth says that his wife, Asanyeo, traveled from afar to be with him because she missed him so much, but he was not allowed to see her until the work was finished due to ritual-taboo restrictions. She waited by a pond across the valley, waiting for the top of this pagoda to appear above the temple walls in the reflection on the water, but when no such reflection came after many months, she threw herself into the pond in despair. Unfortunately, the Seokgatap Pagoda has been under repair since early 2013, so you cannot see it these days, just as poor Asanyeo was not able to witness its beauty.
It is universally admired for its perfect proportions and its simple, graceful style. It has three main stories, like many of the pagodas from the Silla era, “three” being a sacred number in Buddhism and in many other spiritual traditions. In Buddhism, “three” symbolizes various triads, such as the Three Jewels of the Buddha himself, his Dharma teachings and the Sangha community of monks, or the corresponding division of Buddhist scriptures into sutras, sastras and vinaya, or the Cheon-Ji-In Trinity, the Heaven, Earth and Humanity Trinity, at the foundation of all Northeast Asian religious culture.
The Seokgatap Pagoda was first dismantled for repair in 1977. At that time, a collection of precious treasures was found inside, including a set of reliquary for sarira crystals and a paper scroll of the “True Words of Pure and Clean Light Scripture.” Scholars determined that this sutra was printed between 706 and 751, thus being the world’s oldest extant xylographic publication.
These Buddhist pagodas are a symbolic expression of doctrine. The ideological underpinnings of the Dabotap Pagoda and the Seokgatap Pagoda are said to be based on the centrally-important Lotus and Flower-Garland Sutras, scriptures emphasizing that sentient beings undergoing suffering in their lives on earth need to cultivate themselves both spiritually and physically to attain enlightened liberation. Their prominent location in the very center of Bulguksa Temple shows that 8th-century Koreans valued these Buddhist teachings very highly.
By David A. Mason A Professor of Korean Cultural Tourism at Nam-Seoul University
Discover Korea with the RAS [The Royal Asiatic Society Korea Branch, founded in 1900, is an association of people, Koreans and non-Koreans alike, who wish to deepen their knowledge of Korean life, culture and history, and share that knowledge with others in English. http://www.raskb.com/ ]
The cultural heritage authorities of South Korea today officially unveiled the country’s oldest stone Buddhist pagoda following a record restoration effort that stretched over almost two decades—the longest is the country’s history. The Iksan Mireuksaji Stone Pagoda (익산 미륵사지 석탑) at the ancient Mireuksa temple complex in southern North Jeolla Province is the oldest extant stone pagoda in South Korea, constructed during the influential Baekje kingdom (18 BCE–660 CE).
Standing 14.5 meters high, 12.5 meters wide, and weighing some 1,830 tons, the restored pagoda, designated as National Treasure No.11 and standing in the west of the Mireuksa temple complex, now has only six tiers, but historians believe it originally had nine, matching Mireuksa’s 27.67-meter, nine-level eastern pagoda, which was completely reconstructed in 1993 in accordance with historical records. The pagoda is believed to have lost its upper levels sometime in the 16th century during the Kingdom of Great Joseon (1392–1897), which favored Confucianism over Buddhism.
The National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage, which has led the lengthy project, noted that a full report would soon be published detailing the restoration process, which cost an estimated US$20.3 million, including the dismantling and reconstruction of the Buddhist monument.
“We made special efforts to secure the ingenuity and the structural stability of the stone tower of Mireuk Temple,” an institute official was quoted as saying. “We plan to publish a report outlining the result and the process of the restoration work by the end of this year.” (Yonhap News Agency)
Established during the Baekje kingdom and located in the modern city of Iksan, Mireuksa temple was founded late in the reign of King Mu (r. 600–641). The restored pagoda is one of only two Baekje pagodas that have survived to the present day. It was designated a national treasure in 1962 and was added to UNESCO’s World Heritage list in July 2015 as part of the Baekje Historic Areas World Heritage Site.
Mireuksa was the largest temple in the ancient kingdom of Baekje, which is notable for being instrumental in introducing and propagating Buddhism on the Korean Peninsula, and is now considered an example of the most advanced architectural skills of the Baekje, Goguryeo, and Silla kingdoms, which co-existed on the peninsula. The temple is also renowned for its ancient four-meter stone flagpole supports, which date to the Later Silla (660–935).
An initial makeshift attempt to restore the stone pagoda was undertaken with concrete in 1915, during the Japanese occupation of Korea, after which the monument stood untouched until the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage initiated the current restoration effort.
An inscribed gold plate was discovered during the restoration process, detailing the pagoda’s origin. From wikipedia.org
In 1999, the institute concluded that the pagoda was in serious need of repair, and the restoration project began in earnest in 2001, becoming Korea’s longest restoration initiative for a single cultural heritage item—the restoration team spent 10 of those years carefully dismantling the pagoda. According to reports, about 185 tons of concrete was removed and new locally sourced granite blocks were commissioned and added to the tower, making up about 35 per cent of the restored structure, which is now composed of 1,627 stone blocks.
In 2009, during the painstaking process to dismantle the pagoda, an engraved gold sheet was discovered shedding new light on the history of the pagoda. The inscription indicates that the monument was commissioned in 639 CE by the second wife of King Mu of Baekje (r. 600–641).
As of 2018, South Korea has 13 listed World Heritage sites,** many of which stand in testament to the country’s long and influential Buddhist heritage, including Seokguram Grotto and Bulguksa Temple in North Gyeongsang Province, the Baekje Historic Areas in South Chungcheong and North Jeolla, the Gyeongju Historic Areas in North Gyeongsang, and the mountain fortress city of Namhansanseong in Gyeonggi.
The tower before restoration. From wikipedia.org
According to data from the 2015 national census, the majority of South Korea’s population—56.1 per cent—holds no religious affiliation. Christians make up the largest religious segment of the population at 27.6 per cent, while Buddhists account for 15.5 per cent.
Kim Bongryol PhD, Professor of Architecture, Korea National University of Arts
A Buddhist Temple Is a Complex of Buildings
Buddhism was introduced to China from India and Central Asia, and it was already prevalent in China by the fourth century when the religion was first introduced to the Korean peninsula. At that time, the peninsula was divided into three separate kingdoms: Goguryeo 高句麗 (37 BCE–668 CE), Baekje 百濟 (18 BCE–660 CE), and Silla 新羅 (57 BCE–935 CE). Buddhism was welcomed by the royal houses of the Three Kingdoms, which pursued Buddhism competitively. The royal houses took the principal initiative for its spread, and Buddhism flourished in uniquely Korean forms, which came to characterize the architecture of Buddhist temples.
Following the introduction of Buddhism, the royal houses of the Three Kingdoms constructed huge temples in the heart of their capital cities. Goguryeo built Jeongneungsa 定陵寺 in Pyeongyang 平壤 to manage the royal tombs. Baekje constructed Mireuksa 彌勒寺 in Iksan 益山, a new city to which the capital of Baekje later moved. Silla constructed Hwangnyongsa 皇龍寺 in the heart of Gyeongju 慶州. The early seventh-century Mireuksa was built on a huge site on which three temples were placed in juxtaposition according to the Buddhist doctrine stating that Maitreya (Mireuk in Korean), the Future Buddha, would come to the world to save all living beings through three sermons. It is said that Mireuksa covered a land area of 165,000 square meters and was home to as many as three thousand monks. Hwangnyongsa was founded in 570 CE and covered an area of 80,000 square meters. A nine-story wooden pagoda was built at its center. This wooden pagoda rose 80 meters and had stairs inside that led to the top floor. It served as an observatory to view the city. Construction of temples by the royal houses drove the development of technology and improved the quality of Korean architecture overall, not to mention advancing Buddhist architecture.
According to Mahayana Buddhism, which is the mainstream of Korean Buddhism, the whole universe consists of three thousand worlds, which means near infinity, and one Buddha presides over each of these three thousand worlds. Buddhism has expanded from the belief in the one and only Buddha Shakyamuni to the belief in three thousand Buddhas. In particular, Mahayana doctrine emphasizes the “Path of the bodhisattva,” a key teaching of Mahayana ethics, which says “Seek enlightenment above, transform sentient beings below.” Countless bodhisattvas such as Avalokiteshvara, Manjushri, and Samantabhadra became popular and were venerated as second only to Buddha Shakyamuni. Also, in Central Asia and China, indigenous deities were added to the Buddhist pantheon, and these native gods became objects of worship in Korea as well. As a result, Central Asian Luminous Kings, the Daoist gods of the Big Dipper’s seven stars, and the Korean Mountain Spirit, not to mention many other Buddhist deities, all became objects of worship in Korea.
Buddhist temples in Korea necessarily included image halls for multiple Buddhas, bodhisattvas, and other deities. According to the principle of “One World, One Buddha,” or the existence of one Buddha at a time, a single building should enshrine only one object of worship, requiring that a temple have various buildings for worship. During the Joseon 朝鮮 period (1392–1910), when Confucianism was espoused by the ruling class and the elite literati-bureaucrats severely suppressed Buddhism, the Buddhist community in an effort to ensure its own survival unified all beliefs in different Buddhas and bodhisattvas. The distinctions between Buddhist sects were removed, and buildings for a number of Buddhas, bodhisattvas, and other deities were built on the premises of one single temple.
Located in the southern part of the Korean peninsula, Tongdosa 通度寺 has sixteen buildings in total for worship: five separate buildings for five Buddhas including Shakyamuni, Amitabha, Bhaishajyaguru, Vairochana, and Maitreya; four buildings for bodhisattvas and arhats including Avalokiteshvara, Kshitigarbha, and the Arhats; and six building for other deities including Chilseong 七星 (the Daoist Gods of the Seven Stars of the Big Dipper), Dokseong 獨聖 (Hermit Sage), Sansin 山神 (Mountain Spirit), the Four Heavenly Kings, and more.
Korean Buddhism prohibited the marriage of monks and established an obligation to live an austere, celibate life. Although a Buddhist sect that permits the marriage of monks came into being in the twentieth century, celibate monks still dominate the Buddhist community in Korea and are considered morally superior among laypeople. Temples, therefore, are monasteries where monks who renounced the world reside, study, and meditate.
The basic rule at a temple is “one room, one monk.” For this reason, a temple needs as many rooms as the number of monks residing there in addition to facilities like a kitchen, dining hall, bathing area, and toilets. A number of buildings for common use are also required, including a lecture hall to study and discuss sutras, a prayer hall for all monks to chant together, and a hall to practice Seon 禪 (Ch. Chan, Jp. Zen) or meditation. It has been general practice in traditional Korean architecture to assign one function to each building. As the residences for monks, dining hall, lecture hall, prayer hall, and meditation hall were each separately constructed as independent buildings, the area for monks alone could include some ten buildings. Korean Buddhist architecture was bigger and more dignified than secular architecture. In fact, monasteries were in no way inferior to royal palaces in leading contemporaneous architecture. Numerous Buddhist temples were built during the Joseon period even in the face of the heavy political and economic suppression of Buddhism. The tradition of large scale, ornamented buildings, which was established in the early stage when Buddhism was first introduced to Korea, still continues today.
A temple is a unified premises consisting of a prayer section for laypeople and a monastic section for resident monks. According to Mahayana tradition, the prayer section requires a number of buildings for various objects of worship (Buddhas, bodhisattvas, and other deities), and under the tradition of ascetic living, the monastic quarters need multiple buildings, some for eating and sleeping and others for practicing the faith. This is the reason Korean Buddhist temples consist of so many independent buildings. Accordingly, although it is important to make each building impressive, the relationship between buildings within a temple complex has even great significance. Architectural concerns such as the integration and separation of the prayer and monastic sections, the hierarchical distinctions between buildings dedicated to Buddhas and those for subordinate deities, and the association between the interior spaces within buildings and outside spaces between buildings are truly complex issues that are governed by the religious and sectarian tradition of each temple.
Buildings and Structural Elements
Contrary to the European tradition in which materials and building techniques clearly differed between religious and secular structures, Korean Buddhist architecture is not significantly different from that of administrative buildings or common residences. Ancient temples in Egypt and medieval churches in Europe are exquisite, imposing stone edifices, which contrast with ordinary residences made of wood. Korean Buddhist structures, on the other hand, were wooden buildings just like ordinary houses. Construction techniques that were developed for Buddhist architecture were also applied to secular buildings and the technological gap between the two remained narrow. Accordingly, in the Korean architectural tradition, the plan and construction of Buddhist architecture represent characteristics of Korean architecture in general.
The main parts of a building are the stone base, the timber column-and-beam skeleton, and the heavy pitched roof with overhanging eaves. Once a site is selected, the ground is rammed hard and the stone foundation is laid. This platform functions as the support for a row of columns and keeps the wooden structure from rotting due to infiltration of ground moisture into the wooden structure. The corners of the foundation are reinforced with stones, bricks, or tiles. Such stone bases with elaborate facings were generally used for Buddhist structures.
The wooden structure of Korean buildings is composed of framing with vertical columns and horizontal beams. The heavy weight of the roof is transmitted to the beams which in turn distribute the load to the columns and the ground. The columns are connected by lintels which together frame the walls. Spaces within the framework are filled with clay or wood to form a wall or are fitted with windows or doors to provide light and access. For windows and doors of Buddhist structures, a wooden frame decorated with carved floral patterns is covered with translucent Korean paper. Such windows and doors function as barriers that allows air to pass while reducing the effects of cold and heat from outside.
Brackets—supporting elements that are both functional and decorative—are placed on top of the column heads below the eaves. On the brackets are small columns that form a frame for the roof. Rafters of about ten centimeters in diameter are densely laid on the roof-frame to make a sloping roof. The roof is finished by laying tiles on its inclined surfaces. The roof tiles are a type of fired earthenware that make the entire building structurally stable by compressing the frame with their heavy weight while also protecting the building from rain and snow. Korean roof tiles come in convex and concave pairs. Concave tiles are shaped like a quarter cylinder and convex tiles are semicircular in profile. Concave tiles are laid first while convex tiles are placed across the joints between the concave tiles, affording perfect waterproofing for the roof. Specially manufactured roof tile ends are used along the edge of the eaves. Concave and convex roof tile ends are all attached with angled sides so that rainwater can be channeled away from the building. The angled sides of the roof tile ends are decorated. On Buddhist structures, decorative designs that symbolize Buddhism, such as the lotus and phoenix, were stamped on the angled sides. On the peak of the roof, large ornamental tiles called chimi 鴟尾 in Korean crowned the ends of the main roof ridge. This special type of roof tile resembles the tail of an imaginary fish or wings of a bird.
Korean wooden structures were extremely vulnerable to fire. Most were destroyed during war or by accidental fires. Although some buildings have been rebuilt, it is difficult to restore them to their original state. Once they catch fire, major structural components such as columns and beams burn quickly and the whole building collapses. Only the foundation and its stone or clay facing remain along with the roof tiles. Much of the original structure of many European buildings ruined in wars or by fire remain standing for extraordinarily long periods of time because they were made of stone, but the remains of ruined Korean structures are flattened, as can be witnessed at many historic sites. Most artifacts excavated from such ruins are roof tiles, which are fire-resistant. Roof tile ends decorated with exquisitely impressed designs have been discovered in large numbers and displayed in museums.
Unlike wooden buildings in Europe, Korean wooden buildings have long extended eaves in delicately curved lines, which are very impressive. These cantilevered eaves project out from the beams that support the rafters. A special system called gongpo 栱包 (wooden bracket system used to support the heavy tiled roofs at the ends of the eaves) was devised to make the eaves extend in a beautifully curved line. Placed between the heads of the columns and the roof frame, the gongpo disperses the weight to the beams and columns by transmitting the vertical load from the rafters. Elaborate multi-cluster wooden brackets on the heads of the columns create a single structure themselves, which is the most characteristic of all exterior components of Korean structures. Gongpo are also important ornamental components often bearing carved lotus and cloud designs.
At the center of the interior space, Buddhist images are enshrined on top of a wooden altar. This altar is also called the sumidan 須彌壇 as it symbolizes Mount Sumeru, which is regarded as the center of the Buddhist universe. On the ceiling directly above the sumidan hangs a separate house-shaped canopy called a datjip 닫집 in Korean, which serves as a roof for the Buddhist statues enshrined on the altar. The interior of the datjip is filled with sculptures in the shape of a dragon, phoenix, and clouds to represent Buddhist heaven. Buddhist architecture does not divide the interior of a building into compartments but treats it as a single space.
The walls and ceiling are adorned with painted images of Buddha, heavenly beings, and various symbolic motifs such as lotuses. This was meant by the Koreans to create a splendid and magnificent Buddhist paradise. The five basic colors used in Korean architecture are red, yellow, blue, black, and white. The coloring technique is systematic and follows a specific set of rules. In addition to serving as interior and exterior decoration, applied paint protects the wooden building against rotting.
Relationship between Image Halls and Pagodas
Cave temples and stupas are archetypes of early Buddhist architecture. Caves were natural places for monks who had entered the Buddhist priesthood to practice austerity, and stupas were places for lay devotees to pray. Originally, the stupa, which means “burial mound for enlightened beings” in Sanskrit, was a mound that enshrined relics of the Buddha Shakyamuni and was worshiped as the symbol of the Buddha. China received the tradition of the stupa in the form of the high-storied building from India through Central Asia. Chinese pagodas were mainly built with bricks, but in Korea stone was the preferred material for constructing pagodas. Although both wooden and brick pagodas were also constructed in Korea, most Korean pagodas were built from stone and represent an architectural type distinguishable from the Chinese brick pagodas and Japanese counterparts made of wood.
Cave temples were developed on the Deccan Plateau in India. The earliest examples were created by cutting into sandstone rock to create spaces for Buddhist monks to stay. As visits to monks by lay devotees increased over time, caves for worship were also created, promoting the development of cave temple complexes. In regions where Buddhism spread, constructing a cave temple was regarded as the greatest way of accumulating merit. It soon created an international boom for hollowing out cave temples. This architectural form developed in Ajanta and Nashik in India, spread through Bamiyan and Kizil in Central Asia, and traveled to China, where the cave temples of Dunhuang 敦煌 and Yungang 雲崗 were built. Korea, too, aspired to construct cave temples after Buddhism was first introduced to the peninsula. However, the major rock type which covers the land surface of Korea is granite, which is too hard to cut into. In India and China, cave temples were comparatively easy to construct because the bedrock was much softer limestone, sandstone, and mudstone. Seokguram Grotto 石窟庵, the representative example of Korean cave temples, constructed in the eighth century, is in fact a stone chamber artificially built with stone and covered with a dome.
Although many cave temples were built, most temples were free-standing complexes with proper monks’ quarters. Also, at the initial stage, worship of Buddhist images was not yet introduced, and the stupa was the sole object of devotion. Around the second century BCE, Buddhist statues in the form of human figures appeared in the Gandhara and Mathura regions of India, and such statues became established as objects of worship. It was only natural that Buddhist statues in realistic human form eventually replaced the abstract symbol of the stupa as the central object of worship. This led to the need for the construction of a new building to enshrine Buddhist statues. Because Buddhist sculptures are covered in very expensive gilding, the image hall came to be called the “golden hall.”
The image hall itself became an object of worship because of the Buddhist statues enshrined within. The pagoda standing outside the image hall continued to be an object for a different, more abstract worship. Accordingly, ancient temples comprised an image hall and pagoda together, and the architectural form of the Buddhist temple complex was determined entirely by the relationship between the image hall and the pagoda.
Each of the ancient kingdoms of Korea had its own architectural layout for temples. For example, the architectural type of Goguryeo was “one pagoda, three image halls,” with one pagoda surrounded by image halls on three sides. Baekje adopted the “one pagoda and one image hall” model in which a pagoda, image hall, and lecture hall were placed along a shared axis. In Silla, the “twin pagodas” type, in which two pagodas were located in front of the image hall, was preferred.
Around the tenth century, the Seon School (Kr. Seonjong 禪宗), or Meditation School, was introduced to the Korean peninsula. It was received with enthusiasm by the Korean Buddhist community and was established as the major sect of Korean Buddhism going forward. The Seon School rejected existing icons and freed itself from the existing architectural patterns. Stupa worship, or the “cult of relics,” began to weaken, and this naturally made the pagoda lose importance. Buddhist pagodas became smaller in size and were pushed to the periphery of temple compounds away from the center. Temples without pagodas that have only an image hall quickly became the mainstream model.
Diversity in Architectural Forms
Religious architecture in Europe focuses upon the building itself. That is, architecture is a shrine or a church. Buddhist architecture in Korea, on the other hand, is a set of buildings, where a building functions like a single room. For example, the Pantheon in Rome is a religious building and also a piece of religious architecture that enshrines gods. A Buddhist temple in Korea has as few as five and as many as sixty buildings and all these together are considered one architectural whole. The relationship between the buildings and their orientation to the natural topography are essential architectural characteristics. In other words, Korean architecture can be defined as a relationship between buildings and topography rather than as a building itself. This relationship can be considered as an architectural layout or plan. It has taken on diverse forms for a number of reasons, such as when the temple was founded, where the temple is situated, and the sect and religious lineage to which the temple belongs.
Temples founded in ancient times followed strict standards because they were built mostly in capital cities with state support. The “one pagoda, three image halls,” “one pagoda and one image hall,” and “twin pagodas” layouts mentioned earlier are representative architectural plans of ancient temples. These three types all share a common feature in that the perimeter was surrounded by long cloisters forming a border with neighboring sites, which was entirely appropriate for an urban setting. Cloisters composed of a line of buildings make sense due to the flat topographical conditions of a city, enabling temples to be built in standard form.
After the medieval period—particularly during the Joseon period when Buddhism was suppressed—Buddhist temples in the cities were demolished by force and disappeared. Only those deep in the mountains survived. Generous contributions from powerful elites were no longer provided and temples faced financial hardship. Accordingly, inefficient structures like long cloisters disappeared and instead freer architectural arrangements better suited to the irregular, mountainous topography developed. Although the buildings of new temples were generally smaller than those of the past, their number increased to accommodate the beliefs of various schools of Buddhism. The architecture of syncretic Buddhism was more suitable for sloping terrain. Breaking away from geometric layouts, a more organic plan came into being and became the established tradition of Buddhist architecture of Korea.
By the early ninth century, five important sects of Buddhism had been established in Korea. Afterward, Seon Buddhism was introduced in the late ninth and tenth centuries and nine core schools of Seon Buddhism emerged. During the Goryeo 高麗 period (918–1392), when Buddhism was the state religion, the religion reached its apex and some twenty sects flourished. In the thirteenth century, Lamaism, a form of Esoteric Buddhism, was introduced to Korea from Yuan 元 (1279–1368) China. Each of these sects had its own scriptures and teachings, its own main Buddha, and its own view of the universe. It was only natural that the architectural models, which symbolize spiritual principles, should differ among the various types of Buddhism.
For example, temples associated with the Pure Land School, which emphasized a belief in a Buddhist paradise (or Buddha land 佛國土), created an architectural form centered on the external space surrounded by buildings. The inner courtyard of the temple itself was regarded as a representation of the Western Paradise. Temples associated with the Dharma-Character School (Kr. Beopsang jong, Ch. Faxiang zong 法相宗), which promoted Buddhist precepts in religious practice, adopted a strict arrangement of gate-pagoda-stone lantern-image hall-Buddhist statues on a shared axis. Seon temples, on the other hand, were free from such specific constraints. Some were of unprecedented architectural layout with two pagodas placed both in front and behind the image hall. Some followed no architectural pattern at all.
Temples of the Doctrinal School (Kr. Gyojong 敎宗) took a different stance. While temples associated with the Doctrinal School regarded image and lecture halls as important locations for worship and for studying sutras, respectively, Seon emphasized mediation rooms and monks’ living quarters as spaces for religious practice and therefore constructed monastery buildings with spaces for such activities. As advocates for the Doctrinal School and Esoteric Buddhism tend to decorate temples magnificently, they emphasized color and decorative designs. Seon Buddhism, in contrast, regarded all decoration as nothing but emptiness, and emphasized extremely minimal ornament.
The Korean peninsula is small in size with a land area of only 220,000 square kilometers. Its topography is folded into many mountains and valleys, both large and small, making communications between regions difficult and thereby allowing folk cultures peculiar to each region to develop. In particular, the traditions of the Three Kingdoms that coexisted in the early centuries of the development of Buddhism persisted as cultural differences in later history. For example, many buildings in the region of the former Baekje kingdom, which has vast plains, sprawl horizontally, while many of those in the mountainous region of the former Silla kingdom are very vertical.
This discussion has shown that the diversity found in Korean Buddhist architecture developed through the ages, influenced by topography, religious schools, and regional traditions. Although relatively few Buddhist temples remain today, each extant example has unique architectural characteristics resulting from this complex matrix of factors.
* This essay is adapted from a text first published in English by Kim Bongryol in the exhibition catalogue The Smile of Buddha: 1600 Years of Buddhist Art in Korea (Brussels: Bozarbooks and Bai, 2008), 89–99. The publication of the current version has been coordinated by Lee Jae-jeong and Yang Sumi at the National Museum of Korea. It was edited by Keith Wilson and Sunwoo Hwang at the Smithsonian’s National Museum of Asian Art. The copyright belongs to Bozarbooks and Bai, Brussels.
Astronomy and mathematics in ancient China: The Zhou bi suan jing
by
Christopher Cullen, Cambridge University Press 1996.
Traditional Chinese Architecture: Twelve Essays
Fu Xinian Edited by Nancy S. Steinhardt Translated by Alexandra Harrer Series: Princeton-China Series Copyright Date: 2017 Published by: Princeton University Press https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt21668kt Pages: 448
Octagonal buildings in ancient Korea were mostly constructed in the likeness of Buddhist pagodas that emerged during the Goguryeo era. The ancient Chinese books of Jiuzhang Suanshu and Yingzao Fashi confirm that, in constructing Fogongsi’s Yingxian Wooden Pagoda, the ancients could not design a full-form regular octagonal plan in the pre-seventeenth century before the introduction of Western mathematics. Eight-cornered monuments in Japan and Korea faced the same challenge. Thus, this study examines the acceptance and limitations of adapting octagonal drawing methods in Korean architecture from Chinese and Western mathematics. It conducts comparative studies of architectural and mathematical history in pre-modern and modern times. It reveals that field carpenters applied Yingzao Fashi’s formula in constructing an octagon via a square’s diagonal ratio. Further, the Western method of constructing regular octagons was introduced to the Korean Peninsula in the eighteenth century but was not utilized at work sites. Ultimately, the concepts in mathematics texts had a certain influence on the formative beauty of wooden constructions.
Notes
1 In East Asia, there is a belief that the Sinhalese “dagoba” gradually became “pagoda,” though this derivation is subject to debate. Liang Sicheng contends that the term originates from the “ba jiao ta” 八角塔 (eight-cornered tower) because “ba jiao ta” might have been read as “pa go da” during the Tang Dynasty. The term “pagoda” became the accepted name for such monuments in European languages. In the southern region of China, in particular, the pronunciation of “ba jiao ta” was “pa-chiao-t’a” or “pa-go-ta” (Liang Citation1984). However, Liang was unaware that many eight-cornered towers or pagodas already existed in ritual shrines and have since been excavated in the Jilin Hwando 丸都 (Wandu, ch.) Mountain Fortresses, Gyeongju Najeong Well 蘿井, and Mingtang 明堂 (luminous hall) of Empress Wu from the Goguryeo and Silla period. Alternatively, the Dravidian term pagoda/pagavadi was derived from the Sanskrit bhagavadi (goddess, especially in reference to Kali) or the Persian butkada (temple) (Kim Citation2011, 116).
2 Under Japanese rule, Yoneda Miyoji analyzed the octagonal schematics of the Seokguram Grotto constructed in the eighth century and the ground plans of Goguryeo octagonal wooden pagodas from the fifth century. He also began examining Goguryeo’s octagonal building sites and noticed eight additional octagonal buildings for other purposes.
3 The mathematical books include Jiuzhang Suanshu Lizhu, annotated by Guo Shuchun, and Zhoubi Suanjing Lizhu, annotated by Chen Zhenyi and Wen Renjun.
4 The mathematical treatise comprises 13 books attributed to the ancient Greek mathematician Euclid.
5 Given Euclidean principles, it is impossible to draw a regular full-formed octagon with a non-scaled ruler and a compass.
6 In addition to the wooden construction, China also has a budo (small stone grave for housing the sarira or relics of a senior monk), a pagoda, and a building made of painted stone, judged to be of an early period. For example, regarding eight-sided votive pagodas in the northern Liang period (397–439) or the Dunhuang Grotto, there are eight-angled buildings with a polygonal plan within the Amitabha’s Paradise tableau (Amituo) in the north wall in Mogao Cave 107 and above a preaching scene of the Utmost-Superior-Dharani-of-the Buddha-Topknot’s tableau (Fuding Zunsheng Tuoluoni) centered on the south wall in Mogao Cave 217.
7 It is known that Matteo Ricci (1552–1610), along with Xu Guangqi (1562 ~ 1633) published the Jihe yuanben幾何原本 (Elements of Geometry 1607) by translating Euclid’s Elements, a mathematical treatise consisting of thirteenth books attributed to the ancient Greek mathematician Euclid.
8 The construction of the Foxiangge Pavilion, inspired by the Huanghelou 黃鶴樓 (Yellow Crane Tower) under Qianlong (r.1735–1796), is located at the center of the front hill of Wanshoushan 萬壽山 (Longevity Mountain). It was rebuilt by Cixi 慈禧太后 (1835–1908) in 1891 after it was destroyed by Anglo–French allied forces during the Second Opium War in 1860. It was reconstructed again by Cixi in 1903 after it was devastated a second time by European forces during the Boxer Rebellion in 1900 (Steinhardt Citation2019, 305–306). In 1987, a building survey of the Foxiangge Pavilion found that most of the wooden structures were seriously damaged, including missing decorative parts and roof tiles on the first floor. The brick joints also appeared to have wide cracks. In July 1988, large-scale repair work started after the Summer Palace Management Office 頤和園管理處reported a comprehensive repair plan approved by the Municipal Garden Bureau 市園林局, which was finished on September 13, 1989. (http://www.bjmacp.gov.cn/cn/spec/pastdiscovered/viewinfo.aspx?tabid=300907&iid=90&categoryid=100007, accessed on January 10, 2021)
9 A recent study arithmetically proves that the octagonal drawing method of the Yingzao Fashi applies the ratio of 5:12.07:13.07; thus, it is not considered a perfect regular octagon (Zhang, Yang, and Xiao Citation2018, 98). Even in the case of the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda, the calculations of the measured drawings show that it does not have an equilateral octagonal plan (Chen Citation1981, 72–80).
10 In addition to Yumedomo Hall, the Octagonal Hall at Eizan-ji Temple 栄山寺 八角堂 (763–764) has a length of 10.78 chi (3266 mm, 1 chi = 30.3 cm) on one side of each octagon and is defined as a building with an equilateral octagonal plan because all sides have the same length.
11 The archaeological remains at Toseongri and Sangori Villages (fifth century) have no cornerstones or internal rows in the foundation. These octagonal shapes are more inaccurate than other building sites because most cornerstones are lost; however, a few remain. Such anonymous sites were excluded from this study [Figure 13 and Figure 14].
12 Yoneda analyzed the octagonal building site in Cheongamri Village and identified two ways of making an octagonal plan. These methods were derived from the ceiling structure of Goguryeo burial mounds. The first method was to initiate a gradual reduction by rounding off the edges forming one half of a square. The second was to divide one side into three parts in a square, reducing it to eight angles. Thus, Yoneda considered the construction of an octagonal building on the temple site from a square-based octagon and, consequently, considered the main building at the Cheongamri site as based on a regular square-based octagonal plan. It is very reasonable to draw the octagon by making two points on one side of a square. However, considering the inscribed circle of the square, the length of the two sides of the isosceles triangle at each corner, excluding the diagonal, is too large to produce a regular octagon [Figure 12].
13 Assumedly, it has an octagonal plan on a platform; only the foundation remains are visible on the inner platform, while the rows of cornerstones are invisible. Further, the inner (outer) angle of the octagonal surface on the outermost rain gutter side is 135° (45°).
14 Chinese reports and recent research papers define octagonal buildings as square octagonal plans.
15 Although no column bases remain on the building site, the foundation remains, and the traces of platform siding have been maintained in relatively good condition.
16 In the actual measurement report, it was not described as an octagon since there are no cornerstones; only the approximate distance between the columns was described.
17 This temple site was named Heungnyunsa Temple when the Japanese surveyed the Silla era temples in Gyeongju in the 1910s. In 1976, however, tiles with the characters “xxx廟之寺” pressed into them were found there, and questions about the location of Heungnyunsa and Yeongmyosa were raised as soon as roof tiles with the name of Yeongmyosa engraved on them were found. Consequently, the name of the temple site was restored to Yeongmyosa Monastery 靈廟寺, not Heungnyunsa, which was built when Silla was under the reign of Queen Seondeok (r. 632–647). The Yeongmyosa Monastery site was investigated in test excavations in 1972 and 1977 and between 1978 and 1981, following the conclusion of the tests. Heungnyunsa 興輪寺 was the first Buddhist monastery ever established in Silla.
18 The first construction layout consisted of one pagoda and two halls arranged to the north and south of the pagoda respectively. In time, the temple fell into ruin and was then wholly reconstructed during the Unified Silla period (668–935 CE).
19 As per the Precision Measurement Survey Report on the Hwangudan, there are various dimensions between each column; however, an equilateral octagonal plan is considered by default.
20 Kim states that the method of dividing a regular quadrilateral in the octagonal drawing method is currently used by carpenters in the field. The same method is used when constructing a round purlin. In his writings, the term “regular octagon” is not used.
21 Regarding Korea, the Jiuzhang Suanshu and Zhoubi suanjing were recorded in Samguk Sagi 三國史記 (History of the Three Kingdoms) during the Unified Silla period in the middle of the seventh century. However, given the previous system, laws and ordinances, and astronomical systems, they may have been transmitted to the Baekje and Goguryeo dynasties in the fourth to fifth centuries. Moreover, in Japan, an arithmetic system similar to that in China was recorded in the Nihon Shoji in the sixth century.
22 They refer to the classical mathematical books from the Chinese Han Dynasty to the early Qing Dynasty as the official mathematical texts for imperial examinations in mathematics, as follows: Zhoubi suanjing (Zhou Shadow Mathematical Classic), Jiuzhang Suanshu 九章算術 (The Nine Chapters on the Mathematical Art), Haidao Suanjing 海島算經 (The Sea Island Mathematical Classic), Sunzi suanjing 孙子算經 (The Mathematical Classic of Sun Zi), Zhang Qiujian suanjing 張邱建算經 (The Mathematical Classic of Zhang Qiujian), Wucao suanjing 五曹算經 (Computational Canon of the Five Administrative Sections), Xiahou Yang suanjing 夏侯陽算經 (The Mathematical Classic of Yang Xiahou), Wujing suanshu 五經筭術 (Computational Prescriptions of the Five Classics), Jigu suanjing 緝古筭經 (Continuation of Ancient Mathematical Classic of Wang Xiaotong), and Zhui shu 綴述 (Method of Interpolation of Zu Chongzhi)
23 Xu likewise proved in Celiang yitong 測量異同 (Similarities and Differences in Measurement 1608) and Gougu yi 句股義 (Principle of Base and Altitude 1609) that Chinese gougu surveying bore theoretical, methodological, and instrumental similarities and differences with Western geometric-square surveying (Hashimoto and Jami Citation2001, 268).
24 Many studies have shown that the contents of the Jihe yuangben stem from lecture notes written by the French Jesuits Jean-François Gerbillon (1654–1707) and Joachim Bouvet (1656–1730). They do not refer to the fact that the first Chinese version of Euclid’s Elements bore the same Chinese title, the Jihe yuangben (1607). It was translated by Matteo Ricci (1552–1610) and Xu Guangqi 徐光啟 (1562–1633) (Ju et al. Citation2016, 111).
25 The Shuli jingyun describes the six-sided figure inscribed in a circle, the four-sided inscribed in a circle, the six-sided circumscribed in a circle, and the four-sided circumscribed in a circle.
26 There is evidence of proportional compasses provided by Fabrizio Mordente (1532–1608) and Thomas Hood (d. 1598) even earlier than Galileo, but these geometric instruments had functional operations inferior to the Galilean compass. (Pisano and Bussotti Citation2015, 213)
27 Fang met Adam Schall von Bell in 1659 in Beijing and satisfied his great desire of studying Western mathematics under the Polish Jesuit Johannes Nickolaus Smogulecki (1610–1656).
28 Korean scholars referred to the Xiyang xinfa lishu 西洋新法曆書 (Treatise on Calendrical Science 1645), later re-edited with the title, the Xinfa suanshu 新法算書 (New Methods in Mathematics 1666), and the Tianxue chuhan 天學初函 (First Collection of Writings on Heavenly Learning, 1626) (Jun Citation2006, 482–483).
29 Although Korean mathematics borrows from ancient China, it did not change with Chinese mathematics trend since the seventeenth century. Paradoxically, Korean mathematics developed, while Chinese mathematics declined during King Sejong’s regime (r. 1418–50).
30 According to the introductory (Qujingwei) section of the Yingzao Fashi by Li Jie (?–1110), the preliminary mathematical explanations end with an explicit quotation from Li Chunfeng’s commentary on the Jiuzhang suanjing “營造法式,取經圍: 九章算術及約斜長等密率修立下條. 諸徑圍斜長依下頂.”
31 Mathematical ideas in Korea mirror the basic ideas of ancient China, and it is necessary to refer to the systematic arithmetical ideas in the Lulizhi of Hanshu 漢書 to precisely ascertain them. Lulizhi 律歷志 (Treatise on Harmonics and Calendrics) says “The counting of numbers fits well with all things in the universe 萬物氣體之數, 天下之能事畢矣.” In this case, the basic propositions integrate the tune音律, the astronomical calendar 曆法, the art of divination 易數, and the weights and measures 度量衡. That is, the basic scales and mathematical systems of ancient architecture are indirectly included in this scope.
32 The Korean Mathematical History explains geometrical constructions in art crafts and architecture and the Yin-Yang and Five Element thought in the architectural plan, metrological system, and scale, revealing a close rapport with the logic of mathematics.
Application of and Changes in Construction Principles and Joint Methods in the Wooden Architecture of the Joseon Era: A Case Study on the Sungnyemun Gate in Seoul.
Reconsidering a proportional system of timber-frame structures through ancient mathematics books: a case study on the Muryangsujŏn Hall at Pusŏksa Buddhist Monastery.
Wang, N. 2017a. “Xiangtianfade, Guijufangyuan [The Principle of Modelling Heaven and Earth, the Rules of Square and circle],” Jianzhushi [Architectural History]. Vol. 2. Beijing: Tsinghua University Press, 77–125. Google Scholar
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The Architecture and Sacred Temple Geometry of Japanese Buddhist Temples
Key Terms
Japanese Architecture
Japanese Temple Architecture
Japanese Traditional Mathematics
Wasan
Japanese Buddhist Temples
Pagodas
Stupa
Chorten
Wayō, Daibutsuyō, Zenshūyō, Setchūyō
Sangaku
Fukagawa Hidetoshi
Tony Rothman
Don Pedoe
J. Rigby
Pagoda, ta, mandala, Sumeru, Yicihui pillar, Yongningsi, Songyuesi
Diagram of a Gorinto
Hokyointo Pagoda
Tahoto Pagoda
Sotobo
Square
Circle
Regular Polyhedra
Cube, Sphere, Pyramid, SemiSphere, Chintamani
Earth, Water, Fire, Air, Universe
Plato and Aristotle
Shingon, Kukai, 5 Stories, Circle
Tendai, Saicho, 3 stories, Square
Diamond World, Matrix World
Adrian Snodgrass
Tracy Miller
Gojunoto
The Architecture of Japanese Buddhist Temples
December 19, 2021
Natalie Solari
Overview:
This exhibition takes a closer look at the main buildings of five Japanese Temple Complexes. Temples are the places of worship in Japanese Buddhism, and are also used to display sacred Buddhist objects. It is believed that Buddhist images could have been brought to Japan as early as 522 (Beguin). Japanese Buddhism has made an abundant impact on Japanese culture and continues to influence society today. The architectural elements of Buddhist temples are meant to embody themes and teachings of Buddhism.
Most Buddhist temples in Japan are designed around four main architectural styles: Wayō, Daibutsuyō, Zenshūyō, and Setchūyō. Temples designed in the wayō style take a minimalistic approach to architecture. Natural timber and generally plain materials are used. Wayō architecture was made during the Heian period, between 794 CE and 1185 CE. Typically these structures feature thin columns and a low ceiling. A beam is run through the columns to reinforce the top parts of columns. The wayō style emphasizes more Japanese-style architecture than the features of Chinese-style architecture. Inside the structures inner space divisions are fluid, many feature screens and thin. A true connection is meant to be felt between the interior and exterior of the building.
In the late 12th and early 13th century CE, a more monumental style emerged. The daibutsuyō style was based on Song Dynasty architecture. Daibutsuyō style architecture is characterized by thick woodwork and penetrating tie beams. The ends of the penetrating tie beams are decorated with moldings also known as ‘kurigata’. The thick woodwork of the structure is typically left exposed to show its elements. This style takes a grander approach than the wayō style. Daibutsuyō style architecture utilizes horizontal elements.
Zenshūyō is another style that emerged in the late 12th or early 13th century CE. Zenshūyō style temples are based on contemporary Chinese architecture derived from the Song Dynasty. The style is named after the Zen sect of Buddhism that was introduced to Japan. These temples typically incorporate earthen floors, decorative curved pent roofs, pointed windows, and paneled doors. Slim columns and low ceilings are used to create calming spaces for meditating.The complexes have a generally linear layout. Kōzan-ji’s butsuden is the oldest extant building in the Zenshūyō style in Japan.
The last style of temple architecture incorporates a fusion of elements from the three other styles. This style was called setchūyō, and was used during the Muromachi period. By the end of the Muromachi period, Japanese Buddhist architecture and construction methods had been perfected and building types were conventionalized.
Although the temples are designed around a few different styles, there are some key features that distinguish these Japanese Buddhist temples. Characteristics of most Japanese Temples include post and lintel support, a gentle curved roof, and thin walls. The use of a single central pillar or column. embodies the Axis Mundi of Buddhism. Having the cardinal directions reflected through the structure is important. The most prominent examples of the iconic form are represented in Pagodas and Indian Stupas. Many of these temples are incorporated into complexes with several other structures that include a main hall, a pagoda, and other facilities for prayer and meditation. Many of these temple complexes are surrounded by a large wall and gates. Entering the complex is supposed to feel like a journey through meditation. These spaces are intended to evoke feelings of peace.
Description: The Phoenix Hall is the main hall at Byodo-in temple. Phoenix Hall was established in 1053 CE, in the late Heian period. The hall houses the Shrine of the Buddha Amida. Phoenix Hall is an example of Wayo architecture as well as shinden-zukuri, the style of Japanese nobility’s residences. Phoenix Hall incorporates unique architecture which consists of the main corridor, left and right wing corridors, and a tall corridor. The shape of the building resembles the body and spreading wings of the Phoenix. Its main corridor faces south to bring in sunlight and opens on to the pond of a beautiful garden. A Pure Land style garden is centered around the Ajino-ike Pond, that reflects the architecture of the structure. A true connection is felt between the interior and exterior of the hall.
The central corridor is topped by a hip-and-gable roof and also features a pent roof enclosure. Hip-and-gable roofs are characterized by a rounded hip roof that cascades down on all sides, and a triangular gable at each end. Two phoenix statues are positioned on top of the roof. The stairs leading to the main entrance are made of marble, but the structure of the hall is made of wood. The doors and walls are decorated by richly colored paintings, and the ceiling and pillars are also covered with colorful patterns. The brightly colored exterior clashes with the minimalistic Wayō style, but the gentle lines of the exterior and openness of the interior hold on to its values.
The Great Buddha Hall atTodai-ji temple complex displays the grand features of the daibutsuyō architectural style. The Great Buddha hall houses the world’s largest bronze Buddha Vairocana statue. This Buddhist temple complex was once one of the powerful Seven Great Temples. Two towering guardians sit on top of the massive entryway of the temple, protecting the great Buddha. The great architects of Todaiji temple complex developed the Yakushiji axial plan with paired pagodas into one of greater complexity (Ikeuchi 2007). The hall was erected in the early 8th century CE, and later reconstructed in 1709. The Great Buddha hall was built at a very large scale, displaying the power and prestige of the imperial house of Japan. Columns are arrayed throughout the rectangular base to represent universal order. Many horizontal braces are run through vertical posts called Nuki to make the structure solid.
As a daibutsuyō style hall, structural elements are left exposed without the covering of a ceiling as decoration. The vast structure is made entirely of wood, commonly seen in Japanese architecture. Building structures out of wood was seen as a way to celebrate life. A gently sloping roof was used to help blend in the large structure to its natural surroundings. The roof tiles were carefully crafted to channel water to prevent erosion.
Kondô Hall is the main hall of Fudôin Temple. This hall was built in the Zenshūyō architectural style. Kondô at Fudôin is an Important Cultural Property, as one of the few remaining historic structures in Hiroshima. After careful studies of historic documents and writing found on the ceilings, it is believed that Kondô Hall was originally built in Yamaguchi in 1540 at the site of Koshakuji Temple. The Kondô Hall was later relocated to its current location in Hiroshima when Ekei expanded the temple. The structure miraculously survived the atomic bomb drop in 1945 on the city. Kondô Hall is the only National Treasure in Hiroshima City. The structure features massive beams, the longest being over 7 meters (Davies). Kondô Hall has a irimoya, a unique combination of gable and hip roof with a mokoshi (an extra roof). The grand roof casts shadows on the ground below, adding to the sacred atmosphere. Oversized eaves give the interior a characteristic dimness, which contributes to the temple’s sacred atmosphere. Paintings of angels and dragons fill the ceilings. This structure appears less conspicuous and more meditative than the other styles of architecture. This structure houses the statue of Yakushi Nyorai, also known as the Medicine Buddha. The statue was carved by the pioneer sculptor Jocho, who was a famous Japanese sculptor in the early 11th century.
Title: Temple of Golden Pavilion Kinkaku-ji Category: Japanese Buddhist Architecture Architectural style: Setchūyō Location: Kyoto, Japan Author Name: Ondraness Medium: image/jpeg Date of Creation: 9 September 2019 Dimensions: 5,312 × 2,988 pixels Image Link:https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Golden_pavilion,_Kinkakuji.jpg
Description: Kinkaku-ji is located on the Rokuon-ji temple complex. This Japanese Buddhist temple exhibits the Setchūyō architectural style used to design Japanese Buddhist temples. Setchūyō emerged in Japan during the Muromachi period, characterized by the fusion of elements from preceding styles. Buddhist temples in Japan follow a general structure of columns and lintels that support a large and gently curved roof. Kinkaku-ji is known for its gold leaf exteriors of the upper two floors. In Pure Land Buddhism gold represents spiritual purity which is reflected through the structure.
Each level of the temple incorporates a different style of architecture. Shiden style is displayed on the first floor, an open space decorated with natural wood pillars and white plaster. This floor emphasises the surrounding landscape and garden design. The second floor of the temple embodies the style used in samurai residences. Paintings of birds, clouds, and instruments cover the ceilings and walls. The third and final floor is built in the style of a Chinese Zen Hall, with lavish decoration. The sacred relics of the Buddha are kept in this sacred space. A large thatched pyramid roof covers the structure. The temple is topped with a bronze phoenix ornament.
Kakurin-ji Temple is the 20th temple of the Shikoku Ohenro Pilgrimage. Kakurin-ji is incredibly difficult to reach due to its location at the top of a steep mountain. Sitting at 550 meters elevation, the temple is the 5th highest structure on the pilgrimage route. The Main Hall at Kakurin-ji Temple embodies the Setchūyō architectural style used to design Japanese Buddhist temples. The Main Hall, which was named a National Treasure of Japan, was built in 1397. The Main Hall was designed with the East Asian hip-and-gable roof, the structure stands tall off the ground and appears to float. The roof is a bold feature of the structure. With the location high on a mountain and the unique architecture a sacred Buddhist space is created. A beautiful three-storey pagoda sits to the right of the Main Hall.
Bibliography:
Images:
Daibutsuden (Great Buddha Hall), Todai-ji temple complex
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“Design Principles of Early Stone Pagodas in Ancient Korean Architecture: Case Studies on the Stone Pagodas at Chongnimsa and Kamunsa Buddhist Temples.”
TRACING THE ORIGIN OF JAPANESE PAGODAS ALONG THE SILK ROAD
Koji Miyazaki Professor Emeritus, Kyoto University, Japan
Archi-Cultural Translations through the Silk Road 2nd International Conference, Mukogawa Women’s Univ., Nishinomiya, Japan, July 14-16, 2012 Proceedings
Japanese Buddhist Architecture mainly includes the architecture of Buddhist temples which was influenced by the architectural styles from China. Earlier, the attempts were to make the Buddhist architecture as original as it was looked in China but gradually the buildings were localized due to the problems posed by local weather and Japanese tastes.
Historical development of Japanese Buddhist Architectures
The development of Japanese Buddhist Architectures can be broadly divided into the following periods
Asuka and Nara Periods
The Buddhism and the Buddhist architecture were literally imported from China via Korea in the 6th century. As the Buddhism was introduced in Japan, the Buddhist temples were started to build in the country but due to the hostile behavior of supporter of the local kami, the buildings were no longer stand by itself and there are no written records of the architectural styles of that period.
But later the Buddhism got its support from the Prince Shotoku. He ordered the construction of Buddhist temple, Shitennoji in Osaka (593) and Horyu-ji near his palace in Ikaruga (603). During this period, the temple layout was strictly prescribed and followed. This act helped to maintain the architectural style uniform. In this period the main gate was constructed facing south and the most sacred area surrounded by a semi-enclosed roofed corridor accessible through a middle gate. The temple complex also contains the main hall with Buddha statue, and pagoda which houses sacred objects. The other structures include a lecture hall, a belfry, a sutra repository, priests and monks quarters and bathhouse.
Nara Period observed quite different architectural development. The temple structures, such as pagodas and main halls, had increased significantly in size. The placement of the pagoda moved to a more peripheral location and the roof bracketing system increased in complexity as roofs grew larger and heavier.
In the 8th century, Kami worship and Buddhism was reconciled and thus shrine-temples were founded to support both groups. This coexistence of Buddhism and Kami worship continued until the Kami and Buddhas Separation Order of 1868.
Heian period
In this period, Buddhism was more localized with addition Japanese elements, local beliefs. With this localization Fujiwara no Michinaga and retired Emperor Shirakawa erected new temples and hence developed Jodo-Kyo architectureand the new Wayo architectural style.
In the early period, Rokushu architectonic traditions were also observed. This style of architecture was developed only in the plains but in mountainous areas, it was an original style. The architectural style was characterized by the simplicity which uses local resources like natural timber.
The architecture includes a main hall which is generally divided into two parts; an outer area for novices and an inner area for initiates. The roof is a hip and gable which covers both the areas. The floor is little raised which is made up of wood.
Kamakura and Muromachi periods
In Kamakura period, Daibutsu style and the Zen style of architectural designemerged. The first style represents the antithesis of the simple and traditional Wayo style while the Zen style characterized as earthen floors, subtly curved pent roofs, cusped windows, and paneled doors.
In Muromachi periods, the above-mentioned style of architecture was often combined to form the new style of architecture, Eclectic style of architecture.
Other notable periods in the history of the development of Japanese Buddhist architecture were Azuchi-Momoyama and Eddo periods, and Meiji period. In these periods the Buddhist architectures were also developed accordingly focusing on the local beliefs and use of local resources.
General features of Japanese Buddhist Architectures
Actually, the architectural styles of Japanese Buddhist buildings were imported from China and various other Asian countries. With time, these architectural styles were localized in order to suit the Japanese tastes, and the local resources and weather.
Japanese architects have used a locally available material, mainly wood in various forms. It is hard to see the buildings that use stones except for certain specific uses as in temple podia and pagoda foundations.
Almost all the buildings share the common general structure: columns and lintels to support a large and gently curved roof. The walls are also paper thin, which is often movable. We can notice that the arches and barrel roofs are completely absent. It is recorded that gable and eave curves are gentler that in China and columnar entasis limited.
The most impressive component of the Japanese Buddhist architecture is the roof. The roof has the slightly curved eaves that extend far beyond the walls, covering verandas. These oversize eaves give the interior a characteristic dimness, which contributes to the temple’s atmosphere. The building normally consists of a single room at the center called Moya.
As it is already mentioned that the inner walls are paper thin and often movable, the room size can be modified as per required. Hence, the large, single space offered by the main hall can, therefore, be altered according to the need.
Sometimes the architecture is shared by both sacred and profane building structures. Therefore, these architectural features made it easy to convert a lay building into the Buddhist temple. The popular Horyu-Ji Buddhist temple in Nara Prefecture is the excellent example. This building was once used to be the mansion for the noblewoman.
At the beginning of the seventeenth century, Tokugawa Ieyasu completed the unification of Japan. His shogunate ruled for more than 250 years and oversaw a period of peace, but with restricted foreign contact. Poetry, music and literature flourished during this time of relative isolation. A unique form of Japanese culture of the period was sangaku — a combination of mathematics and art on votive tablets. Illustrated wooden shingles up to several metres across bearing geometry problems were hung from Shinto shrines and Buddhist temples for public display. Many historical sangaku answers appeared on tablets without proof, perhaps to demonstrate the mathematical prowess of the presenter. And their sacred context remains unclear: the tablets might have been educational or may have signalled gratitude for divine assistance in solving a mathematical problem. Of the thousands of tablets created, only a fraction survive, and they have received scant coverage in histories of Japanese mathematics.
Now Fukagawa Hidetoshi, a mathematics teacher, and writer Tony Rothman present a collection of sangaku problems in their book, Sacred Mathematics. The puzzles range from simple algebra within the grasp of any intermediate-school student, to challenging problems that require graduate-school mathematics to solve. Copious illustrations and many detailed solutions show the scope, complexity and beauty of what was tackled in Japan during the Tokugawa shogunate.
Credit: A. SHINBUN
The book offers a feast for recreational geometers looking for fun new problems, presented and solved in clever ways. Yet the authors give little insight into how these problems were solved at the time, or whether unique Japanese methods were involved. The sangaku figures are mostly redrawn with modern notation, and solutions offered in the compact form of present-day Western mathematics. Illustrating traditional Japanese and modern Western methods side by side would have been instructive. The book thus achieves only limited success in showcasing sangaku as exemplars of a uniquely Japanese style of mathematics, because that style is never elucidated.
Fukagawa and Rothman illuminate the mathematics more than the history and context of the tablets. Citations to mathematical theorems abound, yet references supporting their historical claims are absent. More seriously, the historical commentary reflects a romantic bias that a unique Japanese culture flowered because of its complete isolation. The book states, for instance, that “a unique brand of homegrown mathematics flourished, one that was completely uninfluenced by developments in the western mathematics”. This generalization is historically unsupported, and obstructs an accurate consideration of the interplay of factors that drove the development of Japanese mathematics.
Along similar lines, the authors also dismiss the millennium that preceded the seventeenth century as “a dark age” paralleling that in Europe, during which relatively little was accomplished in mathematics. By ignoring the medieval Islamic world, they fall into the same trap as Eurocentric mathematical historians who focus exclusively on ancient Greece and modern Europe. This omission undermines their discussion of the Chinese foundation of Japanese mathematics. World-leading achievements in mathematics, science and technology — even astronomers from Persia — reached China during the medieval period by the Silk Road and other routes. The book describes in great detail how Seki Takakazu, “Japan’s most celebrated mathematician”, calculated π to 11 digits in the eighteenth century. But it does not mention Jamshid Mas’ud al-Kashi, who determined π correctly to 16 digits some three centuries earlier while residing in Samarkand (in what is now Uzbekistan), one of the most important cities along the Silk Road.
The complex events that followed Japan’s opening to the West after the shogunate’s end in the 1860s are given similarly short shrift. The response of Japanese mathematics to this influx of ideas is dispatched with the glib statement that “resistance was futile”. By quoting a science-fiction character from Star Trek that annihilates everything in its path by assimilation, Fukagawa and Rothman trivialize Japan’s complicated process of reintegration with the international community, and miss the opportunity to shed light on how its early mathematics contributed to Japan’s present-day leadership in science and technology.
Review Sacred Mathematics Japanese Temple Geometry
Although timber is rarely used as a construction material in modern-day China, history tells us that it was used extensively in the past. The Chinese used timber as roofing and flooring material and incorporated timber beams and columns in their structures. The structural system mainly relied on the timber framework as the walls were non-load bearing. This form of construction did not restrict the location of openings in the structure and hence there was more freedom to decide where the windows could be placed, without worrying too much about the safety and stability of the structure. It was deemed essential to paint the framework to prevent the onset of rot in the timber. With time, the painting of the pagodas became an integral part of the Chinese architectural style. Colours are very symbolic in Chinese architecture and are used to mark the importance and function of the structure. The colour yellow is associated with nobility and was used in royal structures. Red and green are considered colours of life.
The origin of the pagodas in China dates back to the period of the advent of Buddhism from India. The pagodas were meant to be religious monuments which preserved holy objects ranging from relics and keepsakes to sacred documents. The Chinese architects integrated the Indian style of constructing stone stupas into the traditional architectural style and came up with a suitable design. The pagodas were tall and symmetric. They were built using different materials- stone, bricks, wood, iron, glazed tiles and occasionally, even gold! They were multi-storeyed with the number of floors always being an odd number. The minimum number of floors was 3 and most of them went up to 9, or even more. At the apex, pagodas were topped with a steeple – a symbol of the power of heaven. There are some speculations as to why the pagodas always had many storeys, which I have mentioned below.
Among the religious buildings in China, I am most enchanted by their pagodas, particularly the Yingxian Pagoda which also goes by the name of Sakyamuni. This used to be the tallest wooden pagoda in the world until 2007, when the construction of the Tianning pagoda (Changzou temple) was completed. The Sakyamuni Pagoda is about 67.31m in height, while the one at Changzou is more than two times taller (153.79m).
Housed in the Fogong Temple, the Sakyamuni pagoda was constructed in 1056 A.D. during the reign of the Liao Dynasty. The pagoda is erected on a stone platform measuring 4 metres in height. The pagoda itself is built entirely out of wood obtained from the Xingan larch trees that were found in abundance in Northern China. When you look at the Sakyamuni pagoda from outside, it appears to be a 5 storeyed structure; although in reality it is 9 storeys high. This is because the four mezzanine layers are concealed within the five outer storeys. The ground floor is topped by two tiers of eaves.
A model of the Sakyamuni pagoda at the Hong Kong Heritage Museum
The plan of the building is octagonal in shape and consists of two concentric rings of columns. The columns are not vertical, but inclined to the apex of the pagoda. The angle of inclination depends on the position of the columns in the pagoda, and hence on the load carried.
Concentric rings of columns (source: Lam et al.)Vertical section of the pagoda (source: Lam et al.)
A series of tie beams connects the columns in each ring. An individual beam is connected to a column by means of a slot which forms the connection (tenon and mortise joint). The connections are comprised of only tenon and mortise joints and dou gong brackets. A dou gong bracket is composed of three components – a wooden block called ‘dou’, a lever arm called ‘ang’ and a short arm called ‘gong’.
In the Yingxian pagoda, the dugong brackets are arranged in layers so that they can transfer the loads from the roof to the subsequent storeys. There are 54 different types of dou gong brackets used in the pagoda. The dou gong system is arranged akin to a basket of flowers. The layered dou gong bracket system symbolizes a hierarchical system and is therefore used only in buildings of importance. The number of layers of these brackets is proportional to the degree of importance of the building. In the Yingxian pagoda, they are set under the overhanging eaves of the building and between the top of each column and cross beam.
The connections between the wooden members were originally supposed to be tight fitted joints. But as it is widely known, timber undergoes shrinkage with time and dries out. Due to this the connections became loose but are still kept together by gravity loads. In the event of an earthquake, the connections are able to move and dissipate energy and hence contribute to the high seismic resistance of the Yingxian pagoda. Additional stability is derived from the relatively short columns. Records reveal that during a high intensity earthquake lasting seven days during the reign of the Yuan Dynasty, the pagoda stood firm. Even when the Yingxian County area was affected by the severe earthquakes in Xingtai and Tangshan of Hebei Province and in Helinger of Inner Mongolia, the wooden pagoda did not suffer any major damage. In 1996, this structure was listed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site.
Although this wooden pagoda has been able to withstand several earthquakes, severe winds, lightning strikes, high amounts of precipitation and wars in the past 958 years, it is highly unlikely that it is going to last for another millennium. Column heads and ridge beams are twisted and broken. Some of the interior columns have developed cracks. The tower of the pagoda leans slightly to the north-east. There is an obvious tilt in the first and second floors and the scientific community has issued warnings about the inability of the structure to withstand a violent storm or an earthquake. In 2001, the State Administration of Cultural Heritage (SAHC) called for ideas from both local and global experts.
Finally, the following repair intervention options were proposed:
Options to restore the Pagoda and the problems they pose
However, more than a decade on, the structure is still in disrepair and its condition is deteriorating by the day. In March 2012, the local government of the county of Yingxian commissioned a project to reduce moisture-induced problems by replacing rotten tiles and fixing the cracks in the building. To a certain extent, this protects the building from problems like erosion due to rain and snow loads and leakage through the dilapidated roof.
The authorities in China say that once the pagoda makes it to UNESCO’s list of protected World Heritage relics, swift measures will be taken towards restoration as there will be enough funds to carry out the necessary measures. In a situation which involves the preservation and restoration of a structure with such a glorious heritage and something so vital to the Chinese identity, it should be of prime importance that the repair interventions be carried out as soon as possible. But with financial and bureaucratic issues, one has to wait and watch what becomes of the Yingxian Pagoda and just hope for the best.
References and further reading:
“STRUCTURAL PERFORMANCE OF DOU-GONG BRACKETS OF YINGXIAN WOOD PAGODA UNDER VERTICAL LOADING” – Enchun Zhu, Zhiyong Chen, Jinglong Pan, Frank Lam
“EXAMPLE OF TRADITIONAL TALL TIMBER BUILDINGS IN CHINA – THE YINGXIAN PAGODA” – Frank Lam, Minjuan He, Chichao Yao
In films and photographs of China and Japan, you’ve seen the striking multi-storied structures known as pagodas. While these familiar towers are the foremost representations of Asian architecture, you may be unaware that they serve as Buddhist monuments, marking the burial site of a Buddhist relic or the tomb of a monk.The pagoda, or ta in Chinese, made its first appearance in China about 68 A.D. when Buddhism arrived from India. As the religion spread during the sixth century, from China to Japan and Korea, the pagoda became a defining form in religious architecture.A towering structure of superimposed stories with overhanging roofs, the pagoda generally is built up from a square, circular, or polygon-shaped foundation. Its origin stems from merging the ancient Indian stupa (the “heap” of brick and stone stacked on the surface of a tomb) with the traditional Chinese multi-storied tower, whch was constructed of timber and topped with a spire.Over the centuries, the design details of the pagoda have evolved and its use has been adapted in Western cultures (often for commercial structures), but its basic shape and its function as a memorial have remained constant in Asia.
Pagodas constitute a special branch of Chinese architecture. They originally served religious purposes, but gradually became more civilian in nature.
Different from the more typical low-rise buildings, pagodas were first popularized in ancient China. They provided people with spectacular views and often featured in Chinese poems.
Below we describe briefly the top 10 time-honored classic pagodas in China, for your reference.
1. Wooden Pagoda of Ying County
In China, this is known as the Yingxian wooden pagoda. It is the oldest and tallest all-wooden pagoda in the world. It was built in 1056 and served as a Buddhist temple.
It’s a 9-storey pagoda 67.3 meters tall, and 30.3 meters in diameter at the bottom, with an octagonal floor plan. It is constructed with wood, without any nails.
54 different kinds of dougong (斗拱，a unique Chinese structure of interlocking beams and crossbeams) were applied in the building, providing architects with some interesting research.
2. Giant Wild Goose Pagoda
The Giant Wild Goose Pagoda, also known as the Big Wild Goose Pagoda, in the Da Ci’en Temple (mercy and kindness temple) complex in Xi’an, is one of the most famous Buddhist pagodas in China, but built with brick.
Dating from 652 AD during the Tang dynasty, it was first built for storing sutras and housing translators of Buddhist classics.
Due to age-induced decay, it has undergone several refurbishments. Today, the pagoda still maintains its original shape after reconstruction during the Ming dynasty. It has 7-storeys and is 64 meters tall.
3. The Iron Pagoda of Yougou Temple, Kaifeng
The Iron Pagoda in Kaifeng, Henan Province was built in 1049 during the Song dynasty. It is also a Buddhist pagoda, with Song-dynasty style; brick-made with glazed tiles.
The “iron” pagoda was not made of iron but brick. Its name became popular during the Yuan dynasty (1271-1368), because its color and sturdiness makes it look like iron.
With 13-storeys, it’s an octagonal-based structure at a height of 55.9 meters. The Iron Pagoda with its densely stacked multiple storeys looks taller than the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda (at 67.3 meters).
4. Three Pagodas of Chongsheng Monastery
Located 1.5 km northwest of Dali old town, the Three Pagodas of Chongsheng Monastery are three independent pagodas which form a symmetric triangle. They are also known as the Dali White Pagodas, since they are all covered with white mud.
The middle one, also known as the Qianxun Pagoda (千寻塔), is the oldest and tallest, built about 1,150 years ago. The other two were built only about 100 years ago.
The Three Pagodas are renowned in Dali for their antiquity, size and well-preserved state.
5. Leifeng Pagoda
Leifeng Pagoda is at the north of West Lake, Hangzhou. Most Chinese people know about it because of the Legend of White Snake, a famous Chinese folk tale.
The original pagoda was built in 975 AD. It’s an octagonal, five-storey structure built of brick and wood. During the Ming dynasty (1368-1644), the pagoda was attacked and its wooden structure was burned.
After that, the remaining brick skeleton fell into decay, since people believed its brick could repel illness and competed to steal the bricks. The pagoda eventually collapsed in 1924 due to lack of maintenance.
It was reconstructed in 2001, with a steel and copper structure, but restoring its previous architectural style.
Liuhe Pagoda, literally the Six Harmonies pagoda, was built in 970 during the Song dynasty (960-1127). Located along the Qiantang River, it was originally built to dispel the annual tidal bores of the Qiantang River.
The pagoda stands 59.9 meters tall. Seen from the outside it’s a 13-storey octagonal wooden structure; while from the inside it’s a 7-storey masonry structure. It is one of the best-preserved masonry-timber structure pagodas in China. What’s more, there’s an ancient Chinese pagoda model exhibition hall next to the pagoda.
7. Tiger Hill Pagoda
Located in Suzhou, the Tiger Hill Pagoda is one of the landmarks of Suzhou. The 7-storey pagoda is 48 meters tall, built with brick but in the timber-style of earlier eras. It’s a representative 10th-century brick pagoda in the Yangtze River basin.
The original pagoda was first built in 601; the existing one began construction in 959 and finished in 961. During the Ming dynasty (1368-1644), the pagoda began to lean towards the northwest, due to its foundations. Now it’s known as the “leaning tower of China“.
8. Songyue Pagoda
The Songyue Pagoda is located at Songyue Monastery in Henan Province. It was built in 523 and has a rare dodecagonal shape. It is regarded as the earliest brick-structure pagoda in China still extant.
The pagoda was built with brick at a height of 40 meters, with an adhesive mixture of sticky rice juice and yellow mud.
9. Feihong/Flying Rainbow Pagoda
Feihong Pagoda at Guangsheng Temple in Shanxi Province is the largest and best-preserved glazed Chinese pagoda. Feihong literally means flying rainbow, a name arising from the pagoda’s colorful decoration.
Feihong is 47.6 meters tall, with 13-storeys. It is a masonry structure built using brick in octagonal pavilion style. Its eaves diminish inwardly at each tier. Around the pagoda’s surface are exquisite sculptures and glazed ornaments.
10. Miaoying Temple White Stupa Pagoda
Located in Xicheng District, Beijing, the White Stupa Pagoda is a rare Tibetan Stupa. It was designed and built in 1271 by a Nepalese architect Anigo, during the reign of Genghis Khan (1206-1227).
Standing at a height of 59.9 meters, it is the oldest and tallest Tibetan-style pagoda in China. It is composed of three parts: a 9-meter high Sumeru pedestal-style platform, an inverted bowl-shaped body and a steeple. Lots of diverse collections of Buddhist statuary were found in 1978 during the repairs.
The generate method of Multi-storey Chinese Pagodas
Different structures have been used in the building of pagodas, depending on the building materials. The structure and method of construction of a wooden pagoda are similar to those of a palace, temple, multistoreyed building or pavilion made of wood, i.e., the traditional beam or bracket system. It is usually composed of a frame, rafters, sheathing, eaves and roof. A pagoda made of bricks and stones, like other brick and stone buildings, is constructed by methods such as piling up bricks or stone blocks and making archways. Metal pagodas are made by moulding and casting metals. Though the building materials and methods of construction differ, the basic structure does not change drastically. A pagoda is composed of the following major parts:
Underground Palace
Most ancient buildings in China were built on solid ground. Usually nothing was built underground. The pagoda, however, was unique in having an underground palace, called the dragon palace or the dragon cave. This special structure is not found in other buildings, such as palaces, temples or multistoreyed buildings. It was added to a Buddhist pagoda to preserve Buddhist relics. According to a survey, Buddhist relics were not buried underground in India, but kept inside the pagodas. When the pagoda was introduced to China, it was combined with China’s traditional burial system. Whenever a pagoda was built, an underground palace was constructed first to preserve the relics and other objects to be buried with the dead. This underground palace was similar to the underground palaces of the mausoleums of emperors and kings in ancient China, but it was usually much smaller and contained fewer funerary objects. The most important thing in an underground palace of a pagoda is a stone container with layer upon layer of cases made of stone, gold, silver, jade and other materials. The innermost case contains the Buddhist relics. The funerary objects in the palace may include copies of Buddhist scriptures and statues of Buddha. Underground palaces were usually built of brick and stone in square, hexagonal, octagonal or round shapes. Occasionally such a structure was built inside the pagoda or semiunderground.
In olden times some superstitious people believed that certain pagodas had been built on “sea holes” to prevent sea water from surging out. If the pagoda fell, the place would be submerged by the sea. The myth came from ignorance of the structure of underground palaces. Sometimes when an underground palace became damaged over the years, underground water would seep into it, and people would mistake it for a “sea hole.” Since Liberation in 1949 thorough investigations have been made of the underground palaces in many important pagodas in Beijing, Hebei, Jiangsu, Hubei and other parts of the country.
For a general understanding of underground pagoda palaces in China let’s look at the underground palace of the sarira pagoda at Jingzhi Temple in Dingzhou, Hebei Province. The name of this particular underground palace was the sarira cabinet, which was inscribed on the wall of the palace, located in the middle of the pagoda’s foundation. A stone shaped like a roof, 60 centimeters deep in the ground, was placed on top of a square hole leading down to the underground palace. The palace room is not an exact square, its east wall being 2.2 meters, west wall 2.1 meters, north wall 2.17 meters and south wall 2.2 meters wide. An arched door is on the south wall. The walls, 2.34 meters high, are joined to the ceiling interlocking brackets. All four walls have murals depicting heavenly kings, Indra, Brahma, boys and maidservants. On the north wall characters read “True Relics of Sakyamuni”, and on both sides are paintings of his ten great disciples. The most incredible thing is that the colors of the columns, brackets, beams and murals are as fresh and bright as if new. Such completely fresh mural paintings of the Song Dynasty cannot be found in buildings aboveground.
A great number of cultural relics were also excavated from this underground palace, including gold and silver ware, porcelain, glassware and wood carvings. Since this pagoda was reconstructed during the Song Dynasty and many funerary objects from deteriorated sites of the Sui and Tang dynasties were also buried in the palace, a few gilded bronze cases of the Sui Dynasty and two stone coffins containing relics of the Tang Dynasty were also unearthed. The large stone case in the middle of the underground palace had been in the basement of the Sui Dynasty pagoda and was replaced after the pagoda was reconstructed. The inscriptions on the stone case indicated its contents and date of burial. Inside were three carved gold coffins, four silver pagodas and a lot of gold and silver ware, porcelain, glazed objects, pearls and other relics.
The underground pagoda palaces resulted from combining the Indian system of burying Buddhist relics in pagodas with the traditional Chinese system of tomb burial.
In cleaning out and repairing old pagodas, many underground palaces and Buddhist and cultural relics buried in them were discovered. Objects found in the Iron Pagoda at Ganlu Temple in Zhenjiang and Huqiu Pagoda in Suzhou, Jiangsu Province, Qianshengxiang Pagoda at Yellow Crane Tower in Wuchang, Hubei Province, the Twin Pagodas at Qingshou Temple in Beijing, Wanjin Pagoda in Nong’an, Jilin Province, and Qianxun Pagoda at Chongsheng Temple in Dali, Yunnan Province, have all provided valuable data for the study of underground pagoda palaces.
Base
The base, on top of the underground palace, supports the whole superstructure. In early times most pagodas had relatively low bases. For instance, the two oldest pagodas in China the pagoda at Songyue Temple of the Northern Wei Dynasty and the Four-Door Pagoda in Licheng of the Sui Dynasty both have very simple, low bases made of brick and stone. Some bases are only ten or twenty centimeters high. They soon become indistinct and even unrecognizable from the ground after being damaged over the years. The base of Xuanzang Pagoda at Xingjiao Temple in Xi’an has become so undistinguishable that the pagoda seems to have been built right on the ground. During the Tang Dynasty, in order to make pagodas such as the Big and Small Wild Goose Pagodas in Xi’an look magnificent, huge bases were built under them. Large bases were also added to pavilion-style pagodas during the Tang Dynasty, for example, the Pagoda of Monk Fanzhou in Anyi of Shanxi Province and the Dragon and Tiger Pagoda at Shentong Temple in Licheng near Jinan.
After the Tang Dynasty the pagodas’ substructure developed into two parts by adding a pedestal to the original base. The effect was a loftier and more majestic pagoda. The lower part of the substructure–the platform –is usually low and without much decoration. The pedestal, in contrast, became the most prominent part of the pagoda with gorgeous decorations. In the process of development the pedestal construction of the multi-eaved pagodas of the Liao and Kin dynasties was most out-standing.
This part of the substructure of pagodas from the Liao and Kin dynasties was called the Sumeru pedestal. According to Buddhist literature, Sumeru is the largest mountain in the world and the home of Buddha and bodhisattvas. To call the pedestal of a pagoda by the name of Sumeru meant that it was a most stable foundation. The supports of palaces, temples, statues of Buddha and other objects were also called Sumeru pedestals. At Tianning Temple in Beijing the pedestal of the pagoda is an octagonal structure on a platform of medium height. The pedestal is divided into two levels. On the first level there are six niches on each side with lion heads carved inside. Carved columns separate the niches. On the lower part of the second level there are five small niches, each with a statue of Buddha inside. On the columns between the niches are images of heavenly guardians in relief sculpture. The brackets on the upper part of the pedestal are decorated with finely carved brick banisters. The banisters are joined to the first storey of the pagoda by a lotus-petal capital. The whole Sumeru pedestal is about one fifth the height of the pagoda.
Later, huge and gorgeous pedestals became very common for other types of pagodas. For a Lamaist pagoda the pedestal, as a major part of the entire structure, often makes one third of its total height. The pedestals of pagodas on vajrasanas, the bulk of the structure, are much bigger than the small pagodas on top of them. Pagodas across streets also have pedestals higher than the pagodas they support. Adopting large pedestals in pagoda construction is closely connected with the traditional Chinese architecture, which always sets great store by the role of base platforms. A large base platform not only provides the building above with a solid and firm foundation but also makes it look majestic and powerful.
Body
The body, or main part, of a pagoda varies depending on the style of architecture. The classification of pagodas was based on the style of the body of the pagoda. Since we have already discussed the outer forms and structures of the pagoda, we are going to concentrate on the inner structure of the pagoda body.
A pagoda may be solid or hollow. Solid pagodas are filled with bricks, stones or rammed earth. Occasionally, a wooden framework is installed inside a solid pagoda to strengthen the bearing capacity of outreaching parts of the pagoda. On the whole, however, the inner structure of a solid pagoda is relatively simple. The following section will focus on hollow pagodas.
1. Wooden pagodas. Wooden pagodas of many storeys were popular during the later years of the Han Dynasty and the Wei, Jin and Northern and Southern dynasties. Most of them have four sides. From historical accounts and existing examples in Japan we have learned that wooden pagodas of this type were composed of the following parts–columns around each level of the pagoda, three rooms on each of the four sides on each level, beams and brackets on the capital of the columns to join with the upper storey, and verandas with banisters around each storey. Eaves stretch out above each of the storeys. As in other multistoreyed buildings, there are stairs for people to climb up and down.
The wooden pagoda in Yingxian County, Shanxi Province, is the best preserved of its kind in China today. It has five levels of eaves on the exterior and five levels of balconies, but there are also five mezzanines in between the main storeys, making it a ten-storey building. The pagoda is octagonal with three rooms and four columns on each side of each exterior storeyed, and the landing are quite spacious. The balconies have protecting banisters so that people can walk around the pagoda freely and enjoy the view. In the middle of the pagoda a huge statue of Buddha was installed. In order to strengthen the structure, double-layer walls were built with post trusses and struts in between to prop up the framework. Spiral stairs lead to each level. Since the pagoda is such a huge and complex structure, the components vary greatly in size and form. For instance, there are more than sixty different kinds of brackets. However, the method of construction was the same as for other wooden buildings.
2. Pagodas with brick exteriors and wooden interiors. The brick walls form the body of the pagoda like a hollow tube, so it is also called a tube-style structure. This structure was used in the construction of both multistoreyed and multi-eaved pagodas during early periods. According to the design for the height of each storey and the positions of doors and windows, holes were left when the brick walls were built for placing the floor slabs and putting up door and window frames. Sometimes pillars were erected at the corners to support the floor above. In most cases spiral stairs were built along the walls.
The number of storeys in a pagoda of this type usually corresponded to the positions of doors and windows and levels of eaves on the outside, and people could ascend them to enjoy the view around. The Big Wild Goose Pagoda in Xi’an, Gongchen Pagoda at Lin’an near Hangzhou and the Twin Pagodas at Luohanyuan Temple in Suzhou are examples of this category. The actual number of storeys in a multi-eaved pagoda, however, usually did not correspond to the positions of doors, windows and eaves, because the eaves were built so close to each other above ground level that there was not enough space for a complete storey in the interior. The pagoda at Songyue Temple, the Small Wild Goose Pagoda and Qianxun Pagoda at Dali’s Chongsheng Temple are typical of this category.
3. Pagodas with a central wooden pillar. Most early wooden pagodas had a central pillar as the mainstay of the structure. A huge pillar, erected right in the middle of the pagoda, propped up the frame from the ground to the top. Descriptions of this construction have been found in historical accounts. A five-storeyed pagoda at Falong Temple in Japan is an existing example of this type. The central pillar helps stabilize the structure. The only extant example of this type in China is the wooden pagoda at Tianning Temple in Zhengding. Since the pagoda is a mixture of wood and brick, the pillar was erected in the upper half of the pagoda, not on the bottom floor, but the central-pillar structure is quite obvious. It is a valuable example in the study of this type of pagoda.
4. Pagodas made of both wood and brick. This type of pagoda was a transition from wooden pagodas to pagodas made of bricks and stones. The body of the pagoda was made of bricks; the eaves, verandas and banisters were made of timber. Wooden columns, beams and eaves were joined to the brick walls for interior framework. This structure was popular during the Song Dynasty. The square pagoda at Songjiang in Shanghai, the Pagoda of Six Harmonies in Hangzhou, Ruiguang Pagoda and Beisi Pagoda in Suzhou are typical of this type.
5. Pagodas with a brick pillar as the mainstay. These were products of China’s traditional brick and stone architecture at its highest development. The main body of the pagoda is completely brick. The stairs, floors, verandas and eaves are all built of brick or stone as integral parts of a complex whole. In the middle of the pagoda a huge brick pillar props up the roof. Every floor level is connected to the central pillar and the walls to form an integrated whole. The floors are built by means of arch bonding and stacking bricks around the central pillar. There are two forms of stairs: One is built along the walls of the central pillar in a “z’ shape; the other winds through the hollow space in the central pillar. In the former case there is a landing around the pillar on every level. Examples of the first structure include the pagoda at Youguo Temple in Kaifeng, Henan Province, the pagoda at Lingyun Temple in Leshan, Sichuan Province, and the one at Famen Temple in Fufeng, Shaanxi Province. The second form is represented by Baodingshan Pagoda in Dazu, Sichuan Province, Liaodi Pagoda at Kaiyuan Temple in Dingzhou and the sarira pagoda in Jingxian County, Hebei Province. Most were built during the Song and Ming dynasties and reached advanced levels in brick and stone architecture.
6. Pagodas build on high platforms. The vajrasanastyle pagodas are pagodas with a huge platform as the main body. Brick or stone staircases were built inside the hollow platform for people to ascend the building. In the pedestal under the pagoda at Zhenjue Temple in Beijing there is a central pillar, and the room around it has a vault roof that serves as the exterior terrace on which small pagodas were erected. The pagodas at Beijing’s Biyun Temple and Hohhot’s Cideng Temple were both built in this style. Some other pagodas have staircases on the outside of the platforms, such as Qingjinhuayu Pagoda in Beijing’s Xihuang Temple and the pagoda at Yuanzhao Temple on Mount Wutai in Shanxi Province.
7. Other types of pagodas. The Lamaist pagoda, for instance, has a round, inverted-bowl-shaped body. During the Ming and Qing dynasties a recess called the yanguang gate was built on the front of the round structure. Sometimes a wooden framework was installed inside the inverted-bowl body to strengthen its stability. Sometimes the inverted-bowl style was combined with a multistoreyed pagoda, such as building a multistoreyed pagoda on top of an inverted-bowl structure, or with a tube-shaped pagoda, or others.
Steeple
Every pagoda is surmounted by a steeple, sometimes pointed and sometimes ball-shaped. They vary greatly in style and building materials. The most commonly used building materials for steeples are bricks, stones and metals.
The steeple, as the tallest part of the pagoda, is extremely important. In Chinese it is called cha, meaning land or territory representing “the country of Buddha.” Therefore, a Buddhist temple is also called cha in China. The lake to the north of Beihai Park in Beijing is called Shi Cha Hai, meaning the Lake of Ten Temples, because there used to be ten great Buddhist temples by the lake.
The steeple is also very important in the architectural structure, because it is the tip of the building. No matter whether the pagoda’s roof is square, hexagonal, octagonal or round, the rafters, sheathing and tile ridges all come to one point, where a component should be fixed to stabilize the roof structure and prevent rain from leaking into the building. The steeple performs these functions.
From the aesthetic point of view, the steeple, surmounting the whole structure of the pagoda, was the crowning image of the building. Therefore, great efforts were made to create a steeple that was exquisite, lofty and graceful.
Early stupas in India also had steeples, but they were not so tall and complex. For instance, a famous Indian stupa built around the first century has only a spire and three layers of umbrella-shaped decorations. After stupas were introduced to China, however, and combined with traditional architectural styles, the steeple of the pagoda, as the emblem of Buddhism, became more and more important and conspicuous. In Stories About Buddhist Temples in Luoyang the steeple of the pagoda at Yongning Temple was said to be as tall as “ten zhang” (33 meters), which may be an exaggeration, but it must have been quite tall. The decorative precious bottle on top of the steeple allegedly could hold 25 dan (2,500 liters) of grain. We can imagine how big it was. Below the precious golden bottle there were thirty tiers of gilded dew basins and many golden bells hanging around them. Since the steeple was very tall, four iron chains linked the steeple with the four comers of the pagoda roof to stabilize the structure. The iron chains were also ornamented with little golden bells.
Many pagoda steeples were built like small Lamaist dagobas. A typical example is the pagoda at Tianning Temple in Anyang, Henan Province. The five-storeyed pagoda is surmounted by a smaller Lamaist dagoba. In Miaoying Temple in Beijing the White Dagoba is composed of a small Lamaist dagoba on top of a larger dagoba. Some Buddhist scriptures say that Buddhist relics are placed in the tip of a pagoda steeple, but no such case has ever been discovered. Researchers believe this was a mistake and that the bottom of the steeple was intended.
The steeple of a pagoda is itself a small dagoba, composed of bottom, body and top with a pole in the middle. Sometimes there is a small cabinet at the bottom of the steeple to hold Buddhist relics, Buddhist sutras or gold, silver, jade and other valuable objects. Such hiding places were found in recent years when repairing old pagodas. At Qianxun Pagoda at Chongsheng Temple in Dali, Yunnan Province, Buddhist relics, scriptures and statues of Buddha were found in a hiding place at the bottom of the pagoda’s steeple, while nothing was found in the underground palace of the pagoda. Whether the underground palace had been robbed of its treasure or it was a mere symbolic form when the real relics and funerary objects had been hidden in the steeple remains an open question.
The base of the steeple was built on the roof of the pagoda, pressing on the rafters, sheathing, corner columns and tile ridges, with the steeple pole planted right in the middle. Steeple bases varied from one another; most were shaped like the Sumeru pedestal, or blooming lotus petals. Some were just plain square platforms. Many had carved patterns of lotus petals or honeysuckle leaves.
The most outstanding characteristic of the steeple was the discs around the pole of the steeple. They were called xianglun (wheel or disc) or golden basins or dew basins, as a symbol of honor or respect for the Buddha. Generally, the bigger the pagoda, the more and bigger the discs. In the early period there were no regulations as to the number of such discs on a particular pagoda. Some had as many as several dozen; others had three or five. Originally, the great wooden pagoda at Yongning Temple ha Luoyang, for instance, had thirty tiers of discs. The Four-Door Pagoda has five and Songyue Temple Pagoda has seven. In later times pagodas were built with one, three, five, seven, nine, eleven or thirteen discs. Most Lamaist dagobas have thirteen discs, which are therefore called “thirteen skies.” An umbrellalike canopy is usually built above the discs as part of the pagoda’s ornaments.
The top of the steeple is also the top of the pagoda. It was usually put above the canopy and consisted of a crescent moon and a precious bead. Sometimes the bead was put above or in the middle of a flame ornament. To avoid any indication of fire, the flame-shaped ornament was called “water smoke.”
The pole of the steeple was the central axle. All the components of a metal steeple were fastened to the pole, which supported the different parts of the steeple. Even small brick pagodas had a wooden or metal pole in the middle of the steeple. According to Buddhist literature, the pole was also called chazhu (steeple pillar) or jincha (golden steeple) or biaocha (symbolic steeple). It was usually made of wood or iron and placed on the roof of the pagoda.
These were the most representative steeple structures. Changes were made in different eras, areas and on different types of pagodas built of different materials. For instance, sometimes three, five, seven or nine metal balls were part of the spire of a pagoda, as in the Twin Pagodas of Chongxing Temple in Beizhen, Liaoning Province. Sometimes a huge canopy was put on top of the pagoda’s steeple, as in the Tianning Temple Pagoda in Beijing. The canopies had different shapes–round, square or octagonal. The spire of Haibao Pagoda in Yinchuan consisted of an onion-shaped ornament, possibly influenced by Islamic architecture. Guang Pagoda at Huaisheng Temple in Guangzhou is unique, since the steeple is a weather vane, completely different from an ordinary Buddhist pagoda.
In search of gojunoto, the five element Japanese pagoda
Structural performance of Dou-Gong brackets of Yingxian Wood Pagoda under vertical load – An experimental study
Zhiyong Chen a b c, Enchun Zhu a b, Frank Lam d, Jinglong Pan a b a Key Lab of Structures Dynamic Behaviour and Control (Harbin Institute of Technology), Ministry of Education, Harbin 150090, China b School of Civil Engineering, Harbin Institute of Technology, Harbin 150090, China c Faculty of Forestry and Environmental Management, University of New Brunswick, Fredericton E3B 5A3, Canada d Department of Wood Science, University of British Columbia, Vancouver V6T 1Z4, Canada
Received 17 August 2013, Revised 12 June 2014, Accepted 9 September 2014, Available online 27 September 2014.
Engineering Structures Volume 80, 1 December 2014, Pages 274-288
The term Nichiren school (Nichirenshū) broadly denotes the entire Buddhist tradition deriving from the medieval Japanese teacher Nichiren (1222–1282). It comprises more than forty independent religious institutions, including traditional temple denominations, lay associations, and new religious movements. Originally a monk of the Tendai tradition, Nichiren did not regard himself as the founder of a new sect, nor did he designate his following by any particular sectarian name. Because he taught exclusive faith in the Lotus SŪtra (SaddharmapuṆḌarika-sŪtra), after his death, his following became known as the Lotus sect (Hokkeshū). The name Nichirenshu came into broad usage from around the late sixteenth century.
Present organization and observances
The largest of the Nichiren Buddhist temple denominations takes Nichirenshū as its legal name and has its head temple at Kuonji at Mount Minobu in Yamanashi Prefecture, where Nichiren spent his last years. Other Nichiren Buddhist denominations include, for example, Hokkeshū (Shinmon, Honmon, and Jinmon branches), Honmon Butsuryūshū, Honmon Hokkeshū, Kenpon Hokkeshū, Nichiren Honshū, Nichiren Komonshū, Nichiren Shōshū, and Nichirenshū Fuju Fuse-ha. Many of these temple organizations trace their history back to the original monastic lineages established by Nichiren’s immediate disciples, which underwent repeated schisms during the fourteenth through sixteenth centuries due to geographic separation, institutional rivalry, and differences of doctrinal interpretation. The nineteenth century saw the flourishing of Nichiren Buddhist lay associations (kōchū or kō), sometimes independent of priestly guidance, which were the predecessors of today’s Nichiren- or Lotus Sūtra-based lay organizations. Of these latter groups, the most prominent are Reiyūkai, Risshō Kōseikai, and SŌka Gakkai, which number among
Japan’s largest “new religions.” To an extent not seen in other Buddhist sects, the religious energy of modern Nichiren Buddhism has shifted to lay movements.
Despite considerable differences of interpretation and ritual observance, all these various groups revere Nichiren and the Lotus Sūtra and recite the title or daimoku of the Lotus in the formula “Namu Myōhō-renge-kyō,” as Nichiren taught. (The actual pronunciation of the daimoku may vary slightly according to the particular group.) This practice, deemed especially suited to the present era, known as the “Final Dharma age” (mappō), is said to manifest individuals’ innate potential for buddhahood and lead to positive transformation of the world. Reciting portions of the Lotus Sūtra and chanting the daimoku are performed at all formal ceremonies and constitute the basic practice of both clergy and laity. In addition to annual rites conducted by temples of all Buddhist sects, such as New Year‘s observances and memorial services for the dead at the equinoxes and during the summer Obon festival, Nichiren Buddhist temples and lay societies perform ritual observances on dates sacred to their tradition, usually transposed from the lunar to the Western calendar. These include Nichiren’s birthday (celebrated February 16); the date of his first sermon, said to mark the founding of the Nichiren school (April 28); commemorations of various persecutions that Nichiren faced in propagating his teachings; and the day of his death or nirvaṆĀ (October 13).
The founder Nichiren
Nichiren is often counted as one of the founders of the “new Buddhism” of the Kamakura period (1185–1333). He was born in Kominato in Awa Province (Chiba prefecture) in humble circumstances. At age twelve he entered a nearby temple, Seichōji or Kiyosumidera, for study and was ordained four years later, in 1237. Driven by a desire to understand the truth of the Buddha’s teachings, he spent the next sixteen years studying at major monasteries, including the great Tendai Buddhist center at Mount Hiei near Kyoto, the imperial capital. Later he based himself in Kamakura, seat of the newly established shogunate or military government, where he proselytized among warriors of middle and lower rank. Nichiren’s early teachings draw heavily on Tiantai/Tendai thought grounded in the Lotus Sūtra and its commentaries, as well as on esoteric Buddhism. His early teachings also championed traditional Buddhist institutions over and against the growing influence of the new Pure Land sect founded by HŌnen (1133–1212). Over time, however, Nichiren increasingly stressed that only the Lotus Sūtraleads to liberation during this Final Dharma age, and he began to dissociate himself from the Tendai Buddhist establishment, which he saw as having adulterated devotion to the Lotus with the practice of provisional teachings no longer suited to the times. Based on Tendai doctrines of the nonduality of persons and their environment, Nichiren interpreted the disasters of his day—including famine, epidemics, and Mongol invasion attempts—as karmic retribution for people having abandoned the Lotus Sūtra in favor of lesser teachings; conversely, he held, the spread of faith in the Lotus would transform this world into the Buddha land. This theme informs his famous admonitory treatise, Risshō ankoku ron (On Establishing the Right [Dharma] and Bringing Peace to the Land), delivered to the shogunate in 1260, as well as his later writings.
Convinced of the pressing need to communicate his message, Nichiren adopted shakubuku, a confrontational method of teaching the dharma by directly rebuking attachment to provisional teachings, whether through writing, preaching, or religious debate. Nichiren’s mounting criticism of other forms of Buddhism, and of government officials for supporting them, soon incurred the anger of the authorities. He was exiled twice, to the Izu peninsula (1261–1263) and to Sado island (1271–1274), and was once nearly beheaded during the so-called Ryūkō or Tatsunokuchi persecution of the twelfth day, ninth month, 1271. Several of his followers were imprisoned or had their lands confiscated. Nichiren considered these trials a proof of the righteousness of his convictions and asserted the need to uphold the Lotus Sūtra in the face of opposition, even at the cost of one’s life. His mature teachings were developed during his exile to Sado and his subsequent reclusion on Mount Minobu (1274–1282), where he devoted his last years to writing and to training successors. More than a hundred of his writings, including personal letters and doctrinal essays, survive in his own hand.
Nichiren’s teachings
Nichiren adopted the Tiantai school doctrine of reality as “three thousand realms in a single-thought moment” (ichinen sanzen) to explain the theoretical basis upon which ordinary people can realize buddhahood, and their surroundings become the buddha land. In terms of practice for the Final Dharma age, however, Nichiren understood “the single thought-moment being three thousand realms,” not as a formless principle to be discerned within one’s own mind, as in Tiantai meditation, but as manifested in concrete form as the “three great secret dharmas” (sandai hihō). Derived from the “origin teaching” (honmon) or latter half of the Lotus Sūtra, regarded as the preaching of the original or primordially enlightened Buddha, these three constitute the core of Nichiren’s teaching. They are:
(1) The daimoku. For Nichiren, the five characters Myō-hō-ren-ge-kyō (in Japanese pronunciation) that comprise the Lotus Sūtra‘s title are not merely a name but embody the essence of all Buddhist teachings and are the seed of buddhahood for all beings. All the practices and resulting virtues of the primordial Buddha are encompassed in these five characters and are “naturally transferred” to the practitioner in the moment of faith and practice. That is, the practitioner and the original Buddha are identified in the act of chanting the daimoku.
(2) The honzon, or object of worship. Nichiren’s honzon has the two inseparable aspects of the “Buddha,” the primordial Śākyamuni of the origin teaching, enlightened since the beginningless past, and the “dharma,” the truth of “Myōhō-renge-kyō,” to which this Buddha is awakened. Nichiren gave this object of worship iconic form as a calligraphic maṆḌala of his own devising. “Namu Myōhō-renge-kyō” is inscribed down its center, while to the left and right are written the characters for the names of the two buddhas, Śākyamuni and Prabhūtaratna, along with the names of other representatives of those present at the assembly of the Lotus Sūtra. This maṇḍala depicts the realm of the primordial Buddha, which, Nichiren taught, ordinary persons can enter through faith. More than 120 of these maṇḍalas, inscribed for individual followers and their families, survive in Nichiren’s handwriting. Various configurations of sculpted images representing the original Buddha and his Lotus assembly were also used by later Nichiren followers.
(3) The kaidan, or ordination platform. This designates the place of practice. Nichiren’s own writings do not explain it in detail, and considerable controversy has surrounded its interpretation. Nichiren himself may well have envisioned the kaidan as an actual physical structure, supplanting the other, court-sponsored ordination platforms of his day, to be erected by imperial authority at some future time when people had widely embraced faith in the Lotus Sūtra. At the same time, the kaidan has often been interpreted metaphorically, to mean that wherever one embraces faith in the Lotus Sūtra is the buddha land.
Although he taught devotion to the Lotus as a self-contained, exclusive practice, Nichiren understood that practice as encompassing all possible benefits: realization of buddhahood, assurance for one’s next life, eradication of sin, cultivation of merit, and protection and blessings in this world.
Contributions to Japanese culture
A key element of Nichiren’s legacy is his doctrine of risshō ankoku (establishing the right [dharma] and bringing peace to the land), which holds that faith in the Lotus Sūtra can manifest the buddha land in this present world. This ideal supports the value of positive engagement with society and may have contributed to the growth of mercantile culture in Japan’s medieval cities. In the mid-fifteenth century, half the population of Kyoto—the majority of them manufacturers, tradespeople, and moneylenders—is said to have belonged to the Nichiren school. Since the late nineteenth century, Nichiren’s goal of transforming this world into a buddha land has been assimilated to a range of political and social goals. During Japan’s modern imperial period (1868–1945), some Nichirenist lay societies, such as the Kokuchūkai (Pillar of the Nation Society), established in 1914 by Tanaka Chigaku (1861–1939), interpreted Nichiren’s risshō ankoku ideal in terms of Japanese nationalism and deployed it to legitimize the armed expansion of empire. In the post–World War II period, especially among the new religious movements, it has been interpreted as a spiritual basis for the antinuclear movement, efforts for global peace, and a range of humanitarian endeavors. Nipponzan Myōhōji, a small Nichiren Buddhist monastic order, embraces absolute pacificism and engages in peace marches and civil protest, while Nichiren- or Lotus-based lay organizations, notably Sōka Gakkai and Risshō Kōseikai, support the United Nations as NGO (nongovernmental organization) members and engage in relief work and civic projects. This side of Nichiren Buddhism lends itself to contemporary emphasis on Buddhist social engagement.
Another, less well-recognized contribution of the Nichiren school lies in its history of committed individuals, beginning with Nichiren himself, who risked official displeasure for the dharma’s sake. Once well established, most Nichiren Buddhist institutions, both past and present—like religious institutions more generally—have tended to take a conciliatory stance toward existing authority and support the status quo. Nonetheless, Nichiren’s teaching that one must uphold the Lotus Sūtra even in the face of persecution from the country’s ruler created a moral space exterior to worldly authority, from which that authority could be criticized and, if necessary, opposed. This attitude of defiance has periodically resurfaced, often on the part of those who saw themselves as reformers within the Nichiren school, seeking to revive the founder’s spirit. Medieval hagiographies celebrate the stories of those monks of the tradition who, in imitation of Nichiren, admonished high officials to take faith in the Lotus Sūtra for the country’s welfare and were imprisoned or tortured as a result. A later example is the Nichiren fuju fuse (neither receiving nor giving) movement of the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, whose monks—until driven underground—resisted official controls imposed on religious institutions, refusing to accept alms from rulers who were not Lotus devotees or to participate in public religious ceremonies for their benefit. Similarly, during the 1940s, leaders of both Honmon Hokkeshū and Sōka Gakkai were imprisoned for their defiance of wartime government religious policy, which mandated displays of reverence for state Shintō. Nichiren’s intransigent spirit and his example of unwavering loyalty to a transcendent truth have also inspired individuals, linked only tenuously to the Nichiren tradition or even outside it altogether, who have faced official sanctions for their beliefs. These include the Christian leader Uchimura Kanzō (1861–1930) and the socialist activist Senoo Girō (1890–1961).
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THE present volume includes the English translations of 172 works, including both doctrinal theses and letters, written by Nichiren Daishonin (1222–1282). Before proceeding to the translations themselves, a word or two about the historical and cultural background of the period in which Nichiren Daishonin lived may be helpful.
In addition, we have included a brief biography of the Daishonin and a summary of his thought, and we conclude with a general description of his writings. We have also provided a glossary and other explanatory material at the back of the book. Furthermore, a short essay and supplementary notes concerning background and content follow each translation.
Historical Background
Thirteenth-century Japan was ruled by a warrior government whose headquarters was in Kamakura, a seacoast city southwest of present-day Tokyo. The Kamakura shogunate, as the government is commonly known, lasted from 1185 to 1333, and thus this span of time is referred to as the Kamakura period.
The Kamakura shogunate, a government organization created and wholly dominated by members of the warrior class, represented a new phenomenon in Japanese history. In the earliest period of Japanese history, if traditional accounts are to be trusted, the emperors exercised military power in person when the occasion demanded. But in the succeeding centuries the duties of the emperor became increasingly confined to religious and ceremonial functions. An elaborate central and provincial bureaucracy modeled after that of China carried out the administration of the affairs of the land, and a conscript army kept order and guarded the frontiers.
At the end of the eighth century, the emperor bestowed the title of Seii-taishōgun, or Great General Who Subdues the Barbarians, on a court official and sent him to conquer the indigenous tribes of the north. The title, abbreviated to “shogun,” was to figure prominently in later Japanese history, when it came to designate the military ruler of the nation. But at this time there was as yet nothing like a distinct warrior class or profession.
During the long centuries of the Heian period (794–1185), when the capital was located at Heiankyō, or present-day Kyoto, the situation began to change. The court aristocrats, who headed the Chinese-style bureaucracy mentioned earlier, tended increasingly to pursue artistic and cultural interests in the capital and to neglect the actual administration of government affairs, particularly in the outlying provinces. As a result, a new class of farmer-warriors emerged, who were commonly referred to as samurai. By reclaiming or opening up new lands for cultivation in the remoter regions, they succeeded in creating small estates for themselves. To avoid taxation from the central government, their lands were nominally entrusted to powerful aristocratic families or Buddhist temples, but in effect these constituted private holdings protected by the military prowess of individual samurai.
To strengthen their position, the samurai rapidly grouped together or placed themselves in the service of one of the more powerful local clans. Soon they came to constitute a new class of professional warriors, leaving the actual cultivation of their estates to the peasants under their direction and concentrating on the improvement of the military arts and on the ideals of fortitude and daring that supported them.
At first these powerful provincial clans were content for the most part to remain aloof from affairs in the capital. There, the imperial institution had come under the absolute domination of the great courtier family known as the Fujiwara. The Fujiwara monopolized the highest offices, married their daughters to the emperors, and, placing child rulers on the throne, managed affairs in their name. As a consequence, most Japanese emperors at this time reigned for only a brief time, after which they were obliged to yield the throne to an infant heir and retire to a life of relative seclusion.
In such a complex political situation, in which one or more retired emperors lived contemporaneously with a reigning emperor, and various branches of the Fujiwara family vied for supremacy, power clashes were inevitable. When these occurred, the rivals not surprisingly attempted to bolster their position by seeking support from the warrior clans of the provinces, some of whom were related to the court aristocracy. Thus the warriors came to play a part in the affairs of the court and the capital, at first only infrequently, but later with increasing regularity.
The branches of the Fujiwara family living in northeastern Japan were among the first to take up such a role. In time they were overshadowed by two other warrior clans, the Minamoto, or Genji, whose holdings were centered in the Kanto region of eastern Japan, and the Taira, or Heike, who had their base of power in the Inland Sea region.
Eventually, the leader of the Taira clan, Taira no Kiyomori (1118–1181), through his intervention in two successive struggles for power at court, succeeded in becoming the virtual dictator of the nation. He proceeded to install himself in the highest government position, and for the first time in history, reigning and retired emperors and Fujiwara lords alike all found themselves at the mercy of a military leader and his followers.
The Taira, however, proved to be no real enemies to the aristocracy, instead taking enthusiastically to the ways of the capital. Before long, they had abandoned their warrior manners and ideals, and become indistinguishable from the courtier class. But they had shown to others the way to power, and with the death of Kiyomori in 1181, their position of dominance was swiftly challenged by other warrior clans headed by the Minamoto family of the east. The Taira were forced to abandon Kyoto and flee west, and suffered a final crushing defeat in 1185 at the naval battle of Dannoura.
Minamoto no Yoritomo (1147–1199), the leader of the Minamoto forces, was careful not to repeat the mistakes made by the Taira. Instead, he established his military government in Kamakura, where it would be safely removed from the influence of the court and its debilitating ways. He made no attempt to dismantle the government machinery already in existence in Kyoto. On the contrary, he deliberately sought acknowledgment of his actions from the emperor and the court, and in 1192 succeeded in obtaining the prestigious military title of shogun.
It soon became evident, however, that the administrative functions previously carried out by the court would in the future be increasingly taken over by warrior families under the direction of the Kamakura shogunate. In 1185, Minamoto no Yoritomo appointed shugo, or constables, to keep order in the various provinces, and jitō, or stewards, to oversee public and private estates, and although these functionaries were ostensibly only handling affairs connected with the warrior class, they soon became the de facto governors of their region.
Yoritomo had been assisted in his rise to power by his wife’s relatives, members of the Hōjō family, a powerful military clan of the Izu region. When Yoritomo died in 1199, he was succeeded as shogun by his eighteen-year-old son, Yoriie. But actual power was wielded by Yoriie’s maternal grandfather, Hōjō Tokimasa (1138–1215), who acted as shikken, or regent, for the boy and eventually had him done away with. Yoriie’s younger brother, Sanetomo, replaced him as shogun in 1203, but was assassinated in 1219, thus bringing to an end the line of Yoritomo’s direct descendants.
For the remainder of the Kamakura period, the position of shogun was occupied by an infant or child chosen at first from the Fujiwara family and later from the imperial family. All real authority was exercised by the members of the Hōjō family who held the office of regent for these puppet rulers.
The supremacy of the Hōjō regents did not go entirely unchallenged. In 1221 the Retired Emperor Gotoba, along with two other retired emperors, attempted to break free of the shogunate’s domination. But though orders were sent out to the provinces to levy troops and raise support for the imperial cause, the number of warriors that responded was pitifully small. The imperial forces were easily defeated, and the Kamakura government deposed the reigning emperor and exiled the retired emperors to distant islands. This incident is known as the Jōkyū Disturbance, from the name of the era in which it took place. To ensure that nothing like it would occur again, the Hōjō family set up a military headquarters in Kyoto to keep watch on the court.
The second serious threat to Hōjō power was in fact a threat to all Japan that came from abroad. In the past, mainly because of the distance that separated Japan from the continent, the country had seldom had to fear the grim possibility of invasion. But in the thirteenth century a new and ruthless race of conquerors, the Mongols, became active in Asia. In addition to their victories in Central Asia and Europe, they overran northern China and Korea, and were in the process of subjugating southern China as well when Japan engaged their attention. In 1268 the Mongol ruler Khubilai Khan sent the first of a succession of envoys to Japan to demand that it acknowledge fealty to him. Hōjō Tokimune, who headed the shogunate, vehemently rejected the demands and ignored all the subsequent Mongol envoys. In 1274 a Mongol force arrived in the waters off southern Japan to punish the Japanese for their recalcitrance. They overran several small islands and made a landing in Kyushu, but with the onslaught of a severe storm, soon withdrew.
The leaders in Kamakura, knowing well that they had not seen the end of the matter, began hurriedly constructing walls and taking other precautions to guard against a second invasion. The Mongols appeared once again in 1281 at the head of a huge fleet of Chinese and Korean vessels. Again the Japanese put up a fierce resistance, though they suffered terrible losses. Before the Mongols could move the bulk of their forces into action, however, a great storm struck the area, sinking or crippling the ships of the invaders and bringing their expedition to a disastrous conclusion.
Although the Mongols contemplated yet another invasion attempt, they eventually abandoned their ambitions and in 1299 made peace overtures to Japan. But the losses suffered by the Japanese warriors in the conflict had seriously weakened the confidence they placed in the Kamakura shogunate. At the same time, the heavy cost of the defense measures threatened the government’s stability. Both these factors hastened the process of the Kamakura shogunate’s decline. In the early years of the fourteenth century, a strong-willed emperor named Godaigo came to the throne. Resolved to rule alone and to rid himself of the dominance of the Hōjō regents, he made several attempts to overthrow the Kamakura shogunate. His efforts eventually proved successful in 1333 when the warrior leaders supporting him seized the military headquarters in Kyoto and Kamakura, and put an end to Hōjō rule.
Cultural and Religious Background
Japan at an early stage of its history was affected by the strong cultural influence of China and Korea. The Japanese adopted the Chinese written language for use in keeping government records and writing works of history and philosophy, and utilized the Chinese characters to devise a writing system for their own language. They also, as was noted earlier, introduced much of the Chinese bureaucratic system, setting up a centralized system of government under the supreme authority of the emperor. In such fields as philosophy, art, architecture, medicine, and engineering, the Japanese likewise borrowed heavily from the continent.
About the middle of the sixth century, according to traditional accounts, Buddhism was introduced to Japan from Korea. At first it met with sharp resistance from supporters of the native Shinto faith, but in time gained a foothold among the upper classes. Soon the government was taking an active role in encouraging the new religion, founding temples, welcoming priests from abroad, and sending Japanese priests to the mainland for study. The great city of Nara, capital of the nation from 710 to 784, was famed for its imposing array of temples and the gigantic bronze image of the Buddha Vairochana that was erected by the government in 749.
But the type of Buddhism brought to Japan at this time, though mainly Mahayana in thought, was largely concerned with abstruse doctrine or the observance of complex rules of monastic discipline. Beyond the outward majesty and beauty of the buildings and images associated with it, there was little in this sort of Buddhism that appealed to or was understood by ordinary people of limited education. The aristocracy patronized the religion because they believed it would help insure their personal safety and well-being and that of the state. But it is unlikely that the Buddhist influence penetrated very deeply at the lower levels of Japanese society.
In the early Heian period, two new schools of Buddhism were introduced from China. The first was T’ien-t’ai Buddhism, which was introduced by Saichō (767–822), better known by his posthumous title, the Great Teacher Dengyō. This Buddhism spread in Japan under the name Tendai Buddhism, Tendai being the Japanese rendering of the Chinese T’ien-t’ai. The T’ien-t’ai doctrines, which are based on the Lotus Sutra, form one of the chief elements in the teaching of Nichiren Daishonin. The second school was True Word, or esoteric Buddhism, introduced by Kūkai (774–835), or the Great Teacher Kōbō. It emphasized the role of music and the arts in assisting one to gain religious understanding, and advocated various mystic rituals to ward off evil and attain salvation.
While both of these new schools of Buddhism enjoyed the support of the government, they preferred to establish their headquarters on mountaintop retreats somewhat removed from the court. The head temple of the Tendai school was situated on Mount Hiei northeast of Kyoto, and that of the True Word school on Mount Kōya far to the south. Both mountain monasteries played a vital role in later centuries as centers of Buddhist learning, the former in particular serving as a training ground for many of the most famous leaders of Japanese Buddhism, including Nichiren Daishonin.
However, although both schools emphasized that all beings are capable of attaining Buddhahood, they appear to have done little to spread that message among the people. Instead, True Word, and in time the Tendai as well, became increasingly concerned with the performance of elaborate rituals and mystic incantations, or caught up in sordid struggles for power with rival schools or among the warring factions within their own schools.
Turning to literature for a moment, it is important to note that The Collection of Ten Thousand Leaves, the great anthology of ancient Japanese poetry compiled toward the close of the Nara period (710–794), is outstanding for its relative simplicity, directness of expression, and sunniness of outlook, as well as for the fact that it includes poems from all classes of society.
In the succeeding Heian period, however, poetry became almost exclusively the possession of the courtly class, and grew increasingly contrived in expression and intellectual in tone. At the same time both poetry and other literary forms became imbued with an air of melancholy. The beginnings of this pessimistic attitude are already to be glimpsed in Collection of Ten Thousand Leaves and are characteristically associated with the Buddhist emphasis upon the impermanent and ever-changing nature of life, a quality known in Japanese as mujō. Buddhism, of course, stresses the element of change in human life in order to rouse people to think seriously about their salvation. Fundamentally, Mahayana Buddhism is anything but pessimistic in outlook. But to the Japanese of the Heian period, particularly in its later trouble-filled years, the great hope held out by the Buddhist religion seemed less real than the inevitability of change, which to them invariably meant change for the worse. Thus, the greatest literary work of the period, The Tale of Genji, which dates from the eleventh century, is suffused with a sense of the briefness, uncertainly, and inherent sadness of life.
The Japanese of this period had a particular reason for believing that life was fated to be sorrowful and that hopes for salvation were uncertain. Buddhism taught that, after the passing of Shakyamuni Buddha, the Buddhist teachings would go through three major periods of change: an age when the Law, or doctrine, would flourish, an age when it would begin to decline, and finally an age known as the Latter Day of the Law, when the Law, or doctrine, would decline even further and ultimately lose its power of salvation.
Although there are different methods of calculating the duration of the three periods, the Japanese believed that they would enter the age of the Latter Day around the middle of the eleventh century. Their expectations seemed to be confirmed at this time by the declining power of the court, unrest in the outlying areas, and other signs of decay in the social order.
In earlier times Japanese Buddhism, particularly the Tendai school, had stressed that it is possible for a person to achieve enlightenment, or Buddhahood, in this life through his or her own efforts. But there was a widespread feeling that, with the arrival of the Latter Day of the Law, such hopes would become unrealistic. In the Tendai monastery at Mount Hiei a belief arose that, in an age of degeneracy, one must look to some outside power as the means of obtaining enlightenment. This belief made faith in the saving power of the Buddha Amida look increasingly attractive. Amida is a Buddha who is said to preside over a paradise known as the Pure Land of Perfect Bliss. As a bodhisattva, he took a vow to save all people who call upon his name and to see that, after death, they are reborn to a life of bliss in the far-off Pure Land.
The practice of offering prayers to Amida was very popular in Chinese Buddhism and was introduced to Japan at an early date. But it was not until Heian times that it became widespread. One may easily see why its appeal was so great. It did not demand that the believer undertake any strenuous religious exercises or abide by strict rules of discipline. All one had to do was to recite the simple formula of praise known as the Nembutsu with sincere faith in order to be assured of salvation. The aristocrats, notably the members of the Fujiwara family, demonstrated their enthusiasm for the worship of Amida by erecting magnificent temples adorned with splendid golden statues of him. At the same time, priests went about among the common people to preach the message of Amida’s salvation and to sing hymns of praise. As a result, Buddhism spread more widely than ever before among the lower classes and came to take a deep hold upon the spiritual life of the nation.
At first, this devotion to Amida remained simply one element among the religious practices of the Tendai school, the dominant school in the Heian period. But in the closing years of that period, two vigorous religious leaders appeared who established a separate form of Buddhism based solely on devotion to Amida. The first was Honen (1133–1212), the founder of the Pure Land school. The other was Shinran (1173–1262), whose followers in time came to be known as the True Pure Land school. Both men received religious training at Mount Hiei, but were later forced to leave the capital area because of opposition from the older schools of Buddhism. Their teachings in time won a wide following, particularly in rural areas.
If the masterpiece of Heian literature is The Tale of Genji, that of the Kamakura period is the historical romance known as The Tale of the Heike. The Tale of Genji was written by a woman, Murasaki Shikibu, and deals almost entirely with the lives and romantic intrigues of the court aristocracy. The Tale of the Heike,an anonymous work, was probably compiled in the thirteenth century on the basis of narratives that had been circulated earlier in oral form by storytellers. It describes in detail the phenomenal rise to power of the Heike, or Taira, family, and its overthrow by the Minamoto family. In marked contrast to The Tale of Genji, the work abounds in scenes of conflict and military prowess, is written in a sonorous masculine style, and reflects the interests and ideals of the newly emergent warrior class. There is one way, however, in which it resembles the earlier masterpiece. The Tale of Genji, as we have seen, is dominated by a mood of sadness over the brevity of human life. This same note of melancholy informs The Tale of the Heike, sounding in the very first sentences of the work. Indeed, to the Japanese of the time, the dramatic rise and fall of the Taira family was the ultimate symbol of mujō, the unavoidable transience of worldly glory.
As this similarity suggests, the culture of the Kamakura period in one sense marked a sharp break with the past, but in another, a continuation of it. The samurai, as was suitable for a member of a warrior class in a feudal society, attached great importance to simple living, personal daring, and unswerving loyalty to one’s lord. As we shall see when we come to the life of Nichiren Daishonin, there was a harshness and violence to life in the Kamakura period that reflected the warrior ethic. It was a time when even Buddhist temples armed themselves to defend their property and prerogatives, and the necessity to resort to arms seemed a possibility that was never far away.
At the same time the warriors, having little distinct culture of their own, were obliged to look to the members of the old court aristocracy for leadership in matters of higher culture, no matter how they might despise them for their effete way of life. The attitude of Kamakura toward Kyoto was thus one of ambiguity. Military leaders wished to remain aloof from the enfeebling and intrigue-filled atmosphere of the capital, but they envied the courtiers their knowledgeability in matters of music, poetry, and artistic taste. It is not surprising to find, therefore, that the heads of the Kamakura shogunate and their wives frequently turned to Kyoto for guidance in questions of art and learning, or welcomed to their city religious and cultural leaders from the capital who could act as mentors in such matters.
One of the ways the shogunate officials sought to lend prestige to their city and government was by patronizing a new form of Buddhism known as Zen. Zen was the dominant school of Buddhism in China at this time, and Japanese priests traveled to the mainland to study it and bring its teachings back with them. They attempted to introduce these teachings in Kyoto around the beginning of the thirteenth century, but met with strong opposition from the established schools of Buddhism.
It was natural, therefore, that they should journey to Kamakura, where the older schools exercised less influence, and try to interest the leaders of the military government in their doctrines. The members of the Hōjō family and their followers responded with enthusiasm, founding temples for the new school and inviting Chinese Zen masters to come to Kamakura. Dōryū (1213–1278), or Tao-lung, whom Nichiren Daishonin refers to frequently, was one such Chinese priest who enjoyed great favor with the Hōjō regime.
In its basic doctrines, Zen does not differ much from other Mahayana schools of Buddhism. But in contrast to those schools that stress study of the sutras and other sacred writings, or the saving power of some particular Buddha or bodhisattva, Zen urges the individual to gain enlightenment the way Shakyamuni Buddha gained it—by spending hours in meditation in the lotus posture. Zen thus minimized the importance of learning and called instead for discipline, untiring personal effort, and obedience to the Zen master. It is easy to see why such a doctrine would appeal to members of the warrior class. It assured them they need cope with no difficult doctrinal writings or philosophical subtleties to gain enlightenment. All they needed was the determination and patience to endure long and often painful hours of meditation. This was something any soldier could understand.
This, then, was the state of religious affairs when Nichiren Daishonin began his activities. The older schools of Buddhism centered in Nara and Kyoto enjoyed great power and prestige, though they were morally weakened by factionalism and worldliness. The Pure Land Buddhists, or Nembutsu believers as Nichiren Daishonin calls them, continued to grow in number, constituting a very important religious element, particularly in the countryside. Zen, though enjoying the patronage of the shogunate in Kamakura, and later of the court in Kyoto, was confined mainly to those two cities. One final Buddhist group mentioned by Nichiren Daishonin is the priests of the Precepts school. This school, which enjoins the observance of elaborate precepts, or rules of monastic discipline, had been introduced to Japan in the Nara period and enjoyed something of a revival in Kamakura times.
The period of Nichiren Daishonin’s lifetime was an age when the Japanese, troubled by rapid social changes they could not fully comprehend, as well as by natural catastrophes and the threat of foreign invasion, were searching for spiritual satisfaction. They attached great importance to religious matters, and were prepared to argue vehemently and even to resort to physical force to defend what they regarded as the truth. It was an age far different from the one of religious tolerance or indifference in which we live today, and in order to understand it, we must make a sincere effort to see into the minds and motives of its inhabitants.
The Life of Nichiren Daishonin
Nichiren Daishonin was born on the sixteenth day of the second month, 1222, in the village of Kataumi on the eastern coast of Awa Province in present-day Chiba Prefecture. His family made their living by fishing. As Nichiren Daishonin said in Letter from Sado, he was “the son of a chandāla family.” The chandāla are the lowest group in the Indian class system, comprising such professions as fisherman, jailer, and butcher. Nichiren Daishonin is acknowledging that his origins were of the humblest kind. He lived in the fishing village until the age of twelve, when he left home to study at a nearby temple called Seichō-ji. In those days temples were the only place where common people could learn reading and writing.
Young Nichiren became interested in and studied Buddhism at Seichō-ji, which belonged to the Tendai school. There he was placed under Dōzen-bō, a senior priest of Seichō-ji, and received instruction not only in Tendai doctrines but in True Word and Pure Land ones as well. He was particularly concerned about the bewildering multiplicity of Buddhist schools and the doctrinal contradictions within the Buddhist canon. He was convinced that one sutra among the many that existed must represent the ultimate truth. He began to wonder where he could find that truth. Another concern was the fundamental problem of life and death, which he had wished to solve since his early years. He came to realize that the answer could only be found in the Buddha’s enlightenment.
In the temple’s hall of worship, there was a statue of Bodhisattva Space Treasury. Nichiren prayed before the statue to become the wisest man in Japan, and his prayer was answered when, as he wrote later, the “living” Bodhisattva Space Treasury bestowed on him “a great jewel” of wisdom. At that moment he awakened to the ultimate reality of life and the universe. But in order to reveal this enlightenment to the people of the Latter Day of the Law, he had to systematize his ideas in relation to the whole spectrum of the Buddha’s teachings.
At the age of sixteen, he resolved to be ordained and took the religious name Zeshō-bō. Some time later he took leave of his teacher Dōzen-bō and went to Kamakura to further his studies. There he delved into the teachings of the Pure Land and Zen schools. Then he left for western Japan, where he went to Mount Hiei, the center of the Tendai school and of Buddhism in general, and later to Mount Kōya, the headquarters of the True Word school, and to other important temples in the Kyoto and Nara areas. After some ten years of study at Mount Hiei and elsewhere, he concluded that the true teachings of Buddhism are to be found in the Lotus Sutra. The Lotus represents the heart of Shakyamuni Buddha’s enlightenment; all other sutras are mere expedients leading up to the Lotus.
He returned to Seichō-ji in 1253. By that time he had chanted Nam-myoho-renge-kyo, which he regarded as the key for all people to unlock the treasure of enlightenment hidden in their hearts.
At noon on the twenty-eighth day of the fourth month, he propounded his doctrine at the temple in the presence of his teacher and other priests. Then he declared that none of the pre-Lotus Sutra teachings reveals the Buddha’s enlightenment, and that all the schools based on those teachings are misguided. He stated that the Lotus Sutra is supreme, and that Nam-myoho-renge-kyo, the essence of the Lotus Sutra, is the only teaching that can lead the people of the Latter Day of the Law to enlightenment.
Few in the audience understood the meaning of Nichiren Daishonin’s first sermon, and some responded negatively, since it appeared to be an attack upon their own religious beliefs. The steward of the region, Tōjō Kagenobu, a fanatic follower of the Pure Land school, took steps to harm the Daishonin. When the Daishonin managed to escape, he resolved to go to Kamakura to preach. He changed his name to Nichiren (Sun Lotus).
In the eighth month of 1253, he settled in a small dwelling at Nagoe, the southeast section of Kamakura. At his dwelling and at the homes of supporters, he began to tell people about the teachings of the Lotus Sutra. On occasion, he visited temples in the city to debate with their chief priests. He denounced the beliefs of the Pure Land school, which teaches that salvation can be gained merely by invoking the name of Amida Buddha, and also attacked Zen for its rejection of the sutras.
His attacks angered not only religious leaders, but government authorities as well, since the latter were in many cases ardent patrons of the Pure Land and Zen schools. Soon he faced fierce opposition, though he continued his efforts to win converts. It was in those early years of propagation that such major disciples as Shijō Kingo, Toki Jōnin, and Ikegami Munenaka were converted.
Beginning in 1256, Japan suffered a series of calamities. Storms, floods, droughts, earthquakes, and epidemics inflicted great hardship upon the nation. In 1257, a particularly severe earthquake destroyed many temples, government buildings, and homes in Kamakura, while in 1259 and 1260 severe famine and plague ravaged the populace.
Nichiren Daishonin believed that the time had come for him to explain the basic cause of these catastrophes. He consulted the Buddhist canon to assemble incontrovertible proof of that cause and wrote a treatise titled On Establishing the Correct Teaching for the Peace of the Land. Around that time he met an acolyte called Hōki-bō, who was so impressed by the Daishonin that he became his disciple. Later, the Daishonin named him Nikkō and Nikkō became his successor.
The most powerful man in the country was Hōjō Tokiyori, a former regent of the Kamakura shogunate who had retired to Saimyō-ji, a Zen temple, but still held power. On the sixteenth day of the seventh month, 1260, Nichiren Daishonin presented to Tokiyori the treatise he had completed. In it, he attributes the cause of the recent calamities to the people’s slander of the correct teaching of Buddhism, and their reliance on false doctrines. The worship of Amida Buddha, he asserts, is the source of such slander. The nation will know no relief from suffering unless the people renounce their mistaken beliefs and accept the teachings of the Lotus Sutra. Quotes from the Golden Light, Medicine Master, Benevolent Kings, and Great Collection sutras are included to substantiate these assertions. These sutras mention various calamities that will befall any nation hostile to the correct teaching. Of the seven mentioned in the Medicine Master Sutra, five had already struck Japan. The Daishonin predicts that, if the authorities persist in turning their backs on the correct teaching, the two remaining calamities, foreign invasion and internal strife, will strike the nation as well.
Tokiyori and the government officials appear to have taken no notice of the treatise. However, when word of its contents reached the followers of the Pure Land school, they were incensed. A band of them swarmed the Daishonin’s dwelling intent on taking his life. This is known as the Matsubagayatsu Persecution. The Daishonin narrowly escaped with a few disciples, but his sense of mission would not allow him to stay away from Kamakura for long. In less than a year he was back in Kamakura to resume his preaching.
The priests of the Pure Land school, alarmed at his success in attracting followers, contrived to have charges brought against him by the Kamakura government. The regent at the time was Hōjō Nagatoki, whose father was Shigetoki, a lay priest who built Gokuraku-ji temple and a confirmed enemy of the Daishonin. Without investigation or trial, Nagatoki accepted the charges and on the twelfth day of the fifth month, 1261, ordered Nichiren Daishonin banished to the desolate coast along the Izu Peninsula. This was the first government persecution suffered by the Daishonin.
Izu was a stronghold of the Pure Land school, and exile there clearly placed the Daishonin in great personal danger. Fortunately, however, he was taken in by Funamori no Yasaburō, a local fisherman, and his wife, who treated him with great kindness. Later he won the favor of Ito Sukemitsu, the steward of the area, who became a believer in his teaching when he successfully prayed for the steward’s recovery from illness. In time the government, apparently at the instigation of the former regent, Hōjō Tokiyori, issued a pardon, and Nichiren Daishonin returned to Kamakura in the second month of 1263.
In the autumn of 1264, Nichiren Daishonin, concerned about his aged mother, returned to his home in Awa. He found his mother critically ill—his father had died earlier—but he prayed for her recovery and she was able to overcome her illness and live nearly four years longer. Unfortunately, word of his return reached the steward, Tōjō Kagenobu. When the Daishonin and a group of followers set out to visit Kudō, a supporter in the area, they were attacked by Tōjō and his men at a place called Matsubara in Tōjō. Although the Daishonin escaped death, he received a sword wound on his forehead, and his left hand was broken. This is known as the Komatsubara Persecution.
In 1268, the foreign invasion that Nichiren Daishonin had predicted seemed about to materialize. That year, as mentioned earlier, a letter from the Mongols arrived in Kamakura demanding that Japan acknowledge fealty to Khubilai Khan. The Japanese leaders realized that the nation faced grave danger. Construction of defensive fortifications was immediately undertaken in Kyushu on the coasts facing Korea, and every temple and shrine in the country was ordered to offer prayers for the defeat of the enemy.
Nichiren Daishonin, who had returned to Kamakura, was convinced that it was time for him to act. He sent eleven letters of remonstration to top-ranking officials, including the regent, Hōjō Tokimune; the deputy chief of military and police affairs, Hei no Saemon-no-jō; and the two most influential priests in Kamakura at the time, Dōryū of the Zen school and Ryōkan of the True Word Precepts school. These letters briefly restated the declaration made in On Establishing the Correct Teaching—that unless the government embraced the correct teaching, the country would suffer the final two disasters predicted in the sutras. All eleven men chose to ignore the warnings.
In 1271, the country was troubled by persistent drought. The government, fearful of famine, ordered Ryōkan, the well-known and respected chief priest of Gokuraku-ji temple, to pray for rain. When Nichiren Daishonin learned of this, he sent a written challenge to Ryōkan offering to become his disciple if the latter succeeded in bringing on rain. If he failed, however, Ryōkan was to become the Daishonin’s follower. Ryōkan accepted the challenge, but in spite of his prayers and those of hundreds of assistant priests, no rain fell. Instead, Kamakura was struck by fierce gales. Ryōkan not only did not become a disciple of the Daishonin, but actually began to plot against him in collusion with Hei no Saemon-no-jō.
Ryōkan and the Zen priest Dōryū both headed temples that had been founded by high officials of the Hōjō family. Though the founders had died, their wives still exercised strong influence within the government. Ryōkan and Dōryū aroused the anger of these women by telling them that the Daishonin, in his letters of remonstrance, had spoken disrespectfully of their deceased husbands. Eventually, as a result of the machinations of the priests, a list of charges against the Daishonin was submitted to the government.
On the tenth day of the ninth month, 1271, Hei no Saemon-no-jō summoned Nichiren Daishonin to appear in court to answer the charges. This marked the beginning of the second phase of official persecution. The Daishonin refuted false charges and repeated his predictions of foreign invasion and strife within the ruling clan. Two days after the investigation, Hei no Saemon-no-jō and his soldiers burst into the Daishonin’s dwelling. Though innocent of any wrongdoing, the Daishonin was arrested and it was decided to banish him to the island of Sado.
However, some high-ranking officials planned to have him beheaded at Tatsunokuchi on the outskirts of Kamakura. Nichiren Daishonin and his followers believed that his death was at hand, but at the last moment the sudden appearance of a luminous object in the sky so terrified the soldiers that they could not kill him. Thereafter the Daishonin began to behave as the Buddha of the Latter Day of the Law. A detailed description of these dramatic events in the Daishonin’s own words can be found in the letter entitled The Actions of the Votary of the Lotus Sutra.
In the tenth month of 1271, Nichiren Daishonin, accompanied by warrior escorts, sailed across the Sea of Japan to Sado, his place of exile, along with Nikkō and a few other disciples. They were quartered in a dilapidated hut in an area where corpses of paupers and criminals were abandoned. They were short of food and clothing, and had no fire to keep them warm. Huddling in skins and straw mantles, they somehow managed to survive the first winter.
In the first month of 1272, in response to a challenge from priests in the area, Nichiren Daishonin engaged in a religious debate with representatives of other Buddhist schools, who had gathered from around Sado and from as far away as the mainland. During what has become known as the Tsukahara Debate, he completely refuted their doctrines and demolished their positions.
The situation on Sado improved somewhat for the Daishonin as he began to receive offerings of food and clothing from local people who had converted to his teachings. However, he faced constant hostility from the priests and lay believers of other schools. His time was devoted mainly to preaching and writing. Many of his most important works, including The Object of Devotion for Observing the Mind and The Opening of the Eyes, date from this period.
On the eighteenth day of the second month, 1272, a ship reached Sado Island bringing news that fighting had broken out in Kamakura and Kyoto. It was a power struggle within the Hōjō family. The Daishonin’s prophecy of dissension within the ruling clan had come true. And before long, the second disaster he had prophesied, foreign invasion, became more likely as the Mongols repeatedly sent envoys demanding submission. In the second month of 1274, the regent, Hōjō Tokimune, who had never completely agreed with the severe treatment accorded to the Daishonin, revoked the edict of banishment. And on the twenty-sixth day of the third month, two years and five months after he was exiled, Nichiren Daishonin returned to Kamakura.
On the eighth day of the fourth month, Nichiren Daishonin was asked to appear before the military tribunal. Hei no Saemon-no-jō was the presiding official, as he had been three years earlier when charges were brought against the Daishonin. But this time he behaved with reserve and politeness. In reply to questioning concerning the possibility of a Mongol attack, the Daishonin stated that he feared an invasion within the year. He added that the government should not ask the True Word priests to pray for the destruction of the Mongols, since their prayers would only aggravate the situation.
An old Chinese text says that, if a sage warns his sovereign three times and still is not heeded, he should leave the country. Nichiren Daishonin had three times remonstrated with the rulers, predicting crises—once when he presented On Establishing the Correct Teaching, again at the time of his arrest and near execution at Tatsunokuchi, and once more on his return from Sado. Convinced that the government would never heed his warnings, he left Kamakura on the twelfth day of the fifth month, 1274. He settled in a small dwelling at the foot of Mount Minobu in the province of Kai (present-day Yamanashi Prefecture).
Because of the remoteness of the region, his life in Minobu was far from easy. His followers in Kamakura sent him money, food, and clothing, and occasionally went in groups to receive instruction from him. He devoted much of his time to writing, and nearly half of his extant works date from this period. He also spent much time lecturing and training his disciples.
In the tenth month of 1274, five months after Nichiren Daishonin moved to Minobu, the Mongols launched the attack described earlier. In a letter to one of his followers, the Daishonin expressed his bitter disappointment that his advice had been ignored, for he was convinced that, had it been heeded, the nation would have been spared much suffering.
During this period, Nikkō was successful in making a number of converts among the priests and lay people of Atsuhara Village. The priests of a Tendai temple in the area, angered at his success, began harassing the converts. Eventually, they arranged for a band of warriors to attack a number of unarmed farmers of the convert group and arrest them on false charges of thievery. Twenty of the farmers were arrested and tortured, and three were eventually beheaded.
The incident, known as the Atsuhara Persecution, was significant because, whereas earlier persecutions had been aimed mainly at the Daishonin, this time it was his followers who were targeted. In spite of the threats of the authorities, however, the farmers persisted in their faith. Nichiren Daishonin was thus convinced that his disciples and lay followers were now strong enough in faith to risk their lives for the Mystic Law.
By his sixty-first year, the Daishonin was in failing health. Feeling that death was near, on the eighth day of the ninth month, 1282, he left Minobu for Hitachi. When he reached the residence of Ikegami Munenaka in what is today a part of the city of Tokyo, he found he was too ill to continue. Many of his followers, hearing of his arrival, gathered at Ikegami to see him. On the morning of the thirteenth day of the tenth month, 1282, surrounded by disciples and lay believers reverently chanting Nam-myoho-renge-kyo, he peacefully passed away.
Nichiren Daishonin’s Buddhism
Nichiren Daishonin’s Buddhism begins with the belief that all living beings have the potential to achieve enlightenment. That idea is the epitome of Mahayana Buddhism, one of the two principal divisions of Buddhism that arose in India after the passing of Shakyamuni Buddha. The followers of Mahayana Buddhism did not shut themselves off from society, as some other Buddhist groups did, but instead worked to spread Buddhism throughout the population and to assist others on the path to enlightenment. Mahayana is thus characterized by a spirit of compassion and altruism.
Mahayana Buddhism was in time introduced to China, where it in turn gave rise to various schools. One of the most important of these was founded by Chih-i (538–597), also referred to as the Great Teacher T’ien-t’ai, and is known as the T’ien-t’ai school. It teaches that the Lotus Sutra is the highest of all the Mahayana sutras, and that all things, both animate and inanimate, possess a dormant potential for enlightenment. This doctrine is summarized in the theory known as three thousand realms in a single moment of life. The doctrines of the school were further clarified by Miao-lo (711–782), the sixth patriarch of the school.
T’ien-t’ai Buddhism was introduced to Japan as Tendai Buddhism in the early ninth century by the Great Teacher Dengyō, a Japanese priest who had gained a profound understanding of its doctrines in China. Later, in the thirteenth century, when Nichiren Daishonin studied at Mount Hiei, the headquarters of the Tendai school in Japan, he was able to confirm his conviction that the Lotus Sutra constitutes the heart of all Buddhism. Soon after, he began to teach the substance of his realization. According to his teachings, the workings of the universe are all subject to a single principle, or Law. By understanding that Law, one can unlock the hidden potential in one’s life and achieve perfect harmony with one’s environment.
Nichiren Daishonin defined the universal Law as Nam-myoho-renge-kyo, a formula that represents the essence of the Lotus Sutra and is known as the daimoku. Furthermore, he gave it concrete form by inscribing it upon the mandala known as the Gohonzon so that people could manifest Buddha wisdom and attain enlightenment. In his treatise entitled The Object of Devotion for Observing the Mind, he declares that chanting Nam-myoho-renge-kyo with faith in the Gohonzon, the crystallization of the universal Law, reveals one’s Buddha nature.
All phenomena are subject to the strict principle of cause and effect. Consequently, the present state of one’s life is the summation of all the previous causes one has made. By chanting Nam-myoho-renge-kyo, one is creating the most fundamental cause, a cause that will offset negative effects from the past and lead to absolute happiness.
Enlightenment is not a mystical or transcendental state. Rather it is a condition in which one enjoys the highest wisdom, vitality, good fortune, confidence, and other positive qualities, and in which one finds fulfillment in one’s daily activities, and come to understand one’s purpose in being alive.
The Writings of Nichiren Daishonin
The extraordinary fact that so many of the works of Nichiren Daishonin still exist today, seven hundred years after they were written, is due largely to the earnest struggles of Nikkō (1246–1333), the Daishonin’s closest disciple. He was the first to use the honorific term Gosho (“go” is an honorific prefix, and “sho” means writings) to refer to these works, and he fought hard to collect, copy, and preserve his teacher’s writings. Because of his indefatigable efforts against great odds, most of the Daishonin’s important works have been passed down to us today.
On April 28, 1952, to commemorate the seven hundredth anniversary of the founding of Nichiren Daishonin’s Buddhism, Nichiren Daishonin’s writings were published by the Soka Gakkai in one volume entitled Nichiren Daishonin gosho zenshū (The Complete Works of Nichiren Daishonin). The publication project was initiated by Jōsei Toda, the second president of the Soka Gakkai, and carried out under the editorial supervision of the scholar Nichikō Hori. Nichikō Hori (1867–1957) began his career as the librarian of Taiseki-ji temple, where, from the age of seventeen, he undertook a thorough study of the originals and copies of the Daishonin’s writings and related documents. Over the years he visited a number of temples, many of which were the main temples of other schools, in order to study their archives. His work also took him to the island of Sado, in search of materials on Abutsu-bō, and to the birthplace of Nikkō. Between the years 1925 and 1927, he served as fifty-ninth high priest of Taiseki-ji, but retired in order to devote himself entirely to his research.
A total of 426 documents, including fragmentary writings, are collected in that volume. Of these, 172 exist in Nichiren Daishonin’s own handwriting. The Daishonin’s works fall into several categories. Some are formal treatises on Buddhism with many quotations from sutras and doctrinal texts. Examples of such treatises are On Establishing the Correct Teaching and The Object of Devotion for Observing the Mind. The treatises are written in classical Chinese, which, like Latin in Europe until recent centuries, was widely used in Japan for works of history, philosophy, and religion. Nichiren Daishonin’s writings in classical Chinese are distinguished by great power and fluency.
Other writings by the Daishonin take the form of letters to his lay followers. Some of these are lengthy and detailed, giving us much valuable information about the Daishonin’s activities and thinking. Others are short communications written to advise or encourage his followers. These works are written in the ordinary Japanese epistolary style of the Kamakura period. Like the works in Chinese, they show Nichiren Daishonin to have been a master of prose style, and contain passages of great warmth and beauty.
The treatises, since they are carefully constructed and logical in presentation, pose relatively few problems of interpretation, though occasionally there are quotations whose sources have yet to be identified. But because classical Chinese is very concise in expression, and because much of the language of the treatises is highly specialized, it has at times been deemed advisable to expand the wording of the original in translation in order to make the meaning clear in English.
The letters, written in a more intimate and personal style, present greater difficulties of interpretation. Whereas the treatises were intended as formal documents to be handed down to posterity, the letters are in most cases private communications between the Daishonin and his followers and disciples. They take for granted a familiarity with certain background information that was known to the writer and the recipient, but that in many cases remains something of a mystery to us today. Thus, without a thorough knowledge of the circumstances under which the letter was written, and the identity of the recipient, we must often guess at the exact meaning of the text. In addition, epistolary styles tend as a rule to be challenging in any language, since they rely heavily upon politenesses and conventional phrases to convey subtle shades of meaning. The Japanese epistolary style of the Kamakura period is no exception, and in addition, it shares with other types of classical Japanese a tendency toward ambiguity of expression and is very sparing in its use of pronouns. All these factors contribute to making the letters of Nichiren Daishonin difficult to interpret at many points. Specific problems of interpretation are discussed in the notes to the individual translations.
As the reader will notice, Nichiren Daishonin in his letters and other writings frequently alludes to various anecdotes drawn from Buddhist texts or works of Chinese history. One should not suppose that he includes these allusions to show off his learning. Such allusions may seem pedantic to readers who are unfamiliar with the cultural background and must turn to the notes for assistance, but it should be kept in mind that the Japanese readers whom Nichiren Daishonin was addressing would have encountered no such difficulty. The anecdotes he refers to would have been as familiar to them as the stories of the Bible or Greek mythology are to Western readers, and thus they would have immediately grasped the significance of the allusion and appreciated its aptness. It may also be noted that quotations from the sutras and other Buddhist writings may very rarely appear in slightly different form from place to place in the Daishonin’s writings. The English translation renders these differences exactly as the Daishonin does.
THIS letter is addressed to Toki. It should also be shown to Saburō Saemon, the lay priest Ōkuratōnotsuji Jūrō, the lay nun of Sajiki, and my other followers. Send me the names of those killed in the battles at Kyoto and Kamakura. Also, please have those who are coming here bring me the anthology of non-Buddhist texts, volume two of The Words and Phrases of the Lotus Sutra, volume four of The Profound Meaning of the Lotus Sutra and the commentary on this volume, and the collected official opinion papers and collected imperial edicts.
The most dreadful things in the world are the pain of fire, the flashing of swords, and the shadow of death. Even horses and cattle fear being killed; no wonder human beings are afraid of death. Even a leper clings to life; how much more so a healthy person. The Buddha teaches that even filling the entire major world system with the seven kinds of treasures does not match offering one’s little finger to the Buddha and the [Lotus] sutra.1 The boy Snow Mountains gave his own body, and the ascetic Aspiration for the Law peeled off his own skin [in order to record the Buddha’s teachings]. Since nothing is more precious than life itself, one who dedicates one’s life to Buddhist practice is certain to attain Buddhahood. If one is prepared to offer one’s life, why should one begrudge any other treasure for the sake of Buddhism? On the other hand, if one is loath to part with one’s wealth, how can one possibly offer one’s life, which is far more valuable?
The way of the world dictates that one should repay a great obligation to another, even at the cost of one’s life. Many warriors die for their lords, perhaps many more than one would imagine. A man will die to defend his honor; a woman will die for a man. Fish want to survive; they deplore their pond’s shallowness and dig holes in the bottom to hide in, yet tricked by bait, they take the hook. Birds in a tree fear that they are too low and perch in the top branches, yet bewitched by bait, they too are caught in snares. Human beings are equally vulnerable. They give their lives for shallow, worldly matters but rarely for the Buddha’s precious teachings. Small wonder they do not attain Buddhahood.
Buddhism should be spread by the method of either shōju or shakubuku, depending on the age. These are analogous to the two worldly ways of the literary and the military. The great sages of old practiced the Buddhist teachings as befitted the times. The boy Snow Mountains and Prince Sattva offered their bodies when urged that by doing so they would hear the p.302teaching in return, and that giving one’s life constitutes bodhisattva practice. But should one sacrifice one’s life at a time when it is not required? In an age when there is no paper, one should use one’s own skin. In an age when there are no writing brushes, one should use one’s own bones. In an age when people honor the observers of the precepts and the practitioners of the correct teaching while they denounce those who break or ignore the precepts, one should strictly follow the precepts. In an age when Confucianism or Taoism is used to suppress Shakyamuni’s teachings, one should risk one’s life to remonstrate with the emperor, as did the Dharma teachers Tao-an and Hui-yüan and the Tripitaka Master Fa-tao. In an age when people confuse Hinayana and Mahayanateachings, provisional and true teachings, or exoteric and esoteric doctrines, as though unable to distinguish gems from tiles and stones or cow’s milk from donkey’s milk,2 one should strictly differentiate between them, following the example of the great teachers T’ien-t’ai and Dengyō.
It is the nature of beasts to threaten the weak and fear the strong. Our contemporary scholars of the various schools are just like them. They despise a wise man without power, but fear evil rulers. They are no more than fawning retainers. Only by defeating a powerful enemy can one prove one’s real strength. When an evil ruler in consort with priests of erroneous teachings tries to destroy the correct teaching and do away with a man of wisdom, those with the heart of a lion king are sure to attain Buddhahood. Like Nichiren, for example. I say this not out of arrogance, but because I am deeply committed to the correct teaching. An arrogant person will always be overcome with fear when meeting a strong enemy, as was the haughty asura who shrank in size and hid himself in a lotus blossom in Heat-Free Lake when reproached by Shakra. Even a word or a phrase of the correct teaching will enable one to gain the way, if it suits the time and the capacity of the people. But though one studies a thousand sutras and ten thousand treatises, one will not attain Buddhahood if these teachings are unsuitable for the time and the people’s capacity.
Twenty-six years have passed since the battle of Hōji,3 and fighting4 has already broken out twice, on the eleventh and the seventeenth days of the second month of this year. Neither non-Buddhists nor the enemies of Buddhism can destroy the correct teaching of the Thus Come One, but the Buddha’s disciples definitely can. As a sutra says, only worms born of the lion’s body feed on the lion.5 A person of great fortune will never be ruined by enemies, but may be ruined by those who are close. The current battle is what the Medicine Master Sutra means by “the calamity of revolt within one’s own domain.” The Benevolent Kings Sutra states, “Once the sages have departed, then the seven disasters are certain to arise.” The Golden Light Sutra states, “The thirty-three heavenly godsbecome furious because the king permits evil to run rampant and fails to subdue it.” Although I, Nichiren, am not a sage, I am equal to one, for I uphold the Lotus Sutra exactly as it teaches. Furthermore, since I have long understood the ways of the world, the prophecies I have made in this life have all come true. Therefore, you must never doubt what I have told you concerning future existences.
On the twelfth day of the ninth month of last year, when I was arrested, I called out in a loud voice, “I, Nichiren, am the pillar, sun, moon, mirror, and eyes of the ruling clan of Kanto.6 If the country abandons me, the seven disasters will occur without fail.” Did not this prophecy come true just 60 days and then 150 days later? And those battles were only the first p.303signs. What lamenting there will be when the full effect appears!
Ignorant people wonder why Nichiren is persecuted by the rulers if he is truly a wise man. Yet it is all just as I expected. King Ajātashatru tormented his father and mother, for which he was hailed by the six royal ministers. When Devadattakilled an arhat and caused the Buddha to bleed, Kokālika and others were delighted. Nichiren is father and mother to the ruling house and is like a Buddha or an arhat to this age. The sovereign and his subjects who rejoice at my exile are truly the most shameless and pitiable of all. Those slanderous priests who have been bewailing the exposure of their errors may be overjoyed for the moment, but eventually they will suffer no less than myself and my followers. Their joy is like Yasuhira’s when he killed his younger brother and Kurō Hōgan.7The demon who will destroy the ruling clan has already entered the country. This is the meaning of the passage from the Lotus Sutra that reads, “Evil demons will take possession of others.”8
The persecutions Nichiren has faced are the result of karma formed in previous lifetimes. The “Never Disparaging” chapter reads, “when his offenses had been wiped out,” indicating that Bodhisattva Never Disparaging was vilified and beaten by countless slanderers of the correct teaching because of his past karma. How much more true this is of Nichiren, who in this life was born poor and lowly to a chandāla family. In my heart I cherish some faith in the Lotus Sutra, but my body, while outwardly human, is fundamentally that of an animal. It was conceived of the two fluids, one white and one red, of a father and mother who subsisted on fish and fowl. My spirit dwells in this body as the moon is reflected in muddy water, or as gold is wrapped in a filthy bag. Since my heart believes in the Lotus Sutra, I do not fear even Brahmā or Shakra, but my body is still that of an animal. With such disparity between my body and my mind, no wonder the foolish despise me. Without doubt, when compared to my body, my mind shines like the moon or like gold. Who knows what slander I may have committed in the past? I may possess the soul of the monk Superior Intent or the spirit of Mahādeva. Perhaps I am descended from those who contemptuously persecuted Bodhisattva Never Disparaging, or am among those who forgot the seeds of enlightenment sown in their lives.9 I may even be related to the five thousand arrogant people,10 or belong to the third group [who failed to take faith in the Lotus Sutra] in the days of the Buddha Great Universal Wisdom Excellence.11 It is impossible to fathom one’s karma.
Iron, when heated in the flames and pounded, becomes a fine sword. Worthies and sages are tested by abuse. My present exile is not because of any secular crime. It is solely so that I may expiate in this lifetime my past grave offenses and be freed in the next from the three evil paths.
The Parinirvāna Sutra states: “Those who enter the monastic order, don clerical garments, and make a show of studying my teachings will exist in ages to come. Being lazy and remiss, they will slander the correct and equal sutras. You should be aware that all these people are followers of the non-Buddhist doctrines of today.” Those who read this passage should reflect deeply on their own practice. The Buddha is saying that those of our contemporary priests who wear clerical garments, but are idle and negligent, were disciples of the six non-Buddhist teachers in his day.
The followers of Hōnen, who call themselves the Nembutsu school, not only turn people away from the Lotus Sutra, telling them to “discard, close, ignore, and abandon”12 it, but also p.304advocate chanting only the name of the Buddha Amida, a Buddha described in the provisional teachings. The followers of Dainichi, known as the Zen school, claim that the Buddha’s true teachings have been transmitted apart from the sutras. They ridicule the Lotus Sutra as nothing more than a finger pointing at the moon or a meaningless string of words. Those priests must both have been followers of the six non-Buddhist teachers, who only now have entered the stream of Buddhism.
According to the Nirvana Sutra, the Buddha emitted a radiant light that illuminated the 136 hells underground and revealed that not a single offender remained there. This was because they had all achieved Buddhahood through the “Life Span” chapter of the Lotus Sutra. What a pity, however, that the icchantikas, or persons of incorrigible disbelief, who had slandered the correct teaching, were found to have been detained there by the wardens of hell. They proliferated until they became the people of Japan today.
Since Nichiren himself committed slander in the past, he became a Nembutsupriest in this lifetime, and for several years he also laughed at those who practiced the Lotus Sutra, saying that “not a single person has ever attained Buddhahood”13 through that sutra, or that “not even one person in a thousand”14can be saved by it. Awakening from my intoxicated state of slander, I felt like a drunken son who, on becoming sober, laments at having delighted in striking his parents. He regrets it bitterly, but to no avail. His offense is extremely difficult to erase. Even more so are the past slanders of the correct teaching that stain the depths of one’s heart. A sutra states that both the crow’s blackness and the heron’s whiteness are actually the deep stains of their past karma.15 The non-Buddhists failed to recognize this and claimed it was the work of nature. Today, when I expose people’s slanders in an effort to save them, they deny it with every excuse possible and argue back with Hōnen’s words about barring the gates to the Lotus Sutra. From Nembutsu believers this is hardly surprising, but even priests of the Tendai and True Word schools actively support them.
On the sixteenth and seventeenth days of the first month of this year, hundreds of priests and lay believers from the Nembutsu and other schools here in the province of Sado came to debate with me. A leader of the Nembutsu school, Inshō-bō, said: “The Honorable Hōnen did not instruct us to abandon the Lotus Sutra. He simply wrote that all people should chant the Nembutsu, and that its great blessings assure their rebirth in the Pure Land. Even the priests of Mount Hiei and Onjō-ji temple who have been exiled to this island praise him, saying how excellent his teaching is. How dare you try to refute it?” The local priests are even more ignorant than the Nembutsu priests in Kamakura. They are absolutely pitiful.
How terrible are the slanders Nichiren has committed in his past and present existences! Since you have been born into this evil country and become the disciples of such a man, there is no telling what will happen to you. The Parinirvāna Sutra states: “Good man, because people committed countless offenses and accumulated much evil karma in the past, they must expect to suffer retribution for everything they have done. They may be despised, cursed with an ugly appearance, be poorly clad and poorly fed, seek wealth in vain, be born to an impoverished and lowly family or one with erroneous views, or be persecuted by their sovereign.” It continues: “They may be subjected to various other sufferings and retributions. It is due to the blessings obtained by protecting the Law p.305that they can diminish in this lifetime their suffering and retribution.” Were it not for Nichiren, these passages from the sutra would virtually make the Buddha a liar. The sutra says, first, “They may be despised”; second, “They may be cursed with an ugly appearance”; third, “They may be poorly clad”; fourth, “They may be poorly fed”; fifth, “They may seek wealth in vain”; sixth, “They may be born to an impoverished and lowly family”; seventh, “They may be born to a family with erroneous views”; and eighth, “They may be persecuted by their sovereign.” These eight phrases apply only to me, Nichiren.
One who climbs a high mountain must eventually descend. One who slights another will in turn be despised. One who deprecates those of handsome appearance will be born ugly. One who robs another of food and clothing is sure to fall into the world of hungry spirits. One who mocks a person who observes the precepts and is worthy of respect will be born to an impoverished and lowly family. One who slanders a family that embraces the correct teaching will be born to a family that holds erroneous views. One who laughs at those who cherish the precepts faithfully will be born a commoner and meet with persecution from one’s sovereign. This is the general law of cause and effect.
My sufferings, however, are not ascribable to this causal law. In the past I despised the votaries of the Lotus Sutra. I also ridiculed the sutra itself, sometimes with exaggerated praise and other times with contempt—that sutra as magnificent as two moons shining side by side, two stars conjoined, one Mount Hua16 placed atop another, or two jewels combined. This is why I have experienced the aforementioned eight kinds of sufferings. Usually these sufferings appear one at a time, on into the boundless future, but Nichiren has denounced the enemies of the Lotus Sutra so severely that all eight have descended at once. This is like the case of a peasant heavily in debt to the steward of his village and to other authorities. As long as he remains in his village or district, rather than mercilessly hounding him, they are likely to defer his debts from one year to the next. But when he tries to leave, they rush over and demand that he repay everything at once. This is what the sutra means when it states, “It is due to the blessings obtained by protecting the Law.”
The Lotus Sutra says: “There will be many ignorant people who will curse and speak ill of us and will attack us with swords and staves, with rocks and tiles . . . they will address the rulers, high ministers, Brahmans, and householders, [as well as the other monks, slandering and speaking evil of us] . . . again and again we will be banished.”17 If the offenders are not tormented by the wardens of hell, they will never be able to [pay for their offenses and] escape from hell. Were it not for the rulers and ministers who now persecute me, I would be unable to expiate my past sins of slandering the correct teaching.
Nichiren is like Bodhisattva Never Disparaging of old, and the people of this day are like the four categories of Buddhists who disparaged and cursed him. Though the people are different, the cause is the same. Though different people kill their parents, they all fall into the same hell of incessant suffering. Since Nichiren is making the same cause as Never Disparaging, how could it be that he would not become a Buddha equal to Shakyamuni? Moreover, those who now slander him are like Bhadrapala18 and the others [who cursed Never Disparaging]. They will be tortured in the Avīchi hell for a thousand kalpas. I therefore pity them deeply and wonder what can be done p.306for them. Those who belittled and cursed Never Disparaging acted that way at first, but later they took faith in his teachings and willingly became his followers. The greater part of the fault of their slander was thus expiated, but even the small part that remained caused them to suffer as terribly as one who had killed one’s parents a thousand times. The people of this age refuse to repent at all; therefore, as the “Simile and Parable” chapter states, they must suffer in hell for a countless number of kalpas; they may even suffer there for a duration of major world system dust particle kalpas or of numberless major world system dust particle kalpas.
Aside from these people, there are also those who appeared to believe in me, but began doubting when they saw me persecuted. They not only have forsaken the Lotus Sutra, but also actually think themselves wise enough to instruct me. The pitiful thing is that these perverse people must suffer in the Avīchi hell even longer than the Nembutsu believers.
An asura contended that the Buddha taught only eighteen elements,19 but that he himself expounded nineteen. The non-Buddhist teachers claimed that the Buddha offered only one way to enlightenment, but that they had ninety-five.20In the same way, the renegade disciples say, “Though the priest Nichiren is our teacher, he is too forceful. We will spread the Lotus Sutra in a more peaceful way.” In so asserting, they are being as ridiculous as fireflies laughing at the sun and moon, an anthill belittling Mount Hua, wells and brooks despising the river and the ocean, or a magpie mocking a phoenix. Nam-myoho-renge-kyo.
Nichiren
The twentieth day of the third month in the ninth year of Bun’ei (1272), cyclical sign mizunoe-saru
To Nichiren’s disciples and lay supporters
There is very little writing paper here in the province of Sado, and to write to you individually would take too long. Nevertheless, if even one person fails to hear from me, it will cause resentment. Therefore, I want people with seeking minds to meet and read this letter together for encouragement. When great trouble occurs in the world, minor troubles become insignificant. I do not know how accurate the reports reaching me are, but there must surely be intense grieving over those killed in the recent battles. What has become of the lay priests Izawa and Sakabe? Send me news of Kawanobe, Yamashiro, Tokugyō-ji,21 and the others. Also, please be kind enough to send me The Essentials of Government in the Chen-kuan Era,22 the collection of tales from the non-Buddhist classics, and the record of the teachings transmitted within the eight schools. Without these, I cannot even write letters.
Background
This letter was written on the twentieth day of the third month, 1272, some five months after Nichiren Daishonin had arrived on the island of Sado to begin his exile there. He addressed it to Toki Jōnin, a samurai serving as a leading retainer to Lord Chiba, the constable of Shimōsa Province, to Saburō Saemon (Shijō Kingo) in Kamakura, and to other staunch followers.
p.307Nichiren Daishonin had been banished on the tenth day of the tenth month, 1271. Charges of treason had been brought against him by Ryōkan, the chief priest of Gokuraku-ji temple in Kamakura, and by Hei no Saemon, deputy chief of the Office of Military and Police Affairs. Hei no Saemon was resolved to execute the Daishonin at Tatsunokuchi before he was to be delivered to the custody of Homma Shigetsura, the deputy constable of Sado. The attempt at execution was unsuccessful, however, and after a delay of almost a month Homma’s warriors escorted the Daishonin to the coast of the Sea of Japan. After a delay there caused by bad weather, the Daishonin finally arrived on Sado on the twenty-eighth day of the tenth month.
Nichiren Daishonin was housed at first in a dilapidated structure known as Sammai-dō, where he lived exposed to the wind and snow that blew in through gaps in the roof and walls. After five months he was able to move to more comfortable quarters at Ichinosawa. The Daishonin engaged in debates with Pure Land and other priests and actively propagated his own teachings. While on Sado he wrote two major treatises, The Opening of the Eyes and The Object of Devotion for Observing the Mind. In the second month, 1274, the Daishonin was pardoned and returned to Kamakura on the twenty-sixth day of the third month.
In this writing the Daishonin first states that the only way to attain Buddhahood is to be willing to offer one’s life, one’s most precious possession, to Buddhism. Next, he says that the method of propagation known as shakubuku is appropriate to this age, and that one can attain Buddhahood only by dedicating oneself to it. He then declares that he is the “pillar, sun, moon, mirror, and eyes” of and “father and mother” to the country; these are symbolic references to the Buddha of the Latter Day of the Law, who is perfectly endowed with the three virtues of parent, teacher, and sovereign. He also mentions his earlier prophecies in On Establishing the Correct Teaching for the Peace of the Land concerning political upheaval and violent feuds within the country.
Lastly, he gives an elaborate explanation of karma or destiny, stating that his present difficulties arise from the fact that he slandered the Lotus Sutra in a past existence. Using himself as an example, he elucidates to his disciples the kind of spirit and practice by which they can alter their karma. He adds that persons who try to propagate the correct teaching of Buddhism vigorously will invariably face opposition, and that such opposition in reality presents an opportunity for them to change their karma. Those who have given up their faith and instead criticize are admonished that their actions bear the heaviest consequences. He compares their lack of vision to fireflies who laugh at the sun.
Though written in the context of thirteenth-century Japan, the Daishonin’s works shed universally valid light upon the sanctity of life and its boundless potentiality, while rejecting anyone or anything that undervalues or imposes harm upon life. They stress the view that all human beings are potential Buddhas. The Daishonin directs severe criticism at various Buddhist schools that, in his view, pursue some external authority that tends to control people or make them submissive.
The Daishonin affirms the equality of all people, women and men alike. For example, he writes, “These Ten Worlds are born from the mind of the individual and constitute the eighty-four thousand teachings. Here a single individual has been used as an example, but the same thing applies equally to all living beings” (p. 844). He also states, “There should be no discrimination among those who propagate the five characters of Myoho-renge-kyo in the Latter Day of the Law, be they men or women. Were they not Bodhisattvas of the Earth, they could not chant the daimoku” (I, p. 385).
A spirit of all-embracing compassion characterizes the life of the Buddha. In his work entitled On Reprimanding Hachiman, the Daishonin states, “The Nirvana Sutra says, ‘The varied sufferings that all living beings undergo—all these are the Thus Come One’s own sufferings.’ And Nichiren declares that the sufferings that all living beings undergo, all springing from this one cause—all these are Nichiren’s own sufferings” (p. 934). In The Record of the Orally Transmitted Teachings, after citing the same passage from the Nirvana Sutra, the Daishonin is quoted as saying, “Nichiren declares that the varied sufferings that all living beings undergo—all these are Nichiren’s own sufferings” (The Record of the Orally Transmitted Teachings, p. 138).
As explained in the preface to volume 1, in terms of content, the Daishonin’s works may be classified into four categories: (1) treatises on doctrines, (2) writings remonstrating with government and religious authorities, (3) letters offering advice, encouragement, or consolation to believers, or those answering questions, and (4) writings conveying the Daishonin’s oral teachings. Many of his writings belong to categories (1) and (3), and the present volume contains eleven letters of remonstrance that may be classified under category (2). None of the writings of category (4) are included in this volume. This volume also contains several writings that are in chart or diagram form, such as Diagram of the Five Periods of the Buddha’s Lifetime Teachings and Rooster Diagram of the Five Periods of the Buddha’s Lifetime Teachings. The charts and diagrams employ outline form to provide a quick understanding of the teachings.
Prior to the publication of the present volume, the Soka Gakkai in 2004 published an English translation by Burton Watson of the Ongi kuden under the title The Record of the Orally Transmitted Teachings. The Ongi kuden was not written by the Daishonin himself, but was completed by Nikkō on the basis of notes on the Daishonin’s lectures on the Lotus Sutra. The translation has therefore not been included in the present volume. This does not imply, however, that it is not of great importance in making clear the Daishonin’s ideas. The Complete Works of Nichiren Daishonin contains four other records of a similar nature that have yet to be translated into English.
For readers who have not read volume 1, we recommend that they read the foreword by Daisaku Ikeda, president of the Soka Gakkai International, and the preface, introduction, and translators’ note that appear at the beginning of that volume.
The appendixes at the back of this volume will provide knowledge that is helpful in understanding the writings. The glossary explains the meanings of Buddhist terms and concepts found in this volume.
In closing, we would like to express our sincere appreciation to Dr. Burton Watson, the translator of The Lotus Sutra and works of Chinese literature, for his continued contribution to the translations in this volume.
The Gosho Translation Committee
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Awakening to the Lotus: An introduction to Nichiren Shu
The practical, soteriological nature of Buddhism makes it wary of what Wittgenstein called the bewitchment of the mind by language. Yet the view that Buddhism disregards language is an oversimplification, especially in Japan. Japanese Buddhism has a positive appreciation of language, particularly of its non-referential usage. Buddhist thought first came to Japan in the form of sūtras and commentaries written in Chinese characters. Written language was still so novel, and categories of thought so limited, that the content of these texts could be read as manifestations of new realities rather than as ideas referring to Buddhism. Some of the earliest literature composed in Japan, such as the poetry collection Man’yōshū, mentions kotodama, the spiritual power of words that makes things present. Although scholars articulated this theory of language only much later and aligned it with Shintō (see Motoori Norinaga), it may apply to the early understanding of Chinese Buddhist as well as indigenous words. Words had the power not only to manifest things in the world but also to change them; before Buddhist texts represented a doctrinal and ethical system, they provided incantations to heal illness and bring prosperity to the land.
The ritualistic use of language continued through the centuries and was often central to the expression of doctrine. Practitioners often used single words or phrases as the condensed form of a doctrine or lengthy sūtra. Kūkai, for example, recited the Sanskrit formulas for the Womb and Diamond Mandalas to better envision these pictorial representations of the cosmic order. He proposed that intoning mantras could make the basic sounds of the cosmos audible. He used dhāraṇī or magical formulae not only as a means of purifying body and mind and allowing him to understand the point of every Buddhist scripture, but also as the means by which his patron bodhisattva could fulfill all wishes. Even when later Pure Land School teachers such as Shinran suspected discursive language and discouraged belief in worldly benefit through magical transformation, they taught that the sincere invocation of Amida Buddha’s name has the power to actualize the salvation of all sentient beings. Buddhists of the Nichiren schools chanted the name of the Wondrous Lotus Sutra, namu myōhōrenge kyō, as a condensation and realization of all doctrines contained in it. Rinzai Zen teachers advocated the practice of kanna or ‘contemplating the [crucial] phrase’ of a dialogue, or of compressing the already condensed Heart Sutra into a single word. As long as the words are ‘live’ and not dead repetitions, Zen teachers conceived such practices as shortcuts to enlightenment that immediately put the practitioner in a frame of mind to realize the point of Buddhist doctrines.
The transformative as well as expressive nature of language is evident in perhaps the most important collection of premodern Japanese philosophical literature, the Shōbōgenzō(Treasury of the True Dharma Eye), by the thirteenth-century Zen master Dōgen. One chapter begins: ‘As for the Buddha Way, not to voice it is impossible.’ This statement does not command one to proclaim the teachings of Buddhism, but rather connects one’s attainment of truth with its expression in the world. Such expression includes but is not limited to language. Another chapter of the Shōbōgenzō states, ‘All buddhas and patriarchs are able to voice the Way’, that is, to express truth in all their words and actions. By virtue of their realization of non-duality or no ultimate opposition, they can directly express the Way and not merely refer to it. They can also experience as the words of the Buddha ‘the preaching of non-sentient beings’, the ‘sounds of the valley streams and the forms of the mountains’. This idea, explained further below (see §5), seems to collapse any ultimate distinction between sign and signified. Words express themselves, as do valley streams and the forms of mountains. This ‘expressing’ or ‘voicing of the Way’ does not stand for or represent something other than itself, and language used representationally is not privileged to express reality. The limitation placed on the power of representational language here is accompanied by an expanded meaning of ‘expression’ or ‘voicing of the Way’ that includes both linguistic and nonlinguistic forms.
Nichiren Buddhism is a branch of Mahayana Buddhism that began in medieval Japan in the 13th century and has since spread across the globe to millions of practitioners. It is named after the Japanese Buddhist priest Nichiren (1222–1282), whose teachings remain central to the school’s institutions.
Like many of his contemporaries, Nichiren believed that the Lotus Sutra contained all other Buddhist teachings. Unlike his peers, he also believed that the Japanese title of the sutra, Nam-myoho-renge-kyo, contained all of the dharma—and that it is possible for anyone to attain Buddhahood through the practice of chanting the scripture’s name. Nichiren Buddhists recite this chant, called the daimoku, along with other recitations and prayers as part of the twice daily gongyo (“assiduous practice”) ritual.
Nichiren Buddhism arose during the Kamakura Period (1185–1333), an era marked by civil war and natural disasters in Japan, in addition to vast disparities of wealth. The suffering was so great that Japanese Buddhists came to believe that the “Latter Day of the Law”—a period of moral and intellectual decline, as foretold in the sutras—had arrived. Newer schools, including Zen, Pure Land, and Nichiren started to spread. While Pure Land favored a tariki, or faith in “other-power,” approach and Zen stressed jiriki, or “self-power,” practice of meditation, Nichiren took the middle way, empowering individual change through religious faith to empower individuals to change. “Faith in action” became the theme for his life of spiritual and political activism.
Nichiren’s practices, such as chanting the daimoku, reflect a spirit of egalitarianism, which asserts that the dharma and enlightenment are available to everyone—be they rich or poor, educated or uneducated, lay or ordained, male or female. For many Nichiren Buddhists today, social activism and engagement is a vital part of their practice.
After Nichiren’s death, the school of Buddhism he founded experienced a period of fragmentation as his followers struggled to codify the teachings he had left behind. This process led to the founding of 37 different schools of Nichiren Buddhism. The largest of these groups include Nichiren Shu, Soka Gakkai International (SGI), and Nichiren Shoshu. Nichiren Shu is the oldest of the three. It contains several smaller Nichiren orders, and its main temple, Kuon-ji, is located near Nichiren’s burial site on Mount Minobu in Japan. SGI, a lay organization, is the most influential, boasting more than 12 million members. SGI was originally a branch of Nichiren Shoshu, which holds the belief that Nichiren is a divine figure (as opposed to the Nichiren Shu view that he was just a priest). In the late 20th century Nichiren Shoshu and SGI came into conflict over authority and doctrinal differences, culminating in 1991, when Nichiren Shoshu excommunicated SGI.
Nichiren’s Legacy: Three principle practices of Nichiren Buddhism — meditation on the Gohonzon and Namu Myoho Renge Kyo –
Buddha Weekly: Buddhist Practices, Mindfulness, Meditation
The path to enlightenment is not a single straight line. Buddhism is a religion with many different branches, all of which have their own interpretation and practice of the teachings. Nichiren Buddhism is a branch of Mahayana Buddhism that emphasizes the Lotus Sutra and the teachings of Nichiren. If you’re curious about this branch of Buddhism and would like to learn more, this guide is for you. We’ll discuss the basics of Nichiren Buddhism, including its history, teachings, and three principle practices.
By Dave Lang
Beautiful grounds of the sacred temple Minobusan Kuonji, the head temple of Nichiren tradition found in Minobu, Japan.
The History of Nichiren Buddhism
We must go back to his roots if we want to understand Nichiren and his teachings.
13th-century Japan is in the midst of great turmoil caused by the political shift from the feudal system to a more militarized government: the Kamakura Shogunate. Nichiren, born into a peasant family, had a deep understanding of the suffering that people were going through during this time.[1]
For 20 years, he traveled throughout the country, studying various Buddhist scriptures in an attempt to find a way to ease the people’s suffering. He eventually concluded that the only way to do this was to revive Buddhism and make it relevant to the Japanese people again.
During his lifetime, Nichiren was seen as a controversial figure due to his criticisms of other branches of Buddhism and his belief that the Lotus Sutra was the only way to achieve enlightenment. However, his teachings began to gain popularity after his death, and today Nichiren Buddhism is practiced by more than 12 million people in 188 countries worldwide.[2]
Beautiful Buddha statue at Minobu Japan on the grounds of Monobusan Kuonji.
The Lotus Sutra
The Lotus Sutra is a Mahayana Buddhist scripture written in India during the 4th or 5th century CE. It’s seen as one of the most important texts in Buddhism, and its teachings are at the heart of Nichiren Buddhism.
In fact, it is believed that Nichiren kept a copy of The Lotus Sutra with him at all times for further study and reflection.
The Lotus Sutra in Japanese, here from 17th century Edo period.
The Lotus Sutra teaches that all beings have the potential to reach ‘Buddhahood’ within them and that anyone can achieve enlightenment. It’s this message of hope and possibility that Nichiren felt would resonate with the people of his time.
At its core, Nichiren Buddhism is about making the whole of society better by empowering each individual to take control of their own lives. The result is a nation of’ Bodhisattvas,’ or Buddha-like beings, who are spreading the teachings of Buddhism and helping others to achieve enlightenment.
A statue of Nichiren at Myoren-ji Temple in Kamigyo.
Nichiren’s writing
Nichiren’s road to enlightenment can be split into three phases. The first phase was his study of various Buddhist scriptures. The second stage begins when Nichiren is exiled to Sado Island for speaking against the government, during which time he focuses on writing.
He publishes two books: ‘On the Opening of the Eyes and ‘The Object of Devotion for Observing the Mind in the Fifth Five-Hundred Year Period.’ He shares harrowing details about his near-execution by beheading and how he saw it as a rebirth. He continues to argue that reading the Lotus Sutra is the only way to achieve enlightenment and that it is more important than any other Buddhist scripture. [2]
The third and final phase of Nichiren’s life and teachings was spent on Mount Minobu. Here, he began training disciples in his teachings and spreading the word of Buddhism to the masses. Although his followers faced a constant threat of persecution, they managed to keep the religion alive, and eventually, it began to take root in society.
Beautiful pagoda on the grounds of Minbusan Kuonji.
The three principle practices of Nichiren Buddhism
Now that we’ve set the stage let’s dive into the three principle practices of Nichiren Buddhism. Nichiren believed these practices were essential for achieving nirvana and improving Japan’s social and political landscape.
1. The Faith in Nichiren’s Gohonzon
The first practice is to have faith in Nichiren’s Gohonzon. The Gohonzon is a mandala that Nichiren created as a tool for meditation and spiritual growth. It contains the names of the Buddha and his followers, as well as symbols that represent different aspects of Buddhist teachings.
A Gohonzon that was inscribed by Nichiren just before his death in 1280. The central logographs depict the official title of the Lotus Sūtra
When you meditate on the Gohonzon, you align yourself with the Buddha’s enlightened mind and open yourself up to receive his wisdom and guidance. The Gohonzon is not just a physical object but a powerful tool that can help you to connect with your higher self.
The Gohonzon uses Chinese calligraphy to represent the Buddha’s teachings. It is hung on a scroll or placed on an altar in a place of honor in your home. It’s usually accompanied by a candle and incense, used as offerings to the Buddha.
2. The Chanting of Namu Myoho Renge Kyo
The act of meditating on the Gohonzon is called Daimoku, and it’s an essential part of Nichiren Buddhism. When you chant Daimoku, you are reciting the phrase
Namu 南無 “devoted to”, a transliteration of Sanskrit námas lit. ’a bow’.
Myōhō 妙法 “exquisite law”
Myō 妙, from Middle Chinese mièw, “strange, mystery, miracle, cleverness” (cf. Mandarin miào)
Hō 法, from Middle Chinese pjap, “law, principle, doctrine” (cf. Mand. fǎ)
Renge-kyō 蓮華經 “Lotus Sutra”
Renge 蓮華 “padma (Lotus)”
Ren 蓮, from Middle Chinese len, “lotus” (cf. Mand. lián)
Ge 華, from Middle Chinese xwæ, “flower” (cf. Mand. huā)
Kyō 経, from Middle Chinese kjeng, “sutra” (cf. Mand. jīng)
Here is an easy-going version of the mantra chanting:
Here is a faster style of chanting (15 minutes):
This phrase encapsulates the core teachings of Nichiren Buddhism, which is that all beings have the potential to achieve Buddhahood. By chanting Daimoku, you affirm your faith in this principle and open yourself up to its power.
There are many ways to chant Daimoku, but the most common is to recite it slowly and with feeling. You can also chant it along with a group of people, which is said to be even more powerful.
Another thing to keep in mind is that you don’t need to be a Buddhist to chant Daimoku. Anyone can benefit from its power, regardless of their religious beliefs.
3. The study of Nichiren’s scriptural writings
The third and final practice of Nichiren Buddhism is the study of Nichiren’s scriptural writings, which are known as the Gosho. These various texts contain Nichiren’s thoughts on different topics, such as the nature of reality, the importance of taking action, and the relationship between Buddha and humanity. The Gosho texts, letters, and stories are an essential part of Nichiren Buddhism because they provide guidance for how we should live our lives. By studying them, we can gain a deeper understanding of religion and the world around us.
One of the most famous texts in the Gosho is The Letter from Sado, which Nichiren wrote during his exile on the island of Sado. In this letter, Nichiren reinforces the importance of the Lotus Sutra, comparing it to a healthy dose of cow’s milk. He goes on to compare other sutras to donkey’s milk, which was thought to be poisonous.
The other texts in the Gosho are equally as powerful and provide insights into a variety of topics.
A leaf of a Japanese translation of the Lotus Sutra showing the grand assembly from chapter 1.
Differences and similarities: Nichiren and other traditions
Now that we’ve gone over the three principle practices of Nichiren Buddhism let’s take a look at how it differs from other schools of Buddhism.
The most notable difference is that Nichiren Buddhism revolves entirely around the Lotus Sutra, whereas other schools of Buddhism focus on a variety of different sutras, like the Heart Sutra and the Diamond Sutra.
Another difference is that Nichiren Buddhists believe that all beings have the potential to achieve Buddhahood, regardless of their karma or past actions. This is in contrast to other schools of Buddhism, which teach that only those with good karma can achieve enlightenment.
As for similarities, Nichiren Buddhism shares many of the same core beliefs as other schools of Buddhism. For example, they both believe in karma and reincarnation. They also both teach that the path to enlightenment is through meditation and mindfulness.
So, while there are some minor differences between Nichiren Buddhism and other schools of Buddhism, the two paths are more similar than they are different.
Nichiren’s Legacy and Contributions
Nichiren died in 1282, but his teachings live on to this day. His followers continue to practice the three principle practices of Nichiren Buddhism, and his writings continue to inspire new generations of Buddhists.
Nichiren was a controversial figure during his lifetime, but his legacy is undeniable. He was an influential proponent of social and political change, and his teachings have helped shape the modern world of Buddhism.
He was also the first Buddhist teacher to emphasize the importance of chanting Daimoku as a way to connect with the Buddha and receive his wisdom and guidance.
His legacy is one of hope and possibility. He showed us that we have the power to change our lives and the world around us.
Who should consider learning about Nichiren Buddhism?
Nichiren’s teachings are for everyone and anyone. However, some people may be particularly interested in his teachings. Opposing schools of thought see Nichiren Buddhism as very individualist because of its hyperfocus on the Lotus Sutra. This may appeal to people looking for a more personalized spiritual path. If you’re interested in social and political change, then Nichiren Buddhism is also for you. His
Nichiren: unique and powerful practices
Nichiren Buddhism is a unique and powerful form of Buddhism that has much to offer its followers. The three principle practices of Nichiren Buddhism provide a solid foundation for those seeking guidance and wisdom.
If you’re looking for a tradition within Buddhism that is simple yet profound, Nichiren Buddhism may be right for you. There’s a certain optimism to be had when reinforcing the belief that anyone can achieve Buddhahood. And the study of Nichiren’s 700+ texts can provide valuable insights into how we should live our lives.
the esoteric Shingon school on Mount Koya and Nara
Nara Buddhism
Honen’s community in Yoshimizu in Kyoto
Honen Shonin (1133-1212)
Jōdo Shū: Pure Land Buddhism
Shinran (1173-1263)
Jodo Shinshu (“true pure land school”)
Ippen
Ji-shu, the “time school
Ryōnin (1072–1132)
Yūzūnenbutsu school of Japan
Wonhyo (617-686) introduced Pure Land to Korea, where it is called Jeongto
Shokobo Bencho (1162-1238), also called Shoko. Shoko also stressed many recitations of the Nembutsu but believed the Nembutsu did not have to be one’s only practice. Shokobo is considered to be the Second Patriarch of Jodo Shu.
Nembutsu
Buddhism, Pure Land Jìngtǔ 淨 土
Source: Buddhism, Pure Land / Jìngtǔ 淨 土
Source: Buddhism, Pure Land / Jìngtǔ 淨 土
Source: Buddhism, Pure Land / Jìngtǔ 淨 土
Introduction to Pure Land Tradition
Source: Introduction to Pure Land Tradition
Source: Introduction to Pure Land Tradition
Source: Introduction to Pure Land Tradition
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Aaron P. Proffitt Series: Pure Land Buddhist Studies Paperback: $35.00 ISBN-13: 9780824893712 Published: January 2024 ADD TO CART Hardback: $70.00 ISBN-13: 9780824893613
Chinese Pure Land Buddhism: Understanding a Tradition of Practice
Pure Land Buddhist Studies Author Charles B. Jones Contributor Richard K. Payne Publisher University of Hawaii Press, 2019 ISBN 082488101X, 9780824881016 Length 222 pages
A Study of Vasubandhu’s Treatise on Pure Land : with special reference to his theory of salvation in the light of the development of the bodhisattva ideal
“Chapter 3. The Development of the Concept of the Pure Land”.
Jones, Charles B..
Chinese Pure Land Buddhism: Understanding a Tradition of Practice, edited by Richard K. Payne, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2019, pp. 33-60. https://doi.org/10.1515/9780824881016-006
Chinese Pure Land Buddhism: Understanding a Tradition of Practice is the first book in any western language to provide a comprehensive overview of Chinese Pure Land Buddhism. Even though Pure Land Buddhism was born in China and currently constitutes the dominant form of Buddhist practice there, it has previously received very little attention from western scholars. In this book, Charles B. Jones examines the reasons for the lack of scholarly attention and why the few past treatments of the topic missed many of its distinctive features. He argues that the Chinese Pure Land tradition, with its characteristic promise of rebirth in the Pure Land to even non-elite or undeserving practitioners, should not be viewed from the perspective of the Japanese Pure Land tradition, which differs greatly. More accurately contextualizing Chinese Pure Land Buddhism within the landscape of Chinese Buddhism and the broader global Buddhist tradition, this work celebrates Chinese Pure Land, not as a school or sect, but as a unique and inherently valuable “tradition of practice.”
This volume is organized thematically, clearly presenting topics such as the nature of the Pure Land, the relationship between “self-power” and “other-power,” the practice of nianfo (buddha-recollection), and the formation of the line of “patriarchs” that keep the tradition grounded. It guides us in understanding the vigorous debates that Chinese Pure Land Buddhism evoked and delves into the rich apologetic literature that it produced in its own defense. Drawing upon a wealth of previously unexamined primary source materials, as well as modern texts by contemporary Chinese Pure Land masters, the author provides lucid translations of resources previously unavailable in English. He also shares his lifetime of experience in this field, enlivening the narrative with personal anecdotes of his visits to sites of Pure Land practice in China and Taiwan.
The straightforward and nontechnical prose makes this book a standby resource for anyone interested in pursuing research in this lively, sophisticated, and still-evolving religious tradition. Scholars—including undergraduates—specializing in East Asian Buddhism, as well as those interested in Buddhism or Chinese religion and history in general, will find this book invaluable.
Author / Editor information
Jones Charles B. :
Charles B. Jones is associate professor and director of the Religion and Culture graduate program in the School of Theology and Religious Studies at the Catholic University of America, Washington, D.C.
Payne Richard K. :
Richard K. Payne is Yehan Numata Professor of Japanese Buddhist Studies at the Institute of Buddhist Studies, Berkeley.
The Indian Roots of Pure Land Buddhism: Insights from the Oldest Chinese Versions of the Larger Sukhåvativyuha
by Shinko Mochizuki Translated by Leo M Pruden This e-book is based on the articles published on Pacific World Journal of the Institute of Buddhist Studies http://www.shin-ibs.edu/academics/_pwj/ For the class on Pure Land The International Buddhist College, Thailand, 2011 http://ibc.ac.th
A Study of Zhida’s Play Guiyuan jing and a Translation of its Three Paratexts
Mengxiao Wang Sheng Yen Postdoctoral Fellow in Chinese Buddhism, Institute of East Asian Studies (Center for Buddhist Studies), University of California, Berkeley
MYSTERIES OF SPEECH AND BREATH: DŌHAN’S 道範 (1179-1252) HIMITSU NENBUTSU SHŌ 祕密念佛抄 AND ESOTERIC PURE LAND BUDDHISM
by Aaron P. Proffitt
A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Asian Languages and Cultures) in the University of Michigan 2015
Pure Land is both a distinct school of Buddhism that developed in Japan and, says Aaron Proffitt, a cornerstone of the whole Mahayana tradition.
Early Orientalist scholars of Buddhism working under colonialism had little interest in the diversity and vitality of living Buddhist cultures. Instead, they cherry-picked the Buddhist teachings to fit their own modernist, Protestant worldview.
This ahistorical perspective on Buddhism—a “Buddhism” created by and for European intellectuals—was then used to criticize living Buddhist cultures. These scholars believed that Mahayana Buddhism in general, but especially the Pure Land teachings, were a perverse distortion of the buddhadharma (as they defined it).
Sadly, this attitude is still widely seen. Pure Land Buddhism is arguably the most commonly practiced form of Buddhism in the world. Yet in English-language academic and popular writing it is largely ignored, or wholly misunderstood.
The Pure Land teachings are fundamental to Mahayana philosophy, ritual, meditation, art, and scripture. Generally, we could think of Mahayana Buddhism itself as a “Buddhism of the Pure Lands.” More specifically, the term “Pure Land Buddhism” also refers to a distinct form or school of Buddhism that developed in Japan. While drawing on the general Pure Land teachings in Mahayana Buddhism, this school focuses particularly on contemplation of the Pure Land named Sukhavati (Land of Bliss) and the Buddha of that land, Amitabha.
While some Mahayana Buddhists may aspire to be reborn in the Pure Land in the next life, others conceive of the Pure Land as a symbol for nirvana that is in some sense present within this world. Others may hold both positions at the same time. As the Contemplation Sutra says, “the mind that creates the Buddha is the Buddha.”
Pure Land Teachings in India
Today we divide the Buddhist world into Theravada and Mahayana, yet this division wasn’t always so clear-cut. Many elements we now identify as Mahayanaor Theravada or tantra developed gradually within diverse early Indian cultural contexts in the period 500 BCE–100 CE, before the sutras we now have access to were written down.
For the most part, the texts written in the literary language known as Pali, which today we associate with Theravada Buddhism, preserve a worldview that suggests only one buddha may exist at a time. But the body of sutras we now label as Mahayana offer diverse perspectives on the nature of buddhahood and the path to awakening.
Buddhists of all schools agree that Shakyamuni Buddha taught about buddhas of the past and future, but within Mahayana sutras and tantras, it’s believed the Buddha also taught about other buddhas of this age, such as Akshobhya, Vairocana, and Amitabha.
Sukhavati and Amitabha appear to have been very popular when Mahayana texts were written down, as they’re mentioned in literally hundreds of Mahayana sutras and tantras. Later treatises dealing with the Pure Land teachings are attributed to great Indian masters such as Nagarjuna (circa 150–250 CE) and Vasubandhu (fourth–fifth century CE).
Pure Land Buddhism in China
Buddhism was transmitted along trade routes throughout South and Central Asia, and by the first century of the Common Era it began taking root in China. Mahayana Buddhism was particularly embraced, and as the Pure Land teachings are a fundamental aspect of Mahayana philosophy and practice, diverse perspectives on the pure lands flourished in China early on.
Born in Gandhara in 147 CE, the monk Lokaksema translated Sanskrit Mahayana texts into Chinese, including the Pratyutpanna Samadhi Sutra (the Sutra on the Samadhi for Encountering Face-Face the Buddhas of the Present). The Pratyutpanna Samadhi Sutra was particularly influential upon the monk Huiyuan (334–416), whom later generations recognized as the first Pure Land patriarch.
Huiyuan organized Pure Land practice societies, referred to as White Lotus Societies, whose practitioners contemplated Amitabha Buddha in order to receive mystical visions of him. This inspired later forms of communal Pure Land practice. Like most other Chinese Buddhist masters, Huiyuan was also conversant in Daoist and Confucian thought. He’s famous for rebuking a local warlord by declaring “monks do not revere kings.”
Zhiyi (538–597) of Mount Tiantai in Zhejiang, China, is regarded as the founder of the Tiantai tradition, which offered an indigenous Chinese approach to Indian Buddhism. Zhiyi revered Nagarjuna’s teachings on emptiness, and offered a comprehensive understanding of Buddhist doctrine and meditation that ended up influencing the whole of East Asian Buddhism.
Zhiyi’s perspective on Pure Land practice also drew upon the Pratyutpanna Samadhi Sutra, recommending recitation of the name of Amitabha as a way of staying focused during meditation. Some of the most influential Pure Land teachers in East Asian history were associated with the Tiantai lineage, known as Cheontae in Korea and Tendai in Japan.
The works of Shandao (613–681) represent another important strand of East Asian Pure Land Buddhist thought. Shandao was revered for his visionary experiences and meditative prowess. What distinguishes Shandao was his revolutionary teaching that Pure Land practices can help even ordinary beings attain rebirth in the Pure Land, and thus awakening. This was in contrast to the elite view that Pure Land rebirth was only possible for highly accomplished bodhisattvas.
Throughout Chinese history, Chan (Zen) masters, as well as systematizers of East Asian Esoteric (tantric) Buddhism, have promoted Pure Land practices. The Chan scholar–monk Yongming Yanshou (904–975) drew on the long history of Chan–Pure Land practice and argued that when Pure Land practices are integrated with Chan meditation, it’s more effective than when Chan meditation is practiced alone. To this day, Chan meditation, esoteric practices, and Pure Land practices function together within Chinese, Korean, Vietnamese, Taiwanese, and Japanese Buddhism.
Pure Land Buddhism in Tibet
Tibetan Buddhism developed later than East Asian Buddhism, so it was able to draw upon the full range of Indian Buddhist texts. Eventually the tantras were emphasized. While we may often associate the tantras with the rapid attainment of buddhahood in this body and world, many tantras are said to lead to rebirth in the pure lands, especially Sukhavati.
The Pure Land tradition has manifested in myriad ways in Tibetan Buddhism. Padmasambhava (circa eighth–ninth century) was a great tantric teacher in Tibet who came to be recognized as an incarnation of Amitabha Buddha; the Tibetan lineage of reincarnated tulkus known as the Panchen Lamas are said to be emanations of Amitabha. A Tibetan ritual known as phowa involves practitioners ejecting their consciousness out the top of their heads and into Sukhavati. One of the most important mantras in Tibetan Buddhism is that of Avalokiteshvara, “Om Mani Padme Hum,” which is said to lead to rebirth in Sukhavati.
In Tibet, as in India and most of Asia, Pure Land Buddhism has not functioned as a distinct sect or school. Instead, Pure Land philosophy and practices have been integral to diverse Mahayana traditions. In Japan, Pure Land Buddhism emerged as a distinct approach to Buddhism.
Japanese Pure Land Buddhism
The Japanese monk Eon was a scholar of Nagarjuna’s Madhyamaka (Middle Way) philosophy who traveled to China in 608 CE. Upon his return to Japan over thirty years later, he chose the Pure Land teachings as the subject of his first lecture.
Devotion to Amitabha became a major feature of Japanese Buddhism. Initially, Japanese Buddhists practiced the dedication of merit to help their ancestors attain rebirth in the Pure Land, but over time, aspiring to one’s own rebirth in the Pure Land became popular.
Japanese monks associated with the Mount Hiei Tendai tradition, such as Ennin (794–864) and Genshin (942–1017), promoted Tendai philosophy, esoteric ritual, and the practice of nembutsu (Pure Land contemplation and the recitation of Amitabha Buddha’s name). Wandering ascetics such as Kuya (903–972) traveled between mountain monastic centers and the marketplace to share Pure Land teachings with the common people.
Kakuban (1095–1143), and later Dohan (1179–1252), drew upon the esoteric understanding of mantra and promoted the idea that Amitabha Buddha is best understood as the breath of life of all beings and that Pure Land “rebirth” is the same as attaining buddhahood in this very body.
In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the rising power of the samurai class sent Japan into chaos. In response to this social upheaval, an egalitarian approach to Buddhism emerged that emphasized the Pure Land path as open to ordinary people, not just those engaged in elite monastic practice. The medieval Japanese Pure Land schools tended to emphasize the Pure Land path almost to the exclusion of practices such as scholasticism, Zen meditation, and esoteric ritual, while at the same time drawing upon the philosophical insights that arose from those traditions.
Honen (1133–1212) is the great revolutionary of Japanese Pure Land history. Drawing on his broad erudition in Mahayana philosophy and practice, and the works of Shandao in particular, Honen sought the teaching that would be most effective for people living in this age of chaos and anxiety. Eventually, Honen came to see the recitation of the name of Amitabha, “Namu Amida Butsu,” as the essential practice.
Because this simple practice is possible for all people, regardless of gender or social station, it exemplifies the universal compassion and wisdom of Amitabha Buddha. Honen inspired a movement that, though persecuted by the powers that be, ended up transforming Japanese Buddhism by creating a “Buddhism of the Pure Land.” Honen’s disciple Shinran (1173–1263) referred to himself as a “stubble headed dummy,” and claimed to not even have one student. Yet the Jodo Shinshu lineage that looks to him as its founder is the largest school of Buddhism in Japan and one of the oldest and largest in the Americas as well, making him one of the most influential Buddhist thinkers in world history.
Shinran argued that progress along the path, Pure Land rebirth, and the attainment of awakening occur not through one’s own efforts alone. Rather, Amitabha Buddha is the dynamic force to which beings spontaneously awaken through a radical letting go—an experience known as shinjin, “the mind of confidence” or “awakening.”
Women have played an important role in Pure Land Buddhism, and Shinran owed his success in many ways to the women in his life. Without his wife, Eshinni, who supported his ministry, and his daughter Kakushinni, who built a mausoleum dedicated to him, Shinran likely would have been little more than an historical footnote.
Although Pure Land Buddhism remains understudied and poorly understood in the English-speaking world, scholars and practitioners today are building new bridges with other Buddhist schools and helping people understand what Pure Land Buddhism really is. In time, the profundity and diversity of the Pure Land tradition will become apparent.
Aaron Proffitt is an Associate Professor of Japanese Studies at The University at Albany-SUNY. He earned his PhD in Buddhist Studies at the University of Michigan in 2015, and his first book, Esoteric Pure Land Buddhism (University of Hawaii Press, 2023), explores the ways that Buddhists in East Asia employed tantric thought and practice to attain rebirth in the Pure Land, and contains the first translation of Dōhan’s (1179–1252) Himitsu nenbutsu shō into a modern language. His research and publications have explored Esoteric Buddhism, Pure Land Buddhism, and the Lotus Sutra, and his current research explores the way that emptiness has been understood and employed within the Pure Land tradition.His book Esoteric Pure Land Buddhism will be published in September by University of Hawaii Press.
In One Lifetime: Pure Land Buddhism Paperback – January 1, 2007
Ching-ying Hui-yuan’s Commentary on the Visualization Sutra
By Kenneth K. Tanaka
Subjects: Buddhism, Philosophy Series: SUNY series in Buddhist Studies Paperback : 9780791402986, 336 pages, August 1990 Hardcover : 9780791402979, 336 pages, August 1990
Pure Land in the Making
Vietnamese Buddhism in the US Gulf South
By Allison J. Truitt
PUBLISHED: February 2021 SUBJECT LISTING: Asian American Studies, Anthropology, Asian Studies / Southeast Asia BIBLIOGRAPHIC INFORMATION: 226 Pages, 6 x 9 in, 16 b&w illus. ISBN: 9780295748474 Publisher: University of Washington Press
ASPIRING TO ENLIGHTENMENT: PURE LAND BUDDHISM IN SILLA KOREA
Richard D. McBride II Series: Pure Land Buddhist Studies Hardback: $68.00 ISBN-13: 9780824882600 Published: August 2020 ADD TO CART Paperback: $28.00 ISBN-13: 9780824897864 Published: October 2023
‘Pure Land Buddhism in America’,
Lee, Jesse J.,
in Ann Gleig, and Scott A. Mitchell (eds), The Oxford Handbook of American Buddhism, Oxford Handbooks (2024; online edn, Oxford Academic, 22 May 2024), https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197539033.013.6, accessed 28 May 2024.
Critical Readings on Pure Land Buddhism in Japan
3 Volume
Editor: Galen Amstutz Copyright Year: 2020
Hardback Availability: Published ISBN: 978-90-04-40137-2 Publication: 04 Jun 2020
Hiraizumi – Temples, Gardens and Archaeological Sites Representing the Buddhist Pure Land comprises five sites, including the sacred Mount Kinkeisan. It features vestiges of government offices dating from the 11th and 12th centuries when Hiraizumi was the administrative centre of the northern realm of Japan and rivalled Kyoto. The realm was based on the cosmology of Pure Land Buddhism, which spread to Japan in the 8th century. It represented the pure land of Buddha that people aspire to after death, as well as peace of mind in this life. In combination with indigenous Japanese nature worship and Shintoism, Pure Land Buddhism developed a concept of planning and garden design that was unique to Japan.
In Japan, a total of thirteen schools of Buddhism coexist and have their own temples. Here are the main ones:
Tendai, a school created in 805 by the monk Saicho and which stands out for its rigorous ascetic practice.
Shingon, or “True Word”, a school of esoteric Buddhism which emphasizes the recitation of mantras, formulations made up of repeated syllables for meditative purposes.
Jodo, the Pure Land School, and Jodo Shinshu, a new school of Pure Land, which are the two most popular schools in Japan. They encourage the practitioner to chant Sutras, which are Buddhist writings.
Soto and Rinzai, which are the two main schools of Zen Buddhism and insist respectively on meditation (zazen) and on koan, which are enigmas that the practitioner must solve to reach enlightenment.
According to the major sutras of Pure Land Buddhism, the Larger Sukhavativyuha and the Smaller Sukhavativyuha, Amitabha Buddha’s Pure Land (Skt. Sukhavati) lies beyond 10 billion Buddha-lands west of our World of Endurance. Having been fully developed from the mid-6th to the early 9th centuries, the belief in rebirth in such a place and the recitation of Amitabha’s name to achieve this goal became central to Pure Land Buddhism, serving as an expedient for the meditative path to enlightenment or even as a method of equal importance since the Ming dynasty (1368–1644). To better understand the nature of the Pure Land and how it is related to the world in which we sentient beings live, I visited one of the birthplaces of Pure Land Buddhism—Xuanzhong Monastery (玄中寺) in Jiaocheng County, Shanxi Province, China.
Since its establishment in 472, Xuanzhong Monastery has stood on the same site in the Shibi Mountains, remote and secluded. Three patriarchs of the Pure Land school, Tan Luan (曇鸞, 476–542), Dao Chuo (道綽, 562–645), and Shan Dao (善導, 613–81), resided and spread the teachings there. For this reason, Xuanzhong Monastery received continuous imperial patronage during the Tang dynasty (618–907). When Kublai Khan ruled China, he also granted the monastery imperial protection. Khan’s edict, inscribed in stone in both Chinese and the ‘Phags-pa script,* has been well preserved in the monastery’s stele collection. Today, Xuanzhong Monastery is lauded as an ancestral court by Pure Land Buddhists in China, as well as by followers of Jodo Shu and Jodo Shinshu—two Pure Land sects in Japan.
Important Cultural Property The Pure Land of Amida (Skt. Amitābha)
There are three types of Amida’s Pure Land paintings in Japan: Taima Mandara, Seikai Mandara, and Chikō Mandara. The Taima Mandara is based on the description of the Kanmuryōju-kyō (Amitāyur-buddha-dhyāna sūtra) and illustrates the story of Ajase the saint, thirteen virtues, and nine styles of going to the Pure Land. In the Seikai Mandara, the painting is surrounded by sixteen verses. The Amida’s (Amitābha’s) Pure Land introduced in this article belongs to neither the Taima nor Seikai types of mandaras. The concept in this picture is similar to that of the Chikō Mandara, which is based on the description in the Muryōju-kyō (Sukhāvatī-vyuha sūtra). Priest Chikō in Gangō-ji temple established the Chikō mandara style during the late Nara period. Not only the concept but also the composition of this picture is similar to that of the Chikō Mandara; the scene is divided horizontally into three or four layers. Beginning with the top layer, sky, palaces, Buddhist deities, sacred trees, the sacred pond, and a dance performance were painted. Bright red and whitish-green are the major colors in the painting, and shu-vermilion and tan-red are used for the gradation in the shading of the costume. This picture is notable for its Japanese style. Masterpieces of Nara National Museum. Nara National Museum, 1993, p.42, no.27.
The Shingon sect of Buddhism follows the doctrine of esoteric Shingon teachings compiled by Kobo Daishi (Kukai) in the Heian period. “Shingon” refers to the truth revealed by Buddhism. These teachings tell us that words and existence are inseparable, and that the true essence of Buddhism cannot be explained in human language. Instead, the words used in scripture embody the deep meaning and teachings found in phenomena around the world; they are signposts to true reality of all things. Kobo Daishi tells us that it is these esoteric teachings that are truth, and that esoteric Buddhism is the path to understanding them. By contrast, exoteric teachings are concerned with discerning meaning from the surface of things in the world. Exoteric teachings include the Mahayana teachings found in Hosso, Sanron, and Shomon and Engaku practices.
A few differences can be pointed out between esoteric “Mikkyou” Buddhism and exoteric “Kengyo,” but the very basic distinction is the method of practicing the knowledge of the meaning of a hidden secret. In Shingon, the Sanmitsukaji (Three secret healings) and the Sanmitsuyuga (three secret yuga) are spoken of, but it means the practice of meditation to focus on one point of the spirit (Sanmaji). As for its characteristics, the secret workings of the Buddha, body, mouth and thoughts and the workings of the Buddha, body, mouth, and thoughts of the devotee inspire each other reciprocally, and the distinction between the Buddha and the devotee disappears and the follower makes living peaceably essential. Kobo Daishi calls this way of things the “Nyuga Ganyu,” meaning that “the Buddha enters me and I enter the Buddha.” Kobo Daishi expressed that with Mikkyou Buddhism, enlightenment can be better realized, as compared to Kengyo, and says that there exist these incantations, Nyuga Ganyu, and practice (meditation). But then, from the late Heian period until the Kamakura period, the new kind of Buddhism entering the stage took influence from Shingon sect education and prayer, introduced the Mikkyou essence and value in one part, and as a rule, has meditation, for which it can not be said is lacking in Kengyo Buddhism. If another difference between the faiths can be brought up, it is the appreciation of the Buddha and bodhisattva.The Buddha and bodhisattva in Kengyou is a “person” who found enlightenment, and a “person” searching for enlightenment, but the Buddha and bodhisattva in Mikkyou are the truth of the universe themselves (dharma). The ones grasping this ”dharma” as a physical image are the Buddha and the bodhisattva. For that reason, the Buddha and bodhisattva in Mikkyou are called the “Hosshinbutsu (dharmic body).”
Kobo Daishi expresses that this Hosshinbutsu, or truth of the universe, being taught directly to us as an insight of truth is called the “Hosshin Seppo.” This space-time listening to the wisdom of this teaching will be the circumstance of the three mysteries incantation (Nyuga Ganyu). By that meaning, in the Shingon sect, the Buddha and the universe are a gift to the people, and also, is a basis for a prayer as a condition for the mysterious ability of the people to react, and according to that, understanding the insight of the Buddha, naturally accumulating pious acts, helping the people, and making them happy are regarded as the most important, so it can be said that it is a practical Buddhist sect.
SHINGON BUDDHISM is a religion that was established by Kôbô Daishi (Kûkai) at the beginning of the Heian period (9th century), and its teachings are known as Shingon Esoteric Buddhism (Shingon Buddhism).
This form of Buddhism is also known in Japanese as mikkyô, meaning “secret teaching”. Mikkyô is one of several streams of practice within the Mahâyana Buddhist tradition. Mikkyô blends many doctrines, philosophies, deities, religious rituals, and meditation techniques from a wide variety of sources. Assimilation of Hindu and local deities and rituals was especially marked in the Buddhism that became Mikkyô. Such diverse elements came together over time and, combining with Mahâyåna philosophical teachings, formed a comprehensive Buddhist system of doctrine and practice.
The teachings of Shingon are based on the Mahâvairocana Sutra (J: Dainichi-kyô) and the Vajrasekhara sutra (J: Kongôchô-kyô) , the fundamental sutras of Shingon. These sutras were probably written during the last half of the seventh century in India. They contain the first systematic presentation of Mikkyô doctrine and practice.
Shingon represents the middle period of esoteric Buddhist development in India. This, extending from the seventh into the eighth century, was the time when the Mahâvairocana Sutra and Vajra Sekhara Sutra were compiled. Esoteric Buddhist history was practiced from India to Central Asia, Ceylon, China, Korea, Japan, Mongolia, Nepal, Indonesia, Southeast Asia, and Tibet. The Mikkyô tradition continues in Japan today, but in other lands where the Indian source tradition developed in varying ways, the esoteric Buddhist teachings have mostly declined, some to the point of extinction.
Kūkai in China, What He Studied and Brought Back to Japan
Source: Kūkai in China, What He Studied and Brought Back to Japan
Source: Kūkai in China, What He Studied and Brought Back to Japan
Source: Kūkai in China, What He Studied and Brought Back to Japan
Source: Kūkai in China, What He Studied and Brought Back to Japan
Source: Kūkai in China, What He Studied and Brought Back to Japan
Source: Kūkai in China, What He Studied and Brought Back to Japan
Chinese Esoteric Buddhism
Amoghavajra, the Ruling Elite, and the Emergence of a Tradition
Source: Chinese Esoteric Buddhism/ Amoghavajra, the Ruling Elite, and the Emergence of a Tradition
Source: Chinese Esoteric Buddhism/ Amoghavajra, the Ruling Elite, and the Emergence of a Tradition
Source: Chinese Esoteric Buddhism/ Amoghavajra, the Ruling Elite, and the Emergence of a Tradition
Source: Chinese Esoteric Buddhism/ Amoghavajra, the Ruling Elite, and the Emergence of a Tradition
Source: Chinese Esoteric Buddhism/ Amoghavajra, the Ruling Elite, and the Emergence of a Tradition
Source: Chinese Esoteric Buddhism/ Amoghavajra, the Ruling Elite, and the Emergence of a Tradition
Source: Chinese Esoteric Buddhism/ Amoghavajra, the Ruling Elite, and the Emergence of a Tradition
Source: Chinese Esoteric Buddhism/ Amoghavajra, the Ruling Elite, and the Emergence of a Tradition
Source: Chinese Esoteric Buddhism/ Amoghavajra, the Ruling Elite, and the Emergence of a Tradition
Source: Chinese Esoteric Buddhism/ Amoghavajra, the Ruling Elite, and the Emergence of a Tradition
Source: Chinese Esoteric Buddhism/ Amoghavajra, the Ruling Elite, and the Emergence of a Tradition
Source: Chinese Esoteric Buddhism/ Amoghavajra, the Ruling Elite, and the Emergence of a Tradition
Source: Chinese Esoteric Buddhism/ Amoghavajra, the Ruling Elite, and the Emergence of a Tradition
Source: Chinese Esoteric Buddhism/ Amoghavajra, the Ruling Elite, and the Emergence of a Tradition
Kukai’s Shingon Philosophy: Embodiment
Source: Kukai’s Shingon Philosophy: Embodiment
Source: Kukai’s Shingon Philosophy: Embodiment
Source: Kukai’s Shingon Philosophy: Embodiment
Source: Kukai’s Shingon Philosophy: Embodiment
Source: Kukai’s Shingon Philosophy: Embodiment
Source: Kukai’s Shingon Philosophy: Embodiment
Source: Kukai’s Shingon Philosophy: Embodiment
Source: Kukai’s Shingon Philosophy: Embodiment
Source: Kukai’s Shingon Philosophy: Embodiment
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A Brilliant Exploration of Kukai and the Pan-Asian Travels of Esoteric Buddhism at Nara National Museum: KUKAI: The Worlds of Mandalas and the Transcultural Origins of Esoteric Buddhism
Kukai, 9th century founder of esoteric Shingon Buddhism (Shingon Mikkyo) in Japan, was a peripatetic and socially heroic figure who roved far and wide assisting with infrastructure projects, excelling in the divining of water, and sculpting and painting icons… Or so the mythology that surrounds him would have us believe. He may not have accomplished all the social and artistic projects that are attributed to him, though the attributions are testament to the effect he had on Japan’s historical imagination, but he did indeed travel, as did the type of Buddhism he adopted and introduced to Japan, and the Kukai exhibition at Nara National Museum does a wonderful job of producing a map of Mikkyo, tracing the complex journey of esoteric Buddhism from India to Japan, and then some of its trajectory throughout various regions of Japan under the custodianship of Kukai. Kukai’s life involved monastic training in Xi’an, China, residency at Takaosanji temple and tenure at Toji temple (both in Kyoto) and life at mountain-based Koyasan in Wakayama where he founded his own community. The exhibition traces the stages of his career within the broader Asian context. One place represented where he did not play a role is Indonesia, but the revelation provided by a large number of astonishing artefacts excavated from a site there – and never before displayed in Japan – suggests an impersonal yet significant link.
One magnificent piece (of the many historically important, visually striking, and physically huge works on display) is the twelfth century “Blood Mandala”, the earliest extant polychrome copy of the mandala Kukai brought back from T’ang China with him to Japan in the 9th century. Mandalas, the information panel explains, “convey how the worlds of the universe are conceived within the esoteric Buddhist tradition”. These mysterious diagrammatic paintings are used in complex visualizations by initiated practitioners as a means of accomplishing a state called “Buddhahood [or enlightenment] in this very Body” which is why, while the paintings are crammed with information, they present prescribed iconography and can be decoded. The esoteric psycho-physical cosmos is understood as having a “Diamond” aspect and a “Womb” aspect, which make up a non-dual whole.
On the other hand, there are some striking decorative elements, which demonstrate how these diagrams – which are made and used throughout the Buddhist world – exhibit cultural tastes, such as the delicate, brightly coloured blossoms flowering in the outermost margins. And this reminds us too that these are works of art as much as they are ritual implements. Before each mandala is set an altar equipped with implements for the rituals for each mandala, and nearby is a late 9th century statue of a seated blue-haired and gold skinned Dainichi Nyorai, the principal deity in Japan’s esoteric Buddhism who appears in prime places in both mandalas. Keeping as close to Kukai’s time as possible, a set of Five Wisdom Buddhas (also from the 9th century) represent a key section of the mandalas. All of this together creates a display of the key pieces of esoteric Buddhist ritual: icons, instructive diagrams, and altar. The only element missing is Kukai the ritualist, but his presence is felt throughout the show, and not only as practitioner but as intellect, writer, traveler, community-builder, and religious leader as well.
This leads us into another of the major exhibits: the East Javanese Nganjuk mandala of the 10th century which was made up of numerous small bronze figures of buddhas and bodhisattvas excavated in the early 20th century. These are arranged inside a circular room with walls marked with the stars, presumably to press home the point that what we are dealing with is an esoteric cosmos. The identities and arrangement of the icons that make up this unusual 3D mandala show that the esoteric practices in Java were essentially the same as those brought to Japan by Kukai (there are varieties of esoteric Buddhism). There are also some striking differences. The Javanese icons all display Hindu characteristics, a reminder that esoteric Buddhism developed from Indian traditions, which contrast with the icons that Japan created. Drawing heavily on Indian prototypes, the headdresses, facial features, and the curvaceous female deities distinguish the entire set from its Japanese counterparts.
Of the many notable artefacts, works of painted and sculpted art, and ritual tools on display, the magnificent Takao Mandala is also a must-see. Kukai was based at Takaosanji temple (after which the mandalas are named) in Kyoto for a short period. This is another piece from the 9th century, and it is being exhibited for the first time since its six-year long conservation. This beautiful, delicate (and gigantic) pair of mandalas are painted with thin gold line on black backgrounds – simple yet stunning.
A highly recommended show, excellently curated, and overflowing with masterpieces that include works rarely seen in Japan.
Admission: Adults 2000 yen, University and High School Students 1500 yen, Junior High School Students and Under: free
Nara National Museum. Location here. 50 Noboriojicho, Nara, 630-8212
Directions: Take Exit 2 from Kintetsu-Nara Station on the Kintetsu line and walk 15 minutes or from the East Exit of Nara Station on the JR Kansai Main line, take the Nara Kotsu bus and alight at Himurojinja-Kokuritsuhakubutsukan bus stop.
A Cultural History of Japanese Buddhism
Wiley-Blackwell Guides to Buddhism Authors William E. Deal, Brian Ruppert Edition illustrated, reprint Publisher John Wiley & Sons, 2015 ISBN 1405167017, 9781405167017 Length 320 pages
The Mountain as Mandala: Kūkai’s Founding of Mt. Kōya
Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 47(1) December 2020 47(1) DOI:10.18874/jjrs.47.1.2020.43-83 Authors: Ethan Bushelle Western Washington University
Shingon Buddhism originated in ancient Indian Tantric thought and developed as a distinctive form of Buddhism before arriving in Japan in the early 9th century CE. The religion moved across countries, from India through the Silk Road countries into China and finally into Japan, before it took shape as a distinctively Japanese form of esoteric Buddhism. In order to understand this branch of Buddhism it is important to study its path from India to China, and then finally to Japan. Along every stop on its path the religion adapted to the culture around it, constantly changing until arriving in Japan. Although extensive documents and archaeological evidence from this journey no longer exist, there are a few highlights along the Silk Road that shed light on esoteric Buddhism’s path. Specifically in India and China Buddhism went though severe religious persecution causing relics and temples to be destroyed. However many cave temples in China have been spared, although they have endured some damage. Another important factor affecting the preservation of evidence concerns the secret nature of esoteric Buddhism. Because Shingon and other esoteric sects were always restricted to those who were initiated into the sects, Shingon was able to fossilize the religion in secret chambers, some of which are being discovered today.
Icons and Iconoclasm in Japanese Buddhism: Kukai and Dogen on the Art of Enlightenment
Author Pamela Winfield Edition illustrated Publisher OUP USA, 2013 ISBN 0199945551, 9780199945559 Length 207 pages
Kukai and the beginnings of Shingon Buddhism in Japan
Jingo-ji Temple, a famous autumn foliage spot in northern Kyoto, traces its origins to Takaoyama Temple, established by Wake no Kiyomaro. When Kukai returned from Tang China, he made Jingo-ji his base of operations, making it a starting point for Shingon Esoteric Buddhism. This exhibition commemorates the 1200th anniversary of Jingo-ji becoming an official esoteric Buddhist temple in 824 and the 1250th anniversary of Kukai’s birth. It features treasures associated with Kukai, such as the National Treasure “Standing Yakushi Nyorai,” a masterpiece of early Heian period sculpture, and the National Treasure “Ryokai Mandala (Takao Mandala),” which has been restored for the first time in approximately 230 years. Additionally, other precious cultural properties inherited by Jingo-ji will be on display.
Hardcover – Illustrated, May 31, 2006 by Rolf W. Giebel (Translator), Dale A. Todaro (Translator)
The Matrix and Diamond World Mandalas in Shingon Buddhism (2 Vol)
Author(s): Adrian Snodgrass ISBN: 8185179271 Year of Publication: 1998 Bibliographic Information: xli + 881p. 382 illus. Format: Hardcover Series Information: Satapitaka Series No. 354-55 Language: English
From the early 9th century a new orientation emerged in Japanese Buddhism that emphasized specific Tantric, or Vajrayāna characteristics of both doctrine and practice. While elements of the Vajrayāna (vehicle of the diamond/thunderbolt) Buddhist traditions of mature Indian Mahāyāna Buddhism were present in Japan in the 8th century, it was only in the new Buddhist schools of Tendai and Shingon that related practices recently imported from China were specifically identified as “esoteric” in nature and as different from the other schools of Buddhism that were newly designated as “exoteric” by these schools. The first to promote this distinction was the monk Kūkai, founder of the Shingon school. His contemporary Saichō, who founded the Tendai school, placed himself and several of his disciples under Kūkai’s tutelage to learn what the latter had brought back from an intensive study period in China. Yet Saichō’s approach was to place the esoteric teachings and practices on a par with his Tendai teachings, derived primarily from the Chinese Tiantai school. His difference from Kūkai on this matter drove both an eventual end to their cooperative relationship and, after Saichō’s death, innovations by Tendai school exegetes that aimed to reconcile the differences. The combined force of Tendai esotericism (Taimitsu) and Shingon esotericism (Tōmitsu) impacted greatly the development of subsequent centuries of Japanese Buddhism. The three major schools of Buddhism that dominated during the Nara period (710–794)—Sanron, Hossō, and Kegon—all incorporated esoteric elements into their practice during the Heian period (794–1185). By the time of the Kamakura period (1185–1333), when the new forms of Zen, pure land, and Nichiren Buddhism emerged, the esoteric paradigm was so ingrained in Japanese Buddhist thought that even though esoteric practice was at times explicitly criticized by the new schools, much of its worldview was implicitly affirmed.
Central to Japanese esoteric Buddhism is the understanding that through engaging in the ritual practices of reciting mantra, practicing symbolic hand gestures known as mudra, and imagining one’s self and all beings as being intrinsically awakened (one meaning of the term mandala), one can achieve the enlightened stage of buddhahood within one lifetime. These three are called the “practices of the three mysteries” (sanmitsu gyō三密業), through which a practitioner is able to unite with the enlightened energy of the cosmic buddha’s body, speech, and mind. More than anything else, it was this cosmological framework that influenced the development of many later Buddhist practices. Fundamental to this model was the affirmation that every living being is intrinsically endowed with the latent qualities of buddhahood. This concept of “original enlightenment” (hongaku本覚) framed an immanental, holistic vision that recognized the real presence of nirvāṇa (freedom, liberation) in the midst of one’s experience of saṃsāra (the cyclic world of ignorant suffering). The unfolding of various doctrinal and ritual means of articulating and verifying a practitioner’s intrinsic state of enlightenment spurred novel theological systems, artistic creativity of many forms, as well as sociopolitical opportunities for aristocrats who sought to invoke the buddha’s power for various mundane needs. Tendai and Shingon monks alike contributed to this growth in a myriad of ways.
ronze statues of Kukai, left, and Huiguo are shown at the Qinglong Temple in Xian, China, where Japanese monk Kukai learned the teachings of esoteric Buddhism from Chinese Master Huiguo more than 1,200 years ago.
Ayoung Buddhist monk crossed the sea to China as a member of a Japanese mission sent there during the Tang Dynasty (618-907). That monk was Kukai (774-835), also known posthumously as Kobo-Daishi.
In China, he studied esoteric Buddhism, which had been brought from India, and later brought the teachings back to Japan and founded the Shingon School of Buddhism.
His name has been passed down from generation to generation in Xian, the capital of Shaanxi Province, then the Tang capital of Changan, and garners respect among local people even today.
Surrounded by walls built during the Ming Dynasty, the streets of Xian are laid out as a grid. The streets of Kyoto, an ancient capital of Japan, were modeled after those of Xian. While the city is now lined with four-star hotels and designer boutiques, many old temples and pagodas still remain here and there, recalling bygone days.
On a hill southeast of the city”s south gate is Qinglong Temple, Kukai received the ultimate teachings of esoteric Buddhism under Master Huiguo (746-805). At Huiguo-Kukai Memorial Hall, the temple”s main hall, wooden statues of Kukai and Huiguo are now worshiped.
“The sight of Huiguo, a Chinese master, and Kukai, a Japanese master, side by side is an eternal symbol of friendship between China and Japan,” Kuan Xu, the temple”s 43-year-old head priest, said quietly.
Near the hall stands the Kukai Monument. It was built by four prefectures in Shikoku, including Kagawa, where Kukai was born, and the city government of Xian. Four decorative stones at the monument”s four corners symbolize the four prefectures.
The temple was once packed with Japanese tourists, but due to soured relations between the two countries, the number of visitors has declined markedly.
“I chatted with Japanese visitors on a few occasions here … Master Kukai would feel sorry about the current state of bilateral relations,” said a 77-year-old woman who was sitting on a bench near the monument.
A gateway to the Silk Road and the center of esoteric Buddhism, Changan was one of the world”s most prosperous cities during the Tang Dynasty.
Kukai came across esoteric teachings while studying Buddhism in Japan and joined the official mission overseas, hoping to plumb their depths in Changan.
Upon his arrival in Changan in 804, Kukai took up the study of Sanskrit to read the sacred texts. Later he went to see Huiguo at the Qinglong Temple, then considered to be the headquarters of esoteric Buddhism in China.
Huiguo had probably been informed that Kukai was a man of great ability as well as a genius at calligraphy and languages. When Kukai visited him and was given an audience, Huiguo said with delight: “Since learning of your arrival, I”ve been waiting anxiously. How excellent it is that we now meet at last!”
Huiguo reportedly bestowed upon Kukai all the esoteric teachings.
Esoteric Buddhism, after experiencing a golden age, gradually fell into decline due to Tang Dynasty policies that oppressed Buddhism while patronizing Taoism, and the outbreak of war at the end of the dynasty.
Qinglong Temple was allegedly destroyed, like other ancient temples there, in the 11th century. The temple in its present form, including the monument and the memorial hall, was reconstructed in the 1980s with the cooperation and financial support of the Shingon School of esoteric Buddhism in Japan and community organizations from Shikoku.
At the memorial hall, a 49-year-old local man was ardently saying a prayer. When I told him that I was from Japan, he said with a smile: “So, you”re from the fatherland of Master Kukai! I hope to visit Mt. Koya someday.”
More than 1,200 years ago, a young Kukai built a bridge between Japan and China. Countless years have passed, and though there have been times when the winds of adversity have blown, there are still some who would cross that bridge even today.
Visible Mantra: Visualising & Writing Buddhist Mantras
The Development of Esoteric Buddhist Scholasticism in Early Medieval Japan
By
Matthew Don McMullen
A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements of Doctor of Philosophy in Buddhist Studies in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley
THE FIVE GREAT SPACE REPOSITORY BODHISATTVAS: LINEAGE, PROTECTION AND CELESTIAL AUTHORITY IN NINTH-CENTURY JAPAN
by Copyright 2010 Hillary Eve Pedersen Submitted to the graduate degree program in Art History and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
From the fourteenth through the nineteenth centuries Japanese monks created hundreds of maps to construct and locate their place in a Buddhist world. This expansively illustrated volume is the first to explore the largely unknown archive of Japanese Buddhist world maps and analyze their production, reproduction, and reception. In examining these fascinating sources of visual and material culture, author D. Max Moerman argues for an alternative history of Japanese Buddhism—one that compels us to recognize the role of the Buddhist geographic imaginary in a culture that encompassed multiple cartographic and cosmological world views.
The contents and contexts of Japanese Buddhist world maps reveal the ambivalent and shifting position of Japan in the Buddhist world, its encounter and negotiation with foreign ideas and technologies, and the possibilities for a global history of Buddhism and science. Moerman’s visual and intellectual history traces the multiple trajectories of Japanese Buddhist world maps, beginning with the earliest extant Japanese map of the world: a painting by a fourteenth-century Japanese monk charting the cosmology and geography of India and Central Asia based on an account written by a seventh-century Chinese pilgrim-monk. He goes on to discuss the cartographic inclusion and marginal position of Japan, the culture of the copy and the power of replication in Japanese Buddhism, and the transcultural processes of engagement and response to new visions of the world produced by Iberian Christians, Chinese Buddhists, and the Japanese maritime trade. Later chapters explore the transformations in the media and messages of Buddhist cartography in the age of print culture and in intellectual debates during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries over cosmology and epistemology and the polemics of Buddhist science.
The Japanese Buddhist World Map offers a wholly innovative picture of Japanese Buddhism that acknowledges the possibility of multiple and heterogeneous modernities and alternative visions of Japan and the world.
Esoteric Buddhism within the Framework of the Lotus Sutra Buddhism of Nichiren
Daigoji, located in the Yamashina area of Kyoto, is a celebrated Buddhist temple that has played an important role in Japanese history ever since its founding in 874 (Jōgan 16) by the monk Shōbō, who was later known by the honorific title Rigen Daishi. Within the Shingon tradition of Esoteric Buddhism, the temple is known as a sacred site that places great emphasis on conducting prayers for spiritual empowerment and esoteric rites in particular. The sculpture and paintings used as the chief objects of worship in those rituals along with the ritual implements have been preserved as treasures at the temple since the period of its founding in the ninth century. The Documents and Sacred Writings of Daigoji, numbering 69,378 items, has been designated a National Treasure. These items, which include records of the ritual programs, procedures and methods as well as the iconography of the objects of veneration in addition to documents demonstrating the faith of various powerful political figures, recount for us the glorious history of Daigoji. Among these National Treasures and Important Cultural Properties are found many cherished works, including documents, calligraphy and Buddhist sculpture and paintings that were sent overseas in 2016 (Heisei 28) to be displayed in China for the first time. Those exhibitions, which traced the history and art of the temple from the Heian period through modern times, were extremely well received and were viewed by so many visitors in the cities of Shanghai and Xi’an. To commemorate the exhibitions in China, exhibitions are now to be held at two venues in Japan, one in Tokyo and the other in Fukuoka, with the aim of introducing the treasures of Esoteric Buddhist art from Daigoji. The exhibitions chiefly feature Buddhist sculpture and paintings as well as valuable written works and calligraphy that have been designated National Treasures or Important Cultural Properties. These will allow visitor to trace the vicissitudes of Daigoji from the Heian through the early-modern period. In addition to the profound art that represents the Esoteric Buddhist worldview, the exhibition will also provide a precious opportunity for visitors to experience the magnificent art of Daigoji from early-modern times. On view are items associated with the famous cherry-blossoming viewing hosted by Toyotomi Hideyoshi at the temple during the Azuchi-Momoyama period, the mural-like fusuma slidingdoor paintings of the Sanbō-in cloister and the paintings of Tawaraya Sōtatsu.
A Spiritual Trip to Koyasan, The Centre of Shingon Esoteric Buddhism
The Three-Treatise (or Sanlun) school is an orthodox Chinese Mādhyamika tradition, which was pioneered by Kumārajīva (344?−413?), a prestigious thinker and translator of Indian extraction, and his distinguished disciple Sengzhao (Seng-chao; 374?−414), and later vigorously revived by Jizang (Chi-tsang; 549−623). The school derives its name “three-treatise” from its emphasis on the three translation texts of early Indian Madhyamaka, the Middle Treatise (Zhong lun), the Twelve Gate Treatise (Shiermen lun), and the Hundred Treatise (Bai lun). Both Sengzhao and Jizang, the two leading philosophers of the school, uphold the view that all things are indeterminate and empty. Sengzhao affirms the nonduality of motion and rest, the myriad things and emptiness, and also the subject and the object. Jizang highlights the notion of nonacquisition (or nonattachment) and famously reinterprets and reconstructs the Mādhyamika doctrine of two truths.
Key works
Liebenthal 1968 contains a complete, though often inaccurate, English translation of Sengzhao’s main work, the Zhaolun; a few essays in the work are available in English in Chan 1963 and Robinson 1967. Jizang’s main writings include the Profound Meaning of the Three Treatises (Sanlun xuanyi), the Meaning of the Two Truths (Erdi yi), and A Commentary on the Middle Treatise (Zhongguan lun shu). However, none of the texts is available in English.
Three Treatises school ［三論宗］ (Chin San-lun-tsung; Sanron-shū): A school based on three treatises—Nāgārjuna’s Treatise on the Middle Way and Treatise on the Twelve Gates, and Āryadeva’s One-Hundred-Verse Treatise. Kumārajīva translated these three treatises into Chinese in the early fifth century. Their doctrines were successively transmitted by Tao-sheng, T’an-chi, Seng-lang, Seng-ch’üan, and Fa-lang, and finally systematized by Chi-tsang (549–623), who is often regarded as the first patriarch of the Chinese Three Treatises, or San-lun, school. The doctrines of the Three Treatises school were transmitted to Japan by three persons during the seventh and early eighth centuries: First, by the Korean priest Hyekwan, known in Japan as Ekan, who went to Japan in 625. He was a disciple of Chi-tsang. Second, by the Chinese priest Chih-tsang, known in Japan as Chizō, who also went to Japan in the seventh century. He studied the Three Treatises doctrines under Ekan at Gangō-ji temple in Nara and returned to China to further his study under Chi-tsang. On his return to Japan, he taught the Three Treatises doctrines at Hōryū-ji temple. Third, by Chizō’s disciple Dōji, who went to China in 702 and returned to Japan in 718 with the Three Treatises doctrines. He lived at Daian-ji temple in Nara. Actually, a priest named Kwallŭk (known in Japan as Kanroku) of the Korean state of Paekche had brought the Three Treatises teachings to Japan in 602, but Ekan established the theoretical foundation of the school. For this reason, Ekan is regarded as the first to formally introduce the Three Treatises doctrine to Japan. The lineage of Chizō’s disciples, carried on by Chikō and Raikō, was called the Gangō-ji branch of the Three Treatises school, and that of Dōji, the Daian-ji branch. The Three Treatises doctrine holds that, because all phenomena appear and disappear solely by virtue of their relationship with other phenomena (dependent origination), they have no existence of their own, or self-nature, and are without substance. The school upholds Nāgārjuna’s “middle path of the eight negations” (non-birth, non-extinction, non-cessation, non-permanence, non-uniformity, non-diversity, non-coming, and non-going), and sees refutation of dualistic or one-sided views in itself as revealing the truth of the Middle Way.
(Jap.). One of the Six Schools of Nara Buddhism during the early history of Buddhism in Japan. The word is a Japanese pronunciation of the Chinese ‘San-lun’, and represented an effort to import the texts and teachings of the Chinese school into Japan. It is said to have been transmitted to Japan by the Korean monk Hyegwan (Jap., Ekan) in 625. Perhaps as many as three other transmissions occurred over the next century, leading to various streams of Sanron thought based in different temples. However, the school, which limited itself to academic study and practice by a handful of clergy, never reached out to the masses of people, and so never became a major force outside the realm of theory and doctrine. The various streams died out one by one, and the last actual Sanron master passed away in 1149.
Jizang. (J. Kichizō; K. Kilchang) (549–623). In Chinese, “Storehouse of Auspiciousness”; Chinese Buddhist monk of originally Parthian descent and exegete within the San lun zong, the Chinese counterpart of the Madhyamaka school of Indian thought. At a young age, he is said to have met the Indian translator Paramārtha, who gave him his dharma name. Jizang is also known to have frequented the lectures of the monk Falang (507–581) with his father, who was also [an] ordained monk. Jizang eventually was ordained by Falang, under whom he studied the so-called Three Treatises (San lun), the foundational texts of the Chinese counterpart of the Madhyamaka school: namely, the Zhong lun(Mūlamadhyamakārikā), Bai lun (*Śataśāstra), and Shi’ermen lun (*Dvādaśamukhaśāstra). At the age of twenty-one, Jizang received the full monastic precepts. After Falang’s death in 581, Jizang moved to the monastery of Jiaxiangsi in Huiji (present-day Zhejiang province). There, he devoted himself to lecturing and writing and is said to have attracted more than a thousand students. In 598, Jizang wrote a letter to Tiantai Zhiyi, inviting him to lecture on the Saddharmapuṇḍarīkasūtra. In 606, Emperor Yang (r. 604–617) constructed four major centers of Buddhism around the country and assigned Jizang to one in Yangzhou (present-day Jiangsu province). During this period, Jizang composed his influential overview of the doctrines of the Three Treatises school, entitled the San lun xuanyi. Jizang’s efforts to promote the study of the three treatises earned him the name “reviver of the San lun tradition.” Jizang was a prolific writer who composed numerous commentaries on the three treatises, the Saddharmapuṇḍarīkasūtra, Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra, Vimalakīrtinirdeśa, Sukhāvatīvyūhasūtra, etc., as well as an overview of Mahāyāna doctrine, entitled the Dasheng xuan lun. (“Jizang”. In The Princeton Dictionary of Buddhism, 395. Princeton University Press, 2014)
The Chinese Buddhist Schools.
Lusthaus, Dan.
Buddhist philosophy, Chinese, 1998, doi:10.4324/9780415249126-G002-1. Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Taylor and Francis,
In the critical environment that followed Dao’an, two sets of events moved Chinese Buddhism in new directions. First, Kumārajīva, a Mahāyāna Buddhist from Kucha in Central Asia, was brought to Changan, the Chinese capital, in 401. Under the auspices of the ruler, he began translating numerous important works with the help of hundreds of assistants, including some of the brightest minds of his day. Some works, such as the Lotus Sutra, Vimalakīrti Sutra and Diamond Sutra, quickly became popular classics. He also introduced the emptiness philosophy of Nāgārjuna’s Madhyamaka thought (see Buddhism, Mādhyamika: India and Tibet; Nāgārjuna), which in China came to be called the Three Treatise School (Sanlun) after the three Madhyamaka texts he translated: the Madhyamaka-kārikās, the Twelve Gate Treatise and Āryadeva’s One Hundred Verse Treatise. In a series of famous letters exchanged with a disciple of Dao’an, Huiyuan (344–416), who had mastered most of the Buddhist theory and practice known in China up to that time, Kumārajīva attacked the shortcomings of the current Chinese Buddhist theories and argued persuasively for the preeminence of Madhyamaka in matters of both theory and practice. His leading disciple, Seng Zhao (384–414), further popularized Madhyamaka thought by packaging it in an exquisite adoption of the literary style of Laozi (see Daodejing) and Zhuangzi, both of whom were extremely popular amongst literati at that time. Sanlun thought continued to spread through the fifth through seventh centuries, greatly influencing other Buddhist schools. After Jizang (549–623), who attempted to synthesize Madhyamakan emptiness with the Buddha-nature and tathāgatagarbha thought gaining prominence at his time, the Sanlun school declined, its most important ideas absorbed by other schools.
Second, in 418 Faxian (the first Chinese monk successfully to return to China with scriptures from pilgrimage to India) and Buddhabhadra produced a partial translation of the Mahāyāna Nirvāṇa Sutra. One of the topics it discusses is the icchantika, incorrigible beings lacking the requisites for achieving enlightenment. Daosheng (c.360–434), a disciple of Huiyuan, convinced that all beings, including icchantikas, must possess Buddha-nature and hence are capable of enlightenment, insisted that the Nirvāṇa Sutra be understood in that light. Since that violated the obvious meaning of the text, Daosheng was unanimously rebuked, whereupon he left the capital in disgrace. In ad 421, a new translation by Dharmakṣema of the Nirvāṇa Sutra based on a Central Asian original appeared containing sections absent from the previous version. The twenty-third chapter of Dharmakṣema’s version contained passages declaring that Buddha-nature was indeed universal, and that even icchantikas possessed it and could thus reach the goal. Daosheng’s detractors in the capital were humbled, suddenly impressed at his prescience. The lesson was never forgotten, so that two centuries later, when Xuan Zang (600–64) translated Indian texts that once again declared that icchantikas lacked the requisite qualities to attain enlightenment, his school was attacked from all quarters as promoting a less than ‘Mahāyānic’ doctrine. However, it should be noted that there is no clear precedent or term in Indian Buddhism for ‘Buddha-nature’; the notion probably either arose in China through a certain degree of license taken by translators when rendering terms like buddhatva (‘Buddhahood’, an accomplishment, not a primordial ontological ground), or it developed from nascent forms of the theory possibly constructed in Central Asia. However, from this moment on, Buddha-nature become one of the foundational tenets of virtually all forms of East Asian Buddhism.
“Zen and San-Lun Mādhyamika Thought: Exploring the Theoretical Foundation of Zen Teachings and Practices.”
‘Non-dualism of the Two Truths: Sanlun and Tiantai on Contradictions’,
Deguchi, Yasuo,
What Can’t be Said: Paradox and Contradiction in East Asian Thought (New York, 2021; online edn, Oxford Academic, 18 Feb. 2021), https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197526187.003.0004, accessed 23 May 2024.
China possesses a history of over five thousand years. Therefore, if one tries to talk about Chinese culture without touching on Buddhism, one will be in the position of a blind man as told in the story of the Blind Men and the Elephant. Even though Buddhism had been established some twenty-five centuries ago, it was only transmitted to China during the Chin and Han Dynasties (some five hundred years after the Parinirvana of Sakyamuni Buddha). Even though Buddhism in China had risen and fallen according to the law of constant changes during the past two thousand years, it had been well established in China. The Chinese have been open-minded in their nature and have been capable of absorbing foreign culture. Therefore when Buddhism was introduced into the well-cultured land of China, it has flourished abundantly and developed fruitfully. The golden age of Chinese Buddhism was from the age of the Three Kingdoms to the Tang Dynasty. During this period the various Schools in Buddhism evolved their irreproachable and infallible theories based on the doctrine of Sakyamuni Buddha. Historically speaking the rise and fall of the various schools had been closely connected to the evolution of cultural thoughts and current events in China. A student of Chinese Culture cannot simply neglect Buddhism as his progress will be handicapped like a wheel without an axis. Therefore it is the duty of a lover of Chinese culture to shoulder the responsibility of fostering the study of Buddhism so that the culture will again radiate its splendid light.
The Ten Schools of Chinese Buddhism are as follows: 1. Reality School or Abhidharma School. 2. Satysiddhi School or Cheng-se School. 3. Three Sastra School or San-lun School. 4. The Lotus School or T’ien-t’ai School. 5. The Hua-yen School or Avatamsaka School. 6. Ch’an School or Dhyana School. 7. Discipline School or Vinaya School. 8. Esoteric School or Chen-yen School. 9. Dharmalaksana School or Fa-siang School. 10. Pure-land School or Ching-t’u School.
The principles of all the above schools are based on the partial doctrine of Sakyamuni Buddha. In the beginning there were no such things as schools in Buddhism. The disciples of Buddha, however, took up what had been most beneficial and most practicable for them. Thus ten schools have evolved. This is just a general view of classification on the Buddhist Schools in China. (Source: BDEA & Buddhanet)
Nagarjuna’s Contribution Towards Chinese Buddhism
by Cheng Jianhua Institute of Philosophy, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, China
Po: Jizang’s Negations in the Four Levels of the Twofold Truth.
Zhang, E.Y. (2018).
In: Wang, Y., Wawrytko, S. (eds) Dao Companion to Chinese Buddhist Philosophy. Dao Companions to Chinese Philosophy, vol 9. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-90-481-2939-3_9
Abstract
As a synthesizer of the Māhayānic Prajñāpāramitā tradition in the early development of Chinese Buddhism, Jizang (549–623 CE) was one of the most important representatives of the Sunlun School (aka. The Three-Treatises School), whose doctrine centers on emptiness. This paper concerns the unfolding of the deconstructive strategies in Jizang’s rendering of the four levels of twofold truth, demonstrating how Jizang’s method of negation as a form of “critical philosophy” is utilized to correspond to the Sanlun appropriation of the Madhyāmikan understanding of emptiness. According to Jizang, the doctrine of the twofold truth functions as a pedagogical means, aiming to achieve two major purposes: (1) to put forth a critique of both nihilist and absolutist interpretations of emptiness; and (2) to resolve certain obscurities and inconsistencies in the teachings within the Buddhist tradition.
The author submits the idea that the Sanlun philosophy exhibits a more positive attitude toward the conventional through Sinicized conceptualization of the Middle-Way-as-Buddha-Nature, and that the Sanlun thought is more dependence upon affirmative expressions (i.e. kataphasis) than negative ones (i.e. apophasis) to promulgate its thesis. The paper concludes by pointing out that the Jizang’s method of negation has a significant impact on the later development of Chinese Buddhism, such as the Tiantai school’s doctrine of Emptiness-Provision-Middle and the Chan Buddhist teaching of non-abiding.
Notes
The Sanlun School, known as the “School of Emptiness” (Kong Zong 空宗) and the School of Wisdom, (Bore Zong 般若宗) is one of the earliest Buddhist schools in China during Sui and early Tang periods. The Sanlun School is also known as the Chinese representative of the Indian Madhyamaka school of Nāgārjuna. It was introduced to China by a half-Indian missionary-scholar names Kumārajīva (鳩摩羅什 344–413 CE) who translated into Chinese three Madhyāmika texts, namely, the Zhong Lun 中論 (Treatise on the Middle Doctrine, Madhyāmika Śāstra) by Nāgārjuna, the Shiermen Lun 十二門論 (Treatise on Twelve Gates, Dvadasamukha Śāstra) by Nāgārjuna, and the Bai Lun 百論 (Treatise on One Hundred Verses, Satasastra Śāstra) by Aryadeva 提婆. See the section on “The Philosophy of Emptiness: Chi-Tsang [Jizang] of the Three Treatise School” in Chan 1973. The five Sanlun precursors whose works influence Jizang’s philosophy include Nāgārjuna, Kumārajīva, Sengzhao 僧肇 (Seng-Chao 364–414 CE), and Falang 法朗 (507–581 CE), Jizang’s mentor. While some scholars have pointed out that there was no Sanlun School existed before Jizang, others contend that the Sanlun thought represented by Kumārajīva and his disciples are called in the Buddhist history of China “The Old Sanlun of Central Gate” (Guanzhong Jiulun 關中舊論) or “The Old Sanlun of West Gate (Guanxi Jiulun 關西舊論). The two names here indicate the places where the group transmitted Mādhyamika. For a more detailed discussion, see Yang 2008: 251–252.
The Sanskrit word bhāva denotes a metaphysical existence which Nāgārjuna rejects. See Kalupahana 1986: 32.
Also see Liu 1994: 140. Liu also contends that Jizang’s negative argument aims at making “nonattachment” the common thread for the Sanlun school in order to ultimately overcoming existence/nonexistence duality.
The citation is from Jingang Bore Shu 金剛般若疏. Also see Shih Chang-Wing 2004: 99.
The quotation is cited from Cheng 1981. The English translation has been modified for the sake of consistency, and those in [] are added by me.
In the article “Once More on the Two Truths: What Does Chi-tsang [Jizang] Mean by the Two Truths as ‘Yueh-chiao [Juejiao]’?” Whalen Lai contends that the distinction between the verbal teaching and a fixed principle is critical for Jizang’s non-attached position on the hermeneutical understanding of the Madhyāmika notion of emptiness. For a detailed analysis, see Lai 1983: 505–521. Also Nagao 1989.
CT here refers to conventional truth and UT refers to ultimate truth.
In his insightful essay “The Non-duality of Speech and Silence: A comparative Analysis of Jizang’s Thought on Language and Beyond,” Chien-hsing Ho points out that there are two kinds of silence implied in Jizang’s notion of silence even though Jizang has not spelt it out explicitly for the sake of avoiding a dualistic distinction. That is, silence as a principle and silence as teaching, and the latter belongs to the level of conventional truth. See Ho 2012: 13.
I need to point out here that the notion of non-conceptual religious/spiritual knowledge qua silence has been the subject of some debate in past decades among scholars. Stephen Katz, for example, questions the claim of a pure, unmediated experience, that is, a non-conceptual, mystical experience maintained by Buddhism. Katz insists that the mystical experience or direct awareness spoken by Buddhism must be conceptually-laden. See Katz 1978: 22–74.
See Ho 2012: 11. In fact, Ho in his essay renders ti as “body” rather than “substance” in order to avoid substantiating Jizang’s position and thus making the principle of the twofold truth dualistic.
The concept of “mutual identity” is another way for Jizang to express his idea of non-duality of the twofold truth.
Jizang sometimes follows traditional interpretations. For example, he takes śāstras (lun論) upon which his own Sanlun theories have formulated as a “zheng” to a variety of inconsistence existent in śutrās (jing 經). This is Jizang’s way of operating panjiao (判教) through which different teachings and doctrinal issues can be harmonized by reclassification.
The terms truth-qua-instruction (jiaodi 教諦) and truth-qua-viewpoint (yudi 於諦) are used to refer to the conventional truth and the ultimate truth by the Sanlun School exclusively. See Hong 2009: 137.
Here the first view, “mental non-existence” (xinwu 心無), refers to the idea that one has noawareness of things, but the things are not non-existent. The second view, “identical with form” (jise 即色), refers to one that identifies emptiness with form (or matter) even though it agrees to the idea that form does not cause itself to form. The third view, “original non-existence” (benwu 本無), refers to a position that takes “non-existence” as the non-existence of existence. All these views are rejected by Sengzhao. See Swanson 1985: 35–36.
Some changes have been made to his translation for the sake of consistence in terms and concepts.
The word “un-negation” here refers to Jizang’s notion of weiwu 非無, a method of negation. At the same time, it has a similar meaning to Derrida’s idea of “de-negation” which I use in the paper as well. It is a method of a negation that “denies itself” rather than a pure negation of negation. See Coward and Foshay 1992: 25.
Here Jizang also uses water and fire metaphors, pointing out that emptiness is like water and the purpose of it is to extinguish fire (of attachment). But “if water itself were to catch on fire, what would one use to distinguish it? Both nihilism and eternalism are like the fire, and emptiness is capable of extinguishing them. But if one persists in becoming attached to emptiness, there is no medicine which can extinguish this.” (T45, 1852: 7a14).
Sanlun Xuanyi. Quotation is from De Bary and Bloom 1999: 438–9. Minor changes in translation are done for the sake of coherence in wording for this paper.
Fox argues that Jizang’s threefold category of being corrective can be recapitulated as three methods of negation: (1) the method of refuting competing points of view in terms of independent criteria; (2) the method of using opponent’s own logic against himself (reduction absurdum), and the method of putting to rest of obsessive intellectualized and discursive discourse. See Fox 1992: 17.
It should be noted that sometimes it is ambivalent that Jizang’s suspicion of concepts is due to their intrinsic limitations or confusions caused by the fact that there is a problem of having a clear definition in Chinese Buddhism. Alan Fox has pointed out the Sanlun tradition, including Jizang, seems to ignore the problem of definitions such as the concept of “self-nature” that so occupied Candrakirti and others in the Indian Madhyāmika tradition. Fox is correct on this difference since the Chinese tradition as a whole does not pay much attention to conceptual definitions. For more detailed discussion on Jizang’s view on language, see Ho 2012: 1–19. Ho insists that Jizang does not hold a clear-cut distinction on conventional speech and sacred silence as one would see in the works of Nāgārjuna.
Although the Hongzhou Ch’an lineage is the subject of some contention, the descended line, namely, the lineage in the order of MazuBaizhangHuangboLinji is traditionally accepted according to the dialogical history of Ch’an Buddhism. For a comprehensive and systematic study of the method of negation in Ch’an, see Wang 2003: 52–80.
For example, before the arising of the Sanlun school, one of the most popular notions of the Buddha-nature is the “Buddha nature of a correct cause” (zhengyin foxing 正因佛性) which puts an emphasis on the existence of a subjective mind. See Yang 2007: 259–260. Yang argues that Jizang in his late life held more affirmative views such as the idea of the Buddha-nature due to his interaction with masters of other schools such as Zhiyi 智顗 (Chih-i 538–597 CE) of the Tiantai School 天台宗). At the same time, Zhiyi’s theory on emptiness-provision-middle-way (kong-jia-zhong 空-假-中) shows the influence of the Sanlun School. For a more comprehensive study of the relationship between the Sanlun School and the Tiantai School with regard to the doctrine of emptiness, see Ng 1993.
Cf. Chap. 7 of this anthology for the discussion of Sengzhao’s Wubuqian Lun.
Also see Chapter Six on Sengzhao in Robinson 1967: 123–155.
Mogliola plays with the Buddhist notion of coming/going, pointing out that emptiness is BETWEEN “easy come and easy go” and “hard to come by.”
It should be noted that whether Nāgārjuna’s ultimate truth in his twofold truth theory points to something absolutely transcendent is a question under the debate. T.R.V. Murti, for example, has pointed out that for Nāgārjuna the ultimate truth transcends discursive thought in a sense that it is unreachable via rationality, either empirical investigation or philosophical speculation. Yet this does not mean that Nāgārjuna is a nihilist or negativistic thinker, for “[t]he dialectic should not be taken, as it is done by the uniformed, as the denial of the Real – Nihilism” See Tuck 1990: 52.
Of course, whether or not Jizang dichotomizes ti and yong is debatable. Wing-Tist Chan argues that in Jizang “substance and function are sharply contrasted” in comparison with Sengzhao who identifies substance with function. See Chan 1973: 358. Aaron K. Koseki holds the same opinion. See Koseki 1982: 58. Ho, on the other hand, shows a different viewpoint. I concur with Ho on this point. I think one of the major differences between Sengzhao and Jizang is that the former tends to use more conjunctions (both…and) whereas the latter more disjunctions (neither…nor), yet both expressions can lend to the idea of nonduality.
For Jizang, “loss” or “non-acquisition” is another word for “emptiness.”
Shih Chang-Qing, who has offered a historical overview of the development of the Sanlun School, points out that Jizang’s emphasis on the relationship between acquisition and loss is due to the influence of Falang, his mentor. To establish the relationship between these two concepts enables Jizang to contend his argument on nonduality between the wisdom of the sage and the mind of the ordinary people. See Shih 2004: 337–338.
When speaking of a Derridean deconstruction, John Caputo makes a remark that deconstruction is a “religion without religion” that points to a moment of transcendence yet not “transcendence” in a traditional sense, since it means “excess,” the exceeding of the stable boarders of the presently possible.” See Caputo 1997: xix. I think that the same thing can be said of Sanlun Buddhists in China.
Scholars like Wing-Tist Chan, however, argues that Sanlun thought is not Chinese enough which accounts for its failure to survive in China. He says, “Ironically, Chi-tsang’s (Jizang) success was at the same time the failure his school, for it became less and less Chinese. As a systematizer and transmitter of Indian philosophy, he brought about no cross-fertilization between Buddhist and Chinese thought.” See Chan 1973: 358.
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Convergence and Harmony: On the Schools of Chinese Buddhism
Volume 9 of Dao Companions to Chinese Philosophy Editors Youru Wang, Sandra A. Wawrytko Edition illustrated Publisher Springer, 2019 ISBN 9048129397, 9789048129393 Length 440 pages
Encyclopedia of Chinese Philosophy
Editor Antonio S. Cua Publisher Routledge, 2013 ISBN 1135367485, 9781135367480 Length 1020 pages
The different Buddhist schools of thought, still operating in the present day, developed after the death of the Buddha (l. c. 563 – c. 483 BCE) in an effort to perpetuate his teachings and honor his example. Each of the schools claimed to represent Buddha’s original vision and still do so in the modern era.
Although Buddha himself is said to have requested that, following his death, no leader was to be chosen to lead anything like a school, this was ignored and his disciples seem to have fairly quickly institutionalized Buddhist thought with rules, regulations, and a hierarchy.
At first, there may have been a unified vision of what Buddha had taught but, in time, disagreements over what constituted the “true teaching” resulted in fragmentation and the establishment of three main schools:
Theravada Buddhism claims to be the oldest school and to maintain Buddha’s original vision and teachings. Mahayana Buddhism is said to have split off from Theravada in the belief that it was too self-centered and had lost the true vision; this school also claims it holds to the Buddha’s original teaching. Actually, however, the two schools may have been established around the same time, just with different focus, and probably emerged from two earlier schools: the Sthaviravada (possible precursor to Theravada) and the Mahasanghika (also given as Mahasamghika, considered by some the earlier Mahayana). The connection between these earlier schools and the later ones, however, has been challenged. Vajrayana Buddhism developed, largely in Tibet, in response to what were perceived as too many rules in Mahayana Buddhism and emphasized living the Buddhist walk naturally without regard to ideas of what one was “supposed” to do and so it, too, claims to be the most authentic.
All three schools maintain a belief in the Four Noble Truths and Eightfold Path as preached by the Buddha but differ – sometimes significantly – in how they choose to follow that path. Objectively, none are considered any more legitimate than the others, nor are the many minor schools which have developed, although adherents of each believe otherwise while, at the same time, recognizing they are all part of Ekayana (“One Vehicle” or “One Path”) in that all embrace Buddha’s central vision and seek to promote harmony and compassion in the world.
Although Buddhism is often perceived by non-adherents as a uniform belief system, it is as varied as any other in practice but, theoretically at least, a modern-day secular Buddhist can participate in rituals with a religious Buddhist without concern or conflict and all work toward the same essential goals.
Buddha & Buddhism
According to the foundational account of Buddha’s life, he was born Siddhartha Gautama, a Hindu prince, and his father, hoping to prevent him from following a spiritual path instead of succeeding him as king, kept him from any experiences which might have made him aware of suffering and death. The king’s plan succeeded for 29 years until Siddhartha witnessed the famous Four Signs while out riding one day – an aged man, a sick man, a dead man, and a spiritual ascetic – and became aware of the reality of sickness, old age, and death.
He renounced his wealth and position and followed the example of the spiritual ascetic, eventually attaining enlightenment upon recognizing the inherent impermanence of all aspects of life and realizing how one could live without suffering. He developed the concept of the Four Noble Truths, which state that suffering in life is caused by attachment to the things of life, and the Eightfold Path, the spiritual discipline one should follow to achieve release from attachment and the pain of craving and loss. Scholar John M. Koller comments:
The Buddha’s teaching of [the Four Noble Truths] was based on his insight into interdependent arising (pratitya samutpada) as the nature of existence. Interdependent arising means that everything is constantly changing, that nothing is permanent. It also means that all existence is selfless, that nothing exists separately, by itself. And beyond the impermanence and selflessness of existence, interdependent arising means that whatever arises or ceases does so dependent upon conditions. This is why understanding the conditions that give rise to [suffering] is crucial to the process of eliminating [suffering]. (64)
Buddha illustrated these conditions through the Wheel of Becoming which has in its hub the triad of ignorance, craving, and aversion, between the hub and rim the six types of suffering existence, and on the rim the conditions which give rise to duhkha (translated as “suffering”). Ignorance of the true nature of life encourages craving for those things one believes are desirable and aversion to things one fears and rejects. Caught on this wheel, the soul is blinded to the true nature of life and so condemns itself to samsara, the endless repetition of rebirth and death.
Spread & Fragmentation
Buddha preached his vision from the time of his enlightenment until his death at 80 years of age, at which point he requested that his disciples should not choose a leader but that each should lead themselves. He also requested that his remains be placed in a stupa at a crossroads. Neither of these requests was honored as his disciples fairly quickly organized themselves as a group with a leader and divided his remains among themselves, each choosing to place them in a stupa in a location of their choice.
Around 400 BCE, they held the First Council at which they established accepted Buddhist doctrine based on the Buddha’s teachings and, in 383 BCE, they held a Second Council at which, according to the standard account of the meeting, the Sthaviravada school insisted on the observance of ten proscriptions in the monastic discipline which the majority rejected.
At this point, either the Sthaviravada school left the community (known as the sangha) or the majority distanced themselves from the Sthaviravada and called themselves Mahasanghika (“Great Congregation”). All the later schools then developed from this first schism.
These schools had to contend with the more well-established belief systems of Hinduism and Jainism and, in an effort to level the playing field, developed an illustrious foundation story for their founder and attributed to him a number of miracles. Still, Buddhism remained a small sect in India, one among many, until it was championed by the Mauryan king Ashoka the Great (r. 268-232 BCE) who embraced the faith and initiated its spread. He sent missionaries to other nations such as Sri Lanka, China, Korea, Thailand, and Buddhism was accepted in these places far more quickly than in its home country.
Doctrinal differences, however, led to further divisions within the community of adherents. As the belief system became more institutionalized, these differences became more significant. Different canons of scripture developed which were held by some as true while rejected by others and different practices arose in response to the scripture. For example, the Pali canon, which emerged from Sri Lanka, maintained that Buddha was a human being who, although endowed with great spiritual power, still attained enlightenment through his own efforts and, when he died, he was set free from samsara and achieved total liberation from human affairs.
As Buddhism spread, however, the founder was deified as a transcendent being who had always existed and would always exist. Buddha’s death was still understood as his nirvana, a “blowing out” of all attachment and craving, but some adherents no longer saw this as simply an escape from samsara but an elevation to an eternally abiding state; freed from samsara, but still present in spirit. The Mahasanghika school held to this belief as well as many others (such as the claim that the Buddha had never existed physically, only as a kind of holy apparition) which stood in direct contrast to the Sthaviravada and, later, the Theravada schools. Although the central vision of the Buddha was retained by adherents, doctrinal differences like this one led to the establishment of the different schools of Buddhist thought.
Although there were actually many schisms before the establishment of Theravada, Mahayana, and Vajrayana (the Mahasanghika school alone produced three different sects by c. 283 BCE), the division of these schools from the original sangha is said to have been predicted by the Buddha himself in what is known as The Three Turnings. This concept is based on that of the Dharmachakra (wheel of eight spokes, a familiar Buddhist symbol) which represents the Eightfold Path, informed by dharma which, in Buddhism, is understood as “cosmic law”. The Dharmachakra has always been in motion and always will be but, as far as human recognition of it goes, it was set in motion when Buddha gave his first sermon, would then make the first turn with the establishment of Theravada Buddhism, a second with Mahayana, and a third with Vajrayana.
Theravada Buddhism
Theravada Buddhism is said to be the oldest form of the belief system, but this is challenged by modern scholars. Robert E. Buswell, Jr. and Donald S. Lopez, Jr. explain:
Despite the way in which scholars have portrayed the tradition, Theravada is neither synonymous with early Buddhism nor a more pristine form of the religion prior to the rise of the Mahayana. Such a claim suggests a state of sectarian inertia that belies the diversity over time of doctrine and practice within what comes to be called the Theravada tradition. (904)
Even so, many of those who self-identify as Theravada Buddhists do still make the claim that it is the oldest version of Buddhism and the closest to the founder’s vision. It is known as the “Teaching of the Elders” which derives from the same name held by the earlier school of Sthaviravada, and this is sometimes interpreted to mean that its founders were those closest to the Buddha but, actually, the term was commonly used in India to denote any monastic sect, and this applies directly to Theravada.
Adherents focus on the Three Trainings (trisksa):
Sila (moral conduct)
Samadhi (meditation)
Prajna (wisdom)
This discipline is observed as part of the Eightfold Path and is inspired by the central figure of the school, the sage Buddhaghosa (5th century CE) whose name means “Voice of the Buddha” for his ability to interpret and comment upon Buddhist doctrine. They hold the Pali canon to be the most authentic and focus on a monastic interpretation of the Buddhist path in which the individual seeks to become an arhat (saint) and has no obligation to teach others the way toward enlightenment. One may certainly do so if one chooses but, unlike Mahayana Buddhism, the goal is not to become a spiritual guide to others but to free one’s self from samsara.
Theravada Buddhism is divided between a clergy of monks and a congregation of laypeople and it is understood that the monks are more spiritually advanced than the common folk. Women are considered inferior to men and are not thought capable of attaining enlightenment until they are reincarnated as a male. The Theravada school is sometimes referred to as Hinayana (“little vehicle”) by Mahayana Buddhists, but it should be noted that this is considered an insult by Theravada Buddhists in that it suggests their school is not as important as Mahayana.
Mahayana Buddhism
Mahayana Buddhists named themselves the “Great Vehicle” either because they felt they retained the true teachings and could carry the most people to enlightenment (as has been claimed) or because they developed from the early “Great Congregation” Mahasanghika school and wished to distance themselves from it, however slightly. It was founded 400 years after Buddha’s death, probably inspired by the early Mahasanghika ideology, and was streamlined and codified by the sage Nagarjuna (c. 2nd century CE), the central figure of the school. It may have initially been a minor school before interacting with Mahasanghika or, according to some scholars, developed on its own without that school’s influence but, either way, Mahayana is the most widespread and popular form of Buddhism in the world today, spreading from its initial acceptance in China, Korea, Mongolia, Japan, Sri Lanka, and Tibet to points all around the world.
The Mahayana school believes that all human beings possess a Buddha nature and can attain transcendent awareness, becoming a Bodhisattva (“essence of enlightenment”), who can then guide others on the same path. Adherents seek to attain the state of sunyata – the realization that all things are devoid of intrinsic existence, nature, and lasting meaning – a clearing of the mind that enables one to recognize the true nature of life. Having attained this higher state, just as Buddha did, one becomes a buddha. This transcendental state is similar to how gods and spirits were viewed by the Buddha himself – as existing but incapable of rendering any service to the individual – but, as a Bodhisattva, both women and men who have awakened are able to help others to help themselves.
As with Theravada and every other school of Buddhism, the focus is on the self – self-perfection and self-redemption – and no other can do the spiritual work which one needs to do to release one’s self from suffering. Although Buddha is sometimes seen as a deified being by Mahayana Buddhists, the tenets do not encourage one to call on him for help. Following Buddha’s own vision, a belief in a creator god who is attentive to one’s prayers is discouraged because it attaches one to a power outside of one’s self and sets one up for disappointment and frustration when prayers go unanswered.
This is not to say that no Mahayana Buddhists pray directly to the Buddha; the tradition of representing Buddha in statuary and art, of praying to these objects, and considering them holy – observed in Mahayana Buddhism – was initiated by the Mahasanghika school and is among the many compelling reasons to believe the younger school emerged from the older one.
Vajrayana Buddhism
Vajrayana Buddhism (“Diamond Vehicle”) is so-called because of its association of enlightenment with an unbreakable substance. Its name is also given as “Thunderbolt Vehicle”, especially in reference to Tantric or Zen Buddhism, in that enlightenment falls like a thunderbolt after one has put in the required effort at perfecting the self. It is often considered an offshoot of Mahayana Buddhism – is even referenced as a sect of that school – but actually borrows tenets from both Mahayana and Theravada Buddhism while adding an innovation of its own.
In both Theravada and Mahayana Buddhism, one decides to follow the path, accepts the Four Noble Truths and the Eightfold Path as legitimate, and commits to a spiritual discipline which will lead to enlightenment by renouncing unprofitable habits. In Vajrayana Buddhism, it is understood that one already has a Buddha nature – everyone does, just as Mahayana believes – but, in Vajrayana, one only has to realize this in order to fully awaken. An adherent, therefore, does not have to give up bad habits such as drinking alcohol or smoking right away in order to begin one’s work on the path; one only has to commit to following the path and the desire to engage in unhealthy and damaging behaviors will steadily lose their allure. Instead of distancing one’s self from desire, one steps toward and through it, shedding one’s attachment as one proceeds in the discipline.
As with Mahayana Buddhism, the Vajrayana school focuses one on becoming a Bodhisattva who will then guide others. It was systematized by the sage Atisha (l. 982-1054 CE) in Tibet and so is sometimes referred to as Tibetan Buddhism. The Dalai Lama, often referenced as the spiritual leader of all Buddhists, is technically only the spiritual head of the Vajrayana School, and his views are most directly in line with this school of thought.
Other Schools
There are many other Buddhist schools which have developed from these three all around the world. In the West, the most popular of these is Zen Buddhism which traveled from China to Japan and was most fully developed there before arriving in the West. As Zen Masters are fond of saying, “What you call Zen is not Zen; What you do not call Zen is not Zen” meaning that the state of being one wishes to attain cannot be defined; it can only be experienced. One arrives at this state through deep meditation and mental concentration on koans – usually translated as “riddles” – which have no answer, such as the famous “What is the sound of one hand clapping?” – in order to clear the mind, rid the self of attachment, and attain the state of samadhi, a state of psychological and spiritual vision similar to sunyata. Students of Zen Buddhism frequently study with a master who might slap them, shout, or suddenly hit them with a stout stick in order to awaken them from the illusion of who they think they are and what they think they are doing. These sudden attacks without warning are engaged in, like the koans, to snap an adherent out of rational, linear thinking into a higher state of awareness.
Pure Land Buddhism is another which developed from Mahayana Buddhism and its goal is rebirth in a “pure land” of a Buddha Realm which exists on a higher plane. The belief comes from a story in the text known as the Infinite Life Sutra in which the Buddha tells a story of a past buddha named Amitabha who became a Bodhisattva and to whom were revealed the Buddha Realms available to the enlightened. Amitabha’s efforts to save all sentient creatures from suffering resulted in the creation of the realm of Sukhavati, the greatest of all, in which one experiences complete bliss after leaving the body at death. Although Pure Land is its own school, some Mahayana Buddhists observe the same tenets.
An increasingly popular school in the West is Secular Buddhism which rejects all metaphysical aspects of the belief system to focus on self-improvement for its own sake. Secular Buddhism recognizes the Four Noble Truths and Eight-Fold Path but on purely practical and psychological levels. There are no saints, no Bodhisattvas, no Buddha Realms, no concept of reincarnation to be considered. One engages in the discipline as set down by the Buddha in order to become a better version of one’s self and, when one dies, one no longer exists. There is no concept of a reward after death; one’s efforts in being the best person one can be in life is considered its own reward.
Conclusion
It is actually impossible to tell which, if any, of these schools is closest to the original vision of the Buddha. Siddhartha Gautama, himself, wrote nothing down but instead – like many great spiritual figures throughout history whose followers then founded a religion in their name – lived his beliefs and tried to help others in their struggles. Since the earliest Buddhist texts were written centuries after the Buddha lived, and in an era when the events of a famous person’s life were regularly embellished upon, it is unknown whether his so-called “biography” is accurate nor even the dates between which he is said to have lived.
However that may be, and whoever he was, the Buddha established a belief system which attracts over 500 million adherents in the present day and has, for centuries, offered people a path toward peace of mind and inspiration to help others. The Buddhist belief in the sanctity of all life – no matter which school one attaches one’s self to – promotes care for other human beings, animals, and the earth in an effort to end suffering and offer transformative possibilities. In this respect, each school works toward goals that Buddha himself would approve of and differences in how those goals are reached are ultimately irrelevant.
“DOXOGRAPHICAL APPROPRIATION OF NĀGĀRJUNA’S CATUṢKOṬI IN CHINESE SANLUN AND TIANTAI THOUGHT”
It is well known that the cultural development in ancient China from the Eastern Han (25-220 AD) to the Tang Dynasty (618-907 AD) was directly and deeply influenced by Indian culture and civilization. The influence was largely achieved through the dissemination of Indian Buddhism. Without this magnificent religious media, it is hard to imagine that a foreign culture with considerably different characters could have made such great influence on the already highly developed and extremely secularized Chinese culture. For this reason, scholars nowadays in China generally tend to consider the influence of Indian culture as resulting from the influence of Indian Buddhism. In this regard, Prof. Ji Xianlin once said, “Without studying the impacts of Buddhism on Chinese culture, it is impossible to write an authentic history of Chinese culture, a history of Chinese philosophy, or even a history of China”. The term “Buddhism” mentioned here does not only refer to the religion per se, but to the whole complex of ancient Indian culture that had been brought by Buddhism into China. One may wonder: how did Buddhism, the carrier of Indian culture, find its way into China? The languages used for transmission of Indian Buddhism and Indian culture are basically from the Indo-European language family, while the Chinese language as the essential vehicle of Chinese culture belongs to the Sino-Tibetan language family. The huge typological gap between Indian and Chinese languages reflects the great underlying difference between Indian and Chinese cultures. Anyone who has some knowledge about this difference is astonished by the fruitful achievements of the communication of these two cultures made in ancient times. A substantial part of the achievements, fairly speaking, owes to the enterprise of translating Buddhist texts into Chinese, which lasted between the early first millennium AD and the early second millennium AD. This enterprise represents perhaps one of the most spectacular examples of intercultural exchange in human history: during nearly ten centuries from the Eastern Han to the Northern Song Dynasty, hundreds of Buddhist masters coming from India or Central Asia to China, along with their Chinese assistants, translated thousands of Indian Buddhist scriptures into Chinese and thereby made known to Chinese people not only Buddhist teachings, but also an extensively rich set of Indian cultural information, which finally even had effects on their daily life. In this sense, it is reasonable to say that without the translation of Buddhist texts into Chinese, there could have neither been the widespread dissemination of Buddhism in China, nor the establishment of Chinese Buddhism, not to mention the profound influence of Indian culture on the Chinese popular culture. Among those honourable Buddhist masters, the most outstanding one is Kumārajīva whom we commemorate today. The present paper consists of three parts: 1) The significance of Chinese Buddhist translations in the history of Chinese Buddhism and the history of Chinese culture; 2) Kumārajīva and his translation activities; 3) The characteristics of Kumārajīva’s translations and their influence on the Chinese culture.
The Figure of Kumarajiva in Chinese Culture History.
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Wisdom is an essential concern of Buddhism, and “education” in the Buddhist sense should be understood as a process of attaining wisdom or becoming wise-in getting oneself enlightened and ridding oneself of the original ignorance. The teaching of and about wisdom should be considered as part of this process. Since the attainment of wisdom is for Buddhism not a remote possibility but rather a spiritual reality, as evidenced by Buddha himself and so many other bodhisattvas, the answer to questions such as whether or not wisdom is possible is indubitably “yes”. Also, as the final end of Buddhist teaching is to attain enlightenment and to get rid of the original ignorance, the question as to whether wisdom could be taught is also definitively “yes”. Therefore, instead of questioning whether it is possible to teach wisdom, what we should ask here is rather the nature of the Buddhist wisdom and the Buddhist pedagogical process of attaining it. In this chapter I’ll deal with the concept of “wisdom” in three schools of Chinese Mahayana Buddhism: the Sanlun Zong (Three Treatises School), the Weishi Zong (Conscious-Only School) and the Chan Zong (Chan School), which have appeared successively in the history of Chinese Buddhism. We know that Mahayana Buddhism has two major schools in its Indian tradition: Mādhyamika and Yogācāra. They must have contained in themselves such an original generosity to go outside of themselves and the capacity to recontextualize themselves in Chinese culture and become Chinese Mahayana Buddhism. After their spreading and recontextualization in China, the Sanlun School could be seen as the Chinese development of Mādhyamika, whereas the Weishi School should be seen as Yogācāra in its Chinese version. As to the Chan School, which later in its Japanese version was called “Zen”, it should be seen as a properly Chinese Mahayana Buddhism. For reasons of space, we will leave other Chinese Mahayana Buddhist Schools undiscussed, such as Tiantai Zong, which was thus named because of its being built on theMt. Tiantai by Master Zhiyi (538-597), and Huayan Zong, founded by Fazang (643-712) and was thus named because of its focusing on the Huayan Jing(Avatamsaka Sutra, or The Flower Splendor Scripture). In Chinese Mahayana Buddhism, the mostly used term for “wisdom” is the Chinese phonetic translation “bore” of the Sanskrit word “prajñā”. In its Indian tradition, the term “prajñā” means knowledge as well as wisdom, perfect wisdom as well as imperfect wisdom; whereas in Chinese Mahayana Buddhism, “prajñā” is taken to mean only perfect wisdom. It is in this sense that when Xuanzang (596-664), who had launched the biggest project of translation of the Buddhist Scriptures in Chinese intellectual history, set up a system of rules for translation, he showed a particular respect for this term in establishing the wu bu fan (five categories of terms not to be translated), of which the fifth concerns itself with the term prajñā. There, it is said, “the use of the Sanskrit term ‘prajñā’ shows respect, whereas the use of the Chinese term zhihui (wisdom) turns out to be superficial”. Nevertheless, in this chapter, we still have to use the term zhihui (wisdom) to render the meaning of prajñā. This is especially the case in Weishi’s concept of zhuanshi dezhi (transformation of consciousness to obtain wisdom) or zhuanshi chengzhi (transformation of consciousness into wisdom). For the Weishi School, wisdom is based on the marvellous being of the Alaya-consciousness (Alya-vijñāna). But, for the Sanlun School, prajñā would mean the attainment of and the marvellous function of emptiness. In Chan Buddhism, prajñā would mean the immediate self-realization of the Buddhahood in the details of everyday life. One of the major focuses of this chapter is to relate the concept of wisdom (and various ways to learn to be wise) to the relation between the mind (or consciousness) and the multiple others in which it finds itself. My basic idea, to be developed in the following sections, is that both Mādhyamika and Yogācāra in their Indian traditions keep a certain dimension of the other. For example, Yogācāra pays respect to the “textual other” and the “ethical other”, in the sense that wisdom is to be acquired by appropriating the meaning of the Scriptures; and the meaning of life thus acquired is to be put into practice with an unconditional generosity towards multiple others, that is, all sentient beings, without even expecting a return from them. For the Mādhyamika, the dimension of the other becomes that which lies always beyond, in denying or making empty that which one achieves in negative dialectics: to render empty in order to show the nonsubstantial character of the Ultimate Reality. The Middle Path, which is the way wisdom or prajñā takes, consists in understanding the interdependent causation in the sense of non-substantiality. After destroying any dualistic situation in the process of negative dialectics, even the reality of interdependent causation should be denied. Unfortunately, the dimension of the other gradually got lost in Chinese Mahayana Buddhism, through Sanlun and Weishi, finally to be radically abandoned in absolute immanentism without any necessity to refer to the other-in Chan Buddhism.
The Beopseong sect, as the name hints at, attempts to clarify the meaning of various dharmas. The Beopseong sect used the Three Treatises as their primary texts. These three texts are: 1. The Middle Treatise – Mūlamadhyamakakārikā, 2. The Treatise on the Twelve Gates – Dvādaśadvāraśāstra, 3. The Hundred Verse Treatise – Śataśāstra. As a result, the Beopseong sect is also sometimes called the Three Treatises School, or the “Samnon-jong” in Korean.
One of the main focuses of the Samnon-jong sect, which is known as the “Buddha Nature” in English, focuses on how it’s possible for sentient beings to attain the state of a Buddha. This is a central topic in Mahayana Buddhism. So one of the meanings of the term “Buddha Nature” is that all sentient beings contain an enlightened Buddha within themselves. Another approach to the idea of “Buddha Nature” is the idea that allows for the enabling of sentient beings to become Buddhas. Debate continues to this day on what the “Buddha Nature” means, and it plays a major role in doctrinal Mahayana Buddhism.
With this in mind, the Samnon-jong (Buddha Nature) sect sharply criticized the Smaller Vehicle – Hinayana Buddhism. The reason for this is that the Samnon-jong sect believed that the Smaller Vehicle served no purpose. The Samnon-jong sect considered the idea of emptiness found in Prajnaparamita (the Perfection of [Transcendent] Wisdom) as corresponding perfectly to the ultimate end, or “Gugyeong” in Korean. That’s why the Samnon-jong sect is also known as the Emptiness of Nature Sect, or “Seonggong-jong” in Korean.
So how did Samnon Buddhism first develop? In China, during the reign of Emperor Yao Chang (r. 384-394 A.D.) of Later Qin, a monk from Kucha named Kumārajīva (344-413 A.D.) followed Lü Guang (337-400 A.D.) to Liangzhou and reached Changan in 400 A.D. Kumārajīva immediately started to translate Buddhist sutras. Among the 380 sutras that he translated, the Śataśāstra was completed in 404 A.D. And the other two sutras, the Mūlamadhyamakakārikā and the Dvādaśadvāraśāstra, were both completed in 410 A.D. It was from these sutras, and their translations, that a sect was founded. But not only was it founded, but it began to flourish right away, as well. Kumarajiva became the first patriarch of the sect.
With all that being said, it’s unclear how this sect first came to the Korean peninsula. Also, it’s impossible to know the person that first expounded and taught these teachings, as well. However, it can safely be assumed that because of the proximity of Northern China (which is where Sanlun Buddhism was first founded and developed) to the Korean peninsula, that it was transmitted through trade and cultural exchanges. And because Sanlun Buddhism passed through the Korean peninsula to arrive in Japan, which it did as Sanron Buddhism in 625 A.D., Sanlun Buddhism was already present in the Three Kingdoms of Korea (18 B.C. – 660 A.D.) at this time. With this in mind, and without being able to be more specific, Sanlun Buddhism is believed to have first been introduced around the time other sects arrived on the Korean peninsula from Tang China (618–690, 705–907 A.D.) like Huayan and Vinaya Buddhism. Additionally, the Hwaeom-jong sect and Samnon-jong sect were believed to have strong ties. Later, and at the beginning of the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910), the Samnon-jong sect was unified with the Jungdo sect, and it became the Jungsin sect. This sect continued to use the same doctrinal content of the Three Treatises.
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pp. 397–418. in: Chen-kuo Lin / Michael Radich (eds.) A Distant Mirror Articulating Indic Ideas in Sixth and Seventh Century Chinese Buddhism Hamburg Buddhist Studies, 3 Hamburg: Hamburg University Press 2014
Empty Logic: Mādhyamika Buddhism from Chinese Sources
Author Hsueh-li Cheng Publisher Philosophical Library, 1984 Original from the University of Virginia Digitized Aug 2, 2007 ISBN 0802224423, 9780802224422 Length 220 pages
The study on The Philosophy of Zhao Lun
Yan Li Beijing Language and Culture University, Beijing 100083, China
The meaning of the two truths–the worldly or mundane truth samvrtisatya , and the real or supreme truth — was a hotly debated topic among Chinese Buddhists in the 5th and 6th century a.d. From the time of Kumarajiva this issue was discussed in terms of yu and wu . Usually yu was iden- tified with samvrtisatya and wu with paramarthasatya, leading to the mistaken conclusion that the two truths represent two separate realities. The ambiguous meaning of these terms also contributed to the confusion. Yu and wu have both positive and negative conno- tations for Buddhist philosophy. Yu understood as substantial Being is denied by the Buddhist concept of emptiness sunyata , but yu as conventional, conditioned, co-arising dharmas is compatible with the Buddhist concept of pratityasamutpada. Wu understood as a nihilistic nothingness is a misunderstanding of emptiness, but wu as a lack of substantial Being is synonymous with emptiness. The use of these ambiguous terms to interpret the meaning of the two truths prevented a satisfactory resolution of the problem until the issue was dealt with by Chi-tsang, of the Sanlun tradition, and Chih-i, founder of T’ien-t’ai philosophy. ;In this dissertation I outline the debate on the two truths in China from the time of Kumarajiva and Seng-chao, the first appearance of three truth formulations in Chinese apocryphal Sutras, the debate on the two truths led by Prince Chao-ming, Hui-yuan’s discussion in his Ta ch’eng i chang, the positive evaluation of conventional existence by the Ch’eng shih lun scholars, and the contributions of Chi-tsang. Finally I discuss Chih-i’s T’ien-t’ai philosophy and his resolution of the problem by means of his threefold truth concept. Chih-i tran- scends the yu/wu duality by emphasizing the oneness of reality and discussing the issue in terms of emptiness sunyata , conventional existence prajnaptirupadaya , and the middle madhyama . An annotated translation of the pertinent section of the Fa hua hsuan i is included in an Appendix
Sŭng Tonang (僧 道朗) (a.k.a. Sŭngnang (僧朗), fl. 476?-512) from Koguryŏ and his Role in Chinese San-lun
Joerg Plassen
Joerg Plassen is an Assistant Professor of the Department of Ostasienwissenschaften at Ruhr-Universität Bochum.
This article is a revised version of a paper presented at the First World Congress of Korean Studies, Academy of Korean Studies, Sŏngnam, July 18-20, 2002.
International Journal of Buddhist Thought & Culture February 2005, Vol. 5, pp. 165~198.
Nāgārjuna (c. 150–250 CE) is the founder of the Madhyamaka or Middle Way school of Buddhist philosophy and the most influential of all Buddhist thinkers following the Buddha himself. Throughout his works, Nāgārjuna repeatedly calls for the complete abandonment of all views. But how could anyone possibly abandon all views? And how could a philosopher of Nāgārjuna’s stature resort to using so self-contradictory a form of argumentation as the tetralemma, which openly negates a position, its contrary, both, and neither? Many scholars have attempted to parameterize Nāgārjuna’s paradoxes in an apologetic effort to justify him to mainstream Western philosophers as being irreproachably logical. This book, however, shows not only how Nāgārjuna’s truly radical teaching of no-view or “abelief” makes perfect sense within his Buddhist philosophy but also how it stands at the summit of his religious mission to care for all living beings. Rather than treating any one aspect of Nāgārjuna’s ideas in isolation, here his metaphysics, epistemology, and ethics emerge as forging a single coherent and convincing philosophical-religious system of thought and practice. Overall, this book takes a comprehensive approach to Nāgārjuna’s thought in its Buddhist context, integrating his views on views, belief, and conceptualization; language, mind, and intention; action, attachment, and selfhood; suffering, violence, and peace; and emptiness, nirvāṇa, and Buddhahood. By drawing on Buddhist sources in a way that resolutely strives to move beyond the Christianocentrism and Occidentocentrism still so dominant in scholarship today, this work challenges the very ways in which we think about religion and philosophy.
‘Abandoning All Views: A Buddhist Critique of Belief’,
Stepien, Rafal K.,
Buddhism Between Religion and Philosophy: Nāgārjuna and the Ethics of Emptiness (New York , 2024; online edn, Oxford Academic, 30 Apr. 2024), https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197771303.003.0005, accessed 26 May 2024.
Chapter 4 brings preceding discussions of the tetralemma to bear on the central role that abandoning all views plays within Nāgārjuna’s thought as a whole. For Nāgārjuna’s masterwork opens and closes with salutations to the Buddha as one who taught the “cessation of conceptualization” and the “abandonment of all views.” In addition, this and Nāgārjuna’s other texts contain numerous analogous calls for the complete abandonment of views, which are surveyed and explained. Despite these copious, clear, and comprehensive disavowals of views, contemporary scholars almost unanimously interpret such statements as referring only to “false” views. This chapter argues instead that Nāgārjuna’s insistence on the abandonment of all views—including ultimately his own—constitutes his distinctive epistemological means to the metaphysical “exhaustion” characteristic of nirvāṇa, wherein all views are and must be abandoned as so many subtle affirmations of an only ever empty self.
‘Logical, Buddhological, Buddhist: A Critical Study of the Tetralemma’,
Stepien, Rafal K.,
Buddhism Between Religion and Philosophy: Nāgārjuna and the Ethics of Emptiness (New York , 2024; online edn, Oxford Academic, 30 Apr. 2024), https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197771303.003.0003, accessed 26 May 2024.
Chapter 2 focuses on the tetralemma or catuṣkoṭi. This fourfold form of discourse typically negates a given position, its contrary, both, and neither, as when, for example, Nāgārjuna states at the very outset of his masterwork that “Not from itself nor from another / Not from both nor without cause // Does any entity whatsoever / Anywhere arise.” The logicalizing approach predominant in contemporary scholarship on the tetralemma is motivated by a desire to demonstrate that, contrary to appearances, Nāgārjuna cannot possibly be serious in denying all four positions. This chapter articulates and dismantles three major iterations of this approach, which are called the Mereological, Modal, and Qualitative Interpretations. An alternative reading is then proposed that is not only just as methodologically legitimate but also better equipped for the hermeneutical endeavor of describing Nāgārjuna’s religiosophical project taken in its entirety.
‘Nāgārjuna’s Tetralemma: Tetrāletheia and Tathāgata, Utterance and Anontology’,
Stepien, Rafal K.,
Buddhism Between Religion and Philosophy: Nāgārjuna and the Ethics of Emptiness (New York , 2024; online edn, Oxford Academic, 30 Apr. 2024), https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197771303.003.0004, accessed 26 May 2024.
Chapter 3 turns from the critique of currently prevalent interpretive strategies to the construction of an alternative method. In contradistinction to analyses aimed at demonstrating the logicality of the tetralemma, an interpretation is proposed along what are called paralogical lines. An argument is made for the inadequacy of the dialetheic reading currently preferred, and therefore a new term is proposed—“tetrāletheia”—designed to better represent the four-folded nature of the tetralemma. Subsequent sections of the chapter are devoted to explication of this neologism, together with a reading of the tetralemma as embodied in the archetypal Buddhist figure of the Tathāgata. In the final section, “utterance” is proposed as an alternative descriptor for the totality of the tetralemma, one that is better suited to the paralogical and “anontological” tetralemma than are terms in standard use insofar as it dispenses with their substantialist value(s).
The Fifth Corner of Four: Catuskoti in Buddhist Logic
Key Terms
Logic
Classical Logic
Non Classical Logic
Many Valued Logic
Multi Valued Logic
Three Valued Logic
Four Valued Logic
Catuskoti
Buddhist Logic
Lukasiewicz Logic
Kleene Logic
Intuitionistic Logic
Five Valued Logic
Researchers
Graham Priest
Kreutz, Adrian
Kapsner, Andreas
Jan Westerhoff
Hans Rudolf Kantor
Gunaratne, R. D.
The Fifth Corner of Four: An Essay on Buddhist Metaphysics and the Catuṣkoṭi
Source: The Fifth Corner of Four: An Essay on Buddhist Metaphysics and the Catuṣkoṭi. By Graham Priest. New York: Oxford University Press, 2018. / Matthew T. Kapstein
Source: The Fifth Corner of Four: An Essay on Buddhist Metaphysics and the Catuṣkoṭi. By Graham Priest. New York: Oxford University Press, 2018. / Matthew T. Kapstein
Source: The Fifth Corner of Four: An Essay on Buddhist Metaphysics and the Catuṣkoṭi. By Graham Priest. New York: Oxford University Press, 2018. / Matthew T. Kapstein
Source: The Fifth Corner of Four: An Essay on Buddhist Metaphysics and the Catuṣkoṭi. By Graham Priest. New York: Oxford University Press, 2018. / Matthew T. Kapstein
Source: The Fifth Corner of Four: An Essay on Buddhist Metaphysics and the Catuṣkoṭi. By Graham Priest. New York: Oxford University Press, 2018. / Matthew T. Kapstein
Source: The Fifth Corner of Four: An Essay on Buddhist Metaphysics and the Catuṣkoṭi. By Graham Priest. New York: Oxford University Press, 2018. / Matthew T. Kapstein
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Hermann Weyl and L.E.J. Brouwer: Intuitive Continuum and Choice Sequences
Charles Sanders Peirce’s Visual Logic: Diagrams and Existential Graphs
The recent literature on Nāgārjuna’s catuṣkoṭi centres around Jay Garfield’s and Graham Priest’s interpretation. It is an open discussion to what extent their interpretation is an adequate model of the logic for the catuskoti, and the Mūla-madhyamaka-kārikā. Priest and Garfield try to make sense of the contradictions within the catuskoti by appeal to a series of lattices – orderings of truth-values, supposed to model the path to enlightenment. They use Anderson & Belnaps’s framework of First Degree Entailment. Cotnoir has argued that the lattices of Priest and Garfield cannot ground the logic of the catuskoti. The concern is simple: on the one hand, FDE brings with it the failure of classical principles such as modus ponens. On the other hand, we frequently encounter Nāgārjuna using classical principles in other arguments in the MMK. There is a problem of validity. If FDE is Nāgārjuna’s logic of choice, he is facing what is commonly called the classical recapture problem: how to make sense of cases where classical principles like modus pones are valid? One cannot just add principles like modus pones as assumptions, because in the background paraconsistent logic this does not rule out their negations. In this essay, I shall explore and critically evaluate Cotnoir’s proposal. In detail, I shall reveal that his framework suffers collapse of the kotis. Taking Cotnoir’s concerns seriously, I shall suggest a formulation of the catuskoti in classical Boolean Algebra, extended by the notion of an external negation as an illocutionary act. I will focus on purely formal considerations, leaving doctrinal matters to the scholarly discourse – as far as this is possible.
On the relationship of Advaita Vedānta and Mādhyamika Buddhism
Paradox and Negation in the Upanishads, Buddhism and the Advaita Vedanta of Sankaracarya (India)
Thompson, Heather. California Institute of Integral Studies
ProQuest Dissertations Publishing, 1982. 8400050.
This dissertation explores the uses of Paradox and Negation–in contrast and comparison–through the Upanishads and Buddhism to the Advaita Vedanta of Sankara. Paradox and Negation employed are not of ordinary parlance but are philosophic and dialectic tools indicating a state beyond the world of appearances–the Supreme.The Upanishads indicate the Supreme state by positing the Transcendent Atman–The Transcendent Subjectivity–and the Transcendent Brahman–the Transcendent Existentiality. In both aspects, the Supreme is seen as the antecedent state to the nest of appearances: Its existence supports all phenomena. By juxtaposing two apparently incongruous statements–thus producing a Paradox–the Upanishadic seers pushed the mind beyond its normal boundaries into a meditative insight. Similarly, through Negation, the seers denied the self-sustaining validity of phenomena.The Buddha, in contrast, forwarded a pragmatic’ philosophy, refusing to speculate about the existence or nature of the Supreme. Rather, he examined the conditions of daily life, their cause, their cessation and the route to their cessation. Passing through the nominalist teachers of the Hinayana school to the Mahayana school, a growing use of Paradox and Negation is seen and culminates in the dialectics of Nagarjuna. Nagarjuna pushed Paradox and Negation to extremes in his Catuskoti, four-fold argument, which revealed the logical inadequacies of all concepts. They have only causal or relational validity within the boundaries of the intellect. Outside that boundary, they have no self-nature or existence.Sankara, in his Advaita Vedanta, rising to another level on the spiral of Indian philosophy, takes from the teachings of the previous two traditions and elaborates and develops both. He recognizes that the phenomenal world has reality–but a temporary one. It exists only so long as the mind is held in sway by illusion and ignorance. Once the mind has been restored to its true state–which is a meditatively disciplined one–the phenomenal world is seen as having relative existence only and as totally dependent on the Supreme Brahman.The uses of Paradox and Negation by the three schools will be examined as contrasts and complements to each other.
“Who Understands the Four Alternatives of the Buddhist Texts?”
This thesis is the attempt to find a logical model for, and trace the history of, the catuṣkoṭi as it developed in the Indo-Tibetan milieu and spread, via China, to Japan. After an introduction to the history and key-concepts of Buddhist philosophy, I will finish the first chapter with some methodological considerations about the general viability of comparative philosophy. Chapter §2 is devoted to a logical analysis of the catuṣkoṭi. Several attempts to model this fascinating piece of Buddhist philosophy with the tools of classical logic shall be debunked. A paraconsistent alternative will be discussed but eventually dismissed. As a rejoinder, I shall propose a model for the catuṣkoṭi with the help of speech-acts. The remainder of this chapter will look at Chinese and Japanese forms of the catuṣkoṭi which I shall model in a quasi-recursive system. The third and final chapter will look at the Kyoto School’s soku-hi dialectics which ties together the different threads of this essay. I will criticise an established, classical model of the soku-hi dialectics and offer an alternative with a second-order paraconsistent semantics.
An essential principal to Buddhism is non-dualism. However, the Catuskoti is clearly a system still immersed in dualism. This sort of dualism is more like that of the dual in Tao. Taken by themselves, the two relative states contain within themselves the nature of the absolutes. The only thing which differentiates are the notions both, neither. It is much like the yin and yang symbol. However, more accurately as we go on we see a fractal emerge. Hence, the ultimate truth, one in which we seem to conceptually call the more subtle truth is an illusion. The infinite recursion of this extension hints at an ultimate truth arising at ¥. The conception which takes within it this very fractal nature is truly enlightened. A truth which is free from dualism is either entirely immersed within dualism, or it lacks the distinction of truth all together. The use of the Catuskoti serves the purpose to hint ultimately at a non-truth. Speaking in terms of tautologies and ineffables, we will see the Catuskoti is a conceptual elaboration of traditional dualism, absolute true and false. While this itself is a conceptual elaboration of the union of true and false, Sunyata or 0. Sunyata is a conceptual elaboration of itself, which of course cannot be explained conceptually because then it emerges from non-conceptual Sunyata to conceptual Sunyata of 0. We can hint at it by saying, as a truth space, the non-conceptual Sunyata be U, then the set of ineffables of U and tautologies of U forms the conceptual elaboration of U. It should be clear that careful attention to our use of V4, the Klein 4 group, will be sufficient to realize a conceptual grasp of the non-conceptual Sunyata. See http://jcer.com/index.php/jcj/article/view/420
We have not finished with the Neoplatonist tradition yet, but before we continue with it, let us look at Eastern Philosophy, starting in India. Since very early times, the Law of Non-Contradiction has been orthodox in the West. This is not at all the case in India. The standard view, going back to before the Buddha (a rough contemporary of Aristotle) was that on any claim of substance there are four possibilities: that the view is true (and true only), that it is false (and false only), that it is neither true nor false, and that it is both true and false. This is called the catuskoti (four corners), or tetralemma.48Hence, the possibility of a contradiction was explicitly acknowledged. The difference between this view and the orthodox Western view is the same as that between the semantics of classical logic and the four-valued semantics for the relevant logic of First Degree Entailment (as we shall see). In classical logic, sentences have exactly one of the truth values T (true) and F (false). In First Degree Entailment they may have any combination of these values, including both and neither. Just to add complexity to the picture, some Buddhist philosopers argued that, for some issues, all or none of these four possibilities might hold. Thus, the major 2nd century Mahayana Buddhist philosopher Nāgārjuna is sometimes interpreted in one or other of these ways. Arguments of this kind, just to confuse matters, are also sometimes called catuskoti. Interpreting Nāgārjuna is a very difficult task, but it is possible to interpret him, as some commentators did, as claiming that these matters are simply ineffable.49
The Law of Non-Contradiction has certainly had its defenders in the East, though. It was endorsed, for example, by logicians in the Nyaayaa tradition. This influenced Buddhist philosophers, such as Darmakārti, and, via him, some Buddhist schools, such as the Tibetan Gelug-pa. Even in Tibet, though, many Buddhist schools, such as the Nyngma-pa, rejected the law, at least for ultimate truths.
Turning to Chinese philosophy, and specifically Taoism, one certainly finds utterances that look as though they violate the Law of Non-Contradiction. For example, in the Chuang Tzu (the second most important part of the Taoist canon), we find:50
That which makes things has no boundaries with things, but for things to have boundaries is what we mean by saying ‘the boundaries between things’. The boundaryless boundary is the boundary without a boundary.
A cause of these contradictions is not unlike that in Neoplatonism. In Taoism, there is an ultimate reality, Tao, which is the source and generator of everything else. As the Tao Te Ching puts it:51
The Tao gives birth to the One.
The One gives birth to the two.
The Two give birth to the three —
The Three give birth to every living thing.
It follows, as in the Western tradition, that there is nothing that can be said about it. As the Tao Te Ching puts it (ch. 1):
The Tao that can be talked about is not the true Tao.
The name that can be named is not the eternal name.
Everything in the universe comes out of Nothing.
Nothing — the nameless — is the beginning…
Yet in explaining this situation, we are forced to say things about it, as the above quotations demonstrate.
Chan (Zen) is a fusion of Mahayana Buddhism and Taoism. As might therefore be expected, the dialetheic aspects of the two metaphysics reinforce each other. Above all, then, Zen is a metaphysics where we find the writings of its exponents full of apparent contradictions. Thus, for example, the great Zen master Dōgen says:52
This having been confirmed as the Great Teacher’s saying, we should study immobile sitting and transmit it correctly: herein lies a thorough investigation of immobile sitting handed down in the Buddha-way. Although thoughts on the immobile state of sitting are not limited to a single person, Yüeh-shan’s saying is the very best. Namely: ‘thinking is not thinking’.
or:53
An ancient buddha said, ‘Mountains are mountains, waters are waters.’ These words do not mean that mountains are mountains; they mean that mountains are mountains. Therefore investigate mountains thoroughly…
Now interpreting all this, especially the Chinese and Japanese writings, is a hard and contentious matter. The writings are often epigrammatic and poetical. Certainly, the writings contain assertions of contradictions, but are we meant to take them literally? It might be thought not. One suggestion is that the contradictions are uttered for their perlocutionary effect: to shock the hearer into some reaction. Certainly, this sort of thing plays a role in Zen, but not in Mahayana Buddhism or Taoism. And even in Zen, contradictions occur in even the theoretical writings.
More plausibly, it may be suggested that the contradictions in question have to be interpreted in some non-literal way. For example, though ultimate reality is literally indescribable, what is said about it gives some metaphorical description of its nature. This won’t really work either, though. For the very reason that ultimate reality is indescribable is precisely because it is that which brings all beings into being; it can therefore be no being (and so to say anything about it is contradictory). At least this much of what is said about the Tao must be taken literally, or the whole picture falls apart.54
The Fifth Corner of Four: An Essay on Buddhist Metaphysics and the Catuṣkoṭi
Graham Priest, The Fifth Corner of Four: An Essay on Buddhist Metaphysics and the Catuṣkoṭi, Oxford University Press, 2018, 172pp., ISBN 9780198758716.
Reviewed by Mark Siderits, Seoul National University (Emeritus) 2019.05.18
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Mauricio Osorio1 and Claudia Zepeda2 1 Universidad de las Am ́ericas-Puebla, 2 Benem ́erita Universidad Ato ́noma de Puebla {osoriomauri,czepedac}@gmail.com
Many-valued logics are those logics that have more than the two classical truth values, to wit, true and false; in fact, they can have from three to infinitely many truth values. This property, together with truth-functionality, provides a powerful formalism to reason in settings where classical logic—as well as other non-classical logics—is of no avail. Indeed, originally motivated by philosophical concerns, these logics soon proved relevant for a plethora of applications ranging from switching theory to cognitive modeling, and they are today in more demand than ever, due to the realization that inconsistency and vagueness in knowledge bases and information processes are not only inevitable and acceptable, but also perhaps welcome. The main modern applications of (any) logic are to be found in the digital computer, and we thus require the practical knowledge how to computerize—which also means automate—decisions (i.e. reasoning) in many-valued logics. This, in turn, necessitates a mathematical foundation for these logics. This book provides both these mathematical foundation and practical knowledge in a rigorous, yet accessible, text, while at the same time situating these logics in the context of the satisfiability problem (SAT) and automated deduction. The main text is complemented with a large selection of exercises, a plus for the reader wishing to not only learn about, but also do something with, many-valued logics.
“Many-valued logic and its philosophy.”
Malinowski, Grzegorz.
In The Many Valued and Nonmonotonic Turn in Logic (2007).
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Suleimenov, I.E., Vitulyova, Y.S., Kabdushev, S.B. et al.
In the West, the general tendency of philosophers has been to understand things as being either real or unreal and to view propositions as either true or false. It is assumed that that which is real or true is opposite and exclusive of that which is unreal or untrue and that there can be no mediating ground. Only rarely does one find a philosopher who attempts to qualify truth and reality, that is, to hold that one thing might be, to some degree, more or less real than another, or to hold that one proposition could be more true than a second, while remaining less true than a third. On the contrary, philosophy in the West has generally been a quest to determine more clearly what is real and true and to contrast it more sharply with what is held to be unreal and untrue.
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Author G.M.C. Sprung Edition illustrated Publisher Springer Science & Business Media, 2012 ISBN 9401025827, 9789401025829 Length 132 pages
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The Deconstructionist Interpretation of Nagarjuna’s Catuskoti∗
Shi, Ruyuan (Chien-Yuan Hsu) PhD candidate, the Dep. of Religious Studies, the University of Calgary, Canada Sessional instructor, Mount Royal University, Canada
Review by: Douglas Dunsmore Daye Philosophy East and West Vol. 23, No. 4 (Oct., 1973), pp. 525-535 (11 pages) Published By: University of Hawai’i Press
What Can’t be Said: Paradox and Contradiction in East Asian Thought
Authors Yasuo Deguchi, Jay L. Garfield, Graham Priest, Robert H. Sharf Publisher Oxford University Press, 2021 ISBN 0197526209, 9780197526200 Length 256 pages
The anthology Alternative Standpoints: A Tribute to Kalidas Bhattacharyya is a tribute to Prof. Kalidas Bhattacharyya, the eminent thinker of twentieth-century India, on his birth centenary by his students. A distinguished philosopher and an academician, Prof. Bhattacharyya presented philosophy in an original way with scientific spirit. He was essentially a metaphysician and his metaphysics was deeply rooted in the traditions of Advaita Vedanta and Shaivism. His ultimate concern was to present a theory of freedom and a theory of the possibility of realizing that freedom. In this collection eminent scholars have written on different aspects of his philosophy. This anthology is divided into four parts – the first one concentrating on his metaphysics, the second part dealing with his views on freedom, the third one with education and science and the fourth one is a reminiscence of his student and his family members. In short this anthology tries to present a picture of Kalidas Bhattacharyya as a philosopher and also as a man within the two covers. This volume is expected to familiarize students and present-day philosophers the persona of Prof. Bhattacharyya and his philosophical positioning and pedagogical skillset.
Kalidas Bhattacharya’s Notion of Swing in Standpoints
Jigmey Dorje Lama Research Scholar, Department of Philosophy & Comparative Religion, Visva- Bharati, Santiniketan
Freedom, Transcendence, and Identity: Essays in Memory of Professor Kalidas Bhattacharyya
Editor Pradip Kumar Sengupta Contributors Kalidas Bhattacharya, Indian Council of Philosophical Research Publisher Motilal Banarsidass Publishe, 1988 ISBN 8120805283, 9788120805286
Three Absolutes and Four Types of Negation Integrating Krishnachandra Bhattacharyya’s Insights?
By Stephen Kaplan Book The Making of Contemporary Indian Philosophy Edition 1st Edition First Published 2023 Imprint Routledge Pages 14 eBook ISBN 9781003153320
Study on Four Logical Alternatives (catuṣkoṭi and catuṣkoṭi-vinirmukta) in Indian Mādhyamika School
Publication Category Philosophers of Modern India Publication Author Kalidas Bhattacharyya Publication Language English Publisher Name Das Gupta & Co.Ltd. Publication Place Calcutta No. of Pages 167
This book by Kalidas Bhattacharyya considers the relation between Consciousness and it’s Object. Once we ask the question “Is there anything intermediate between consciousness and object?”, we come up with the answer “Content”. Now, what is this Content and is there such an intermediate thing between Consciousness and Object? This is a question that needs to be answered. This book explores the relationship between Objectsand Consciousnessvia the idea of Content. The book is divided into two chapters. This first chapter is on “Object and Content”. The second is on “Relation”. The first chapter deals with:
Analysis of Thought and Memory
Analysis of Perception: Idealism and Realism
Analysis of Perception – Illusion as to Judgment
Some Theories of Illusion Examined
Content and Object as Alternatives
Criterion of Reality
Real and Non-Real Appearances
The second chapter deals with
The Notion of Relation
Classification of Relations
The So-called Puzzles of Relation
Relation – Is it Subjective, Objective or Dialectical?
External and Internal Relation
Some Theories of Relation
Self, knowledge, and freedom: essays for Kalidas Bhattacharyya.
Bhattacharya, Kalidas ; Mohanty, Jitendranath & Banerjee, S. P. (eds.) (1978).
Kolkata: World Press.
THE VISVA-BHARATI JOURNAL OF PHILOSOPHY
Kalidas Bhattacharyya Memorial Number
Bulletin of The Department of Philosophy & Religion
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White Horse Temple, Luoyang, Henan
Buddha Statues in Maiji Caves, Tianshui
Eastern Han Dynasty – Eastern Jin Dynasty (317 – 420): Buddhism was introduced to China during this period. The early Chinese Buddhist temples followed Indian style, which set the stupa as its center. They once had a traditional Chinese name – Ci (ancestral temple) and the number was very limited. 
Mahavihara_©https://www.insightsonindia.com/indian-heritage-culture/architecture/buddhist-architecture/
Stupas_©https://www.insightsonindia.com/indian-heritage-culture/architecture/buddhist-architecture/
Amaravati stupa_©https://www.insightsonindia.com/indian-heritage-culture/architecture/buddhist-architecture/
Sirpur in Chhattisgarh_©https://www.insightsonindia.com/indian-heritage-culture/architecture/buddhist-architecture/
Chaityas_©https://www.insightsonindia.com/indian-heritage-culture/architecture/buddhist-architecture/
@法门寺 (famensi.com)
@牛首山风景区 (niushoushan.net)
Baizhang
Viewpoints which Matter 
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